Y12 Ancient History Roman/Julio-Claudian Points Test 9 - Caligula/Gaius Flashcards

1
Q

What were Suetonius’ views on Caligula? (any relevant point for 3 marks).

A
  • The most striking observation is arguably by Suetonius (Gaius, 22) when he says “So much for Gaius the Emperor; the rest of this history must needs deal with Gaius the Monster.”
  • This exemplifies Suetonius’ desire to divide imperial reigns into good and bad parts, but is also very appropriate.
  • Although Gaius’ reign was brief, it is certainly easily divisible in two.
  • Other sources echo Suetonius in separating an initially promising period (prior to illness October/November 37) from subsequent tyrannical cruelty and megalomania.
  • There was much potential in the opening months of Gaius’ reign, as he consciously sought to distance himself and his policies from the unpopular Tiberius.
  • Although he had no political or military experience, Gaius was savvy enough to grasp that he should make overtures to the Roman people.
  • Suetonius (Gaius, 13-14; 18-20) calls it a ‘dream come true’.
  • Suetonius delights in the vagaries and perceived tyrannies of Gaius’ reign.
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2
Q

What were Cassius Dio’ views on Caligula? (any relevant point for 3 marks).

A

• Only source, though bits missing, to treat Caligula’s reign in annalistic form.
• Dio is far harsher and more begrudging to Caligula than Suetonius!
• He said that Gaius strengthened his popularity by every possible means, in particular by
1. Holding a series of games.
2. Recalling all exiles and dismissing criminal charges that were pending from under Tiberius, and
3. Making a public statement of reunifying the imperial household not only through his adoption of Tiberius Gemellus, but also by honouring his grandmother with the title of Augusta (Dio, Roman History, 59.3.4).
• He even sailed in person to Pandataria and the Pontian Islands to bring the remains of his mother and brother back to the Mausoleum of Augustus (59.3.5).
• Dio arguably gives us the most carefully considered account, but he too is struck by the divided nature of Gaius’ personality and frequently gives examples.
• Moreover, the illness that prompts Gaius’ madness was perhaps merely a convenient and easy way of explaining how an emperor who promised so much at the outset could so completely fail to deliver.
• A retrospective history from a senatorial perspective, some of Dio’s sections only survive in the summaries provided by Xiphilinus.

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3
Q

What numismatic/coinage evidence do we have on Caligula? (any relevant point for 2 marks).

A
  • Fig 1.17, a denarius from AD37, had the head of Gaius on one side, emphasising his position as pontifex Maximus and tribunician power, and on the other side Germanicus’ head (J7n Lactor 19).
  • It clearly links Gaius and Germanicus, and was designed to transfer some of the military glory to Gaius, to secure the loyalty of the troops.
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4
Q

What were Seneca’s views on Caligula? (any relevant point for 2 marks).

A
  • Seneca, On Consolation to Polybius 17.3-5 and Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 19.1-2, 19.4-11, pass over such details quickly, using them as little more than evidence to show how far and how quickly Gaius descended into maniacal tyranny.
  • Seneca damns Gaius’ character and rule, possibly to ingratiate Seneca with Claudius through contrast (Seneca being in exile).
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5
Q

What were Josephus’s views on Caligula? (any relevant point for 2 marks).

A
  • Josephus used at least one contemporary source as a resource.
  • BUT as both a Jewish historian and a court historian to the Flavian Dynasty, which took power from the Julio-Claudians, Josephus is perhaps doubly likely to be critical of Gaius.
  • Influenced by a fellow Jewish account Philo, a native of Alexandria, led the Jewish delegation to Rome in AD39/40.
  • Josephus left his two greek-language works of the period, preoccupied with Jewish problems, and he makes no attempt to conceal his hostility towards Caligula and the Alexandrian Greeks.
  • Josephus, though morally earnest, has a hopelessly confused and mistake-ridden account.
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6
Q

What popular measures did Caligula take with regards to the coinage, to please the plebs? (any relevant point for 3 marks).

A
  • Given the brevity of his reign, and his subsequent unpopularity, it is perhaps unsurprising that Gaius left little impact upon Rome from an administrative perspective. Yet, at times, he showed a real understanding of the demands placed on an emperor, especially with regards to placating the masses.
  • The Quadrans (the lowest denomination/value of a coin) of 39AD (after Gaius’ supposed madness) commemorates Gaius’ removal of the 0.5% auction tax.
  • This is clearly designed to generate good will, although suggesting that it is a freedom from slavery (using the pileus, a cap worn by slaves) is a great exaggeration.
  • Using a low-value quadrans shows that this was a decidedly populist design.
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7
Q

Why did Caligula quickly lose popularity as a result of his fiscal policy and spending? (any relevant point for 3 marks).

A
  • However, this popularity wouldn’t last. When Gaius had burned through all of his money left by Tiberius’ surplus, according to Dio (59.2.6) he squandered 575 million denarii in under a year – he introduced a new and more severe taxation measures (Dio, 59.28.11), which resulted in Plebs storming the Circus Maximus.
  • Pliny the Elder (natural History, 36.122-3) notes that Gaius began work on various aqueducts, including the Anio Novus, that were later completed by Claudius.
  • Since Pliny praises practical building programmes and condemns private projects, his attribution of such works to Gaius is interesting, and at odds with the majority of our sources: we know of bridge of boats at Baiae (Suetonius, Gaius 19) and pleasure barges on Lake Nemi.
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8
Q

What measures of Caligula (mentioned by Suetonius and Dio) show his good governance as emperor? (any relevant point for 3 marks).

A

• Suetonius notes that Gaius…
1. Lifted the censorship on various Augustan orators and historians.
2. Published imperial budgets.
3. Gave magistrates full authority over court cases.
4. Revised the list of equites.
5. Created a fifth judicial division to spread the workload more evenly, and
6. Reorganised the rulership of several buffer regions.
• These are the actions not of a tyrant or madman, but of a good emperor.
• Likewise Dio (59.4-7) records commendable acts, particularly revisions to/expansion of the equestrian class.

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9
Q

What measures of Caligula (mentioned by Dio) show his good relations with the plebeians, that might have alienated the senate? (any relevant point for 3 marks).

A
  • Dio is far less understanding on policies that seem to return political power to the people, such as the undoing of Tiberius’ AD14 measures that made the popular assemblies unable to do anything other than ratify senatorial recommendations for magistracies.
  • Dio says that this ‘distressed sensible people’ (59.9.7) revealing his own highly conservative and senatorial perspective.
  • Perhaps the ‘madness’ label betrays the inability of our sources to understand the logic of some of Gaius’ decisions, which were clearly designed to speak towards specific elements of the Roman Population.
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10
Q

What measures did Caligula take with regards to the treason trials? (any relevant point for 3 marks).

A
  • Of all of the measures undertaken by Caligula at the beginning of his reign, his most popular was a decision to abolish the charges of Maiestas, the primary cause of fear and resentment under Tiberius.
  • Gaius made a public showing of burning in the forum all the papers and letters relating to the cases of his mother and brother, swearing that he had never read or touched any of them. (precedence of Augustus after Actium).
  • Barrett argues that, under Macro’s guiding hand, he was seeking to reassure those wary of him, and trying to disarm those who might have had loyalty to Gemellus.
  • He also permitted formerly proscribed writings to be copied and circulated (Titus Labienus, Cassius Serverus and Cremutius Cordus), though they had not attacked him and so therefore this supposed liberality may not have been so much noble as trying to emphasise distance between himself and Tiberius.
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11
Q

What measures did Caligula take with regards to his succession initially, and why were these very suspect? (1 mark).

A

• Supposedly making Gemellus his heir, Barrett agrees with Philo, was arguably a cynical ploy. He was young, with plenty of time to dictate the succession at his leisure.
Gemellus later died under Caligula’s reign, believed to have been murdered by him.

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12
Q

What measures did Caligula take with regards to foreign policy/the frontiers other than in the East? (any relevant point for 3 marks).

A
  • On the Rhine, Gaius went to the frontier himself, since he needed the support of the army. He used the pretext that he wished to strengthen the frontiers, but in fact he was concerned that one of the Rhine Commanders, Aemilius Lepidus, was in league with two of Gaius’ sisters in a conspiracy.
  • Suplicius Galba, a future Roman emperor, was given command of the upper Rhine. Gaius’ objectives in Germany were unclear.
  • Whether Gaius seriously considered invading Britain or not, his army refused to make the crossing; he announced its annexation even though no military action had been taken (Suetonius, 43-48).
  • In Africa Gaius deposed Ptolemy the client-king of Mauretania and ordered him to commit suicide in preparation for its annexation, but its people resisted.
  • The senatorial governor in Africa was reduced to the status of a civil authority, and handed over his troops to an imperial legate.
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13
Q

What measures did Caligula take with regards to foreign policy/the frontiers in the East? (any relevant point for 5 marks).

A
  • Gaius reversed Augustus’ policy – particularly with regards to Parthia – and rewarded friends with client-kingdoms, hoping to bind them to him personally. He was autocratic, provocative and erratic in his foreign policy, and his treatment of the Jews in particular ‘revealed the havoc that an irresponsible ruler might create.’ (Syme).
  • In the east, Gaius restored some friendly kings and princes to their former thrones and found kingdoms for others he favoured.
  • He restored Commagene to Antiochus, provided kingdoms for the three sons of a Thracian Prince since they had been raised in Rome with him, and gave to his friend Herod Agrippa the territories belonging to his uncles. This created major disorders in that part of the world.
  • Gaius was anti-Semitic and his policy towards the Jews was to lead to future discontent.
  • The Greeks and the Jews in the Egyptian city of Alexandria were hostile towards each other – the Greeks were angry that the Romans had granted the Jews a large degree of autonomy.
  • They not only refused them local citizenship, but sent a deputation to Gaius demanding that the Jews be forced to display statues of the Emperor in the synagogues in Alexandria but also in Jerusalem.
  • Gaius supported this request, but fortunately died before it could be carried out.
  • Gaius weakened Rome’s position in the east by reversing Augustus’ policy of strengthening the frontiers against Parthia.
  • By removing the King of Armenia from his throne, Gaius gave Parthia an opportunity to regain influence in Armenia.
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14
Q

What were Gaius’s attitudes/policies towards religion in general? (any relevant point for 5 marks).

A
  • In the east, Caligula was worshipped as a god from the outset.
  • A greek embassy sent to him referred to him as ‘the new god augustus’ while a decree of cyzicus refers to him as ‘the new sun’.
  • These are completely within the tradition of the Greek East.
  • Barrett here argues that Caligula was persuaded to abandon his plan to force Jews to set up his image in their temples, rather than being killed before it could be carried out.
  • Miletus, in Asia, had a cult centre of Caligula. Dio claims he sought to take over the temple of Apollo in the city.
  • Caligula’s religious policy in Rome/Italy was arguably very conservative.
  • Held office of Pontifex Maximus from the outset of his reign.
  • Gaius actually resurrected several old cults, such as the priest of Diana, and the reorganisation of the Salii, the priests of mars.
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15
Q

What evidence is there that Gaius’s attitudes/policies towards the imperial cult in particular were positive? (any relevant point for 5 marks).

A
  • In his insistence on being treated as a god, he went to great lengths to see that his directions were carried out.
  • He replaced the heads on many famous Greek statues with his own likeness; converted the shrine of the ‘heavenly twins’ Castor and Pollux, into the vestibule of his newly established palace, and would be seen standing beside the gods; established a priesthood to supervise the worship of himself, and connected his palace to the capitol by a bridge over the temple of Augustus in order to share the home of the Capitoline Jupiter.
  • The aspect of Gaius’ reign given the most attention in the sources is his attitude towards the imperial cult. Indeed, his opinion of his own divinity becomes the defining characteristic of his own reign, again in complete contrast to his predecessor (Dio 59.26.5-27.1; 59.28.1-11). This was perhaps a result of his desire to be seen as different from Tiberius, who as Tacitus states, spurned worship of himself.
  • It was also perhaps a natural extension of the flattery Gaius received from all quarters on his accession.
  • But other explanations must be considered, including the fact that it was a useful substitute to pre-existing power for a princeps who had no background in politics or the military, and therefore needed another way to acquire Augustan Auctoritas.
  • But while Augustus had established a double system where it was legitimate for a living emperor to be worshipped in the provinces, as a means of control and Romanisation, but not in Rome other than through the worship of Augustus’ genius (guiding spirit) as the bringer of peace and stability, Gaius’ reign is characterised by a drive to do away with this duality.
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16
Q

What evidence is there that Gaius’s attitudes/policies towards the imperial cult in particular were negative, or that he was not trying to portray himself as fully divine? (any relevant point for 5 marks).

A
  • Yet this supposed attempt to make himself a god was not immediate, since Dio (59.4.4) notes that at the start of his reign, Gaius forbade the setting up of any images of him, and once refused to sanction a vote that sacrifices be conducted to his fortune (this reminds us that Roman state imperial cult policy was frequently formed by the co-operative efforts of all Rome’s governing bodies, rather than the princeps himself).
  • Our sources suggest that Gaius made numerous attempts to promote his own divinity, though with such bias it is difficult to know the truth.
  • He was ‘certainly interested in doing only the impossible’ (Suetonius, Gaius 37), with his entire lifestyle being one of excess and indulgence. Likewise Dio (59.26.8) states ‘in every respect he wanted to appear more than just a human being and an emperor’. But the terms ‘impossible’ and ‘like an emperor’ are revealing here, being characteristically Roman in their perspective, whereas for an eastern monarch, such behaviour would be quite commonplace.
  • Gaius’ behaviour is explicable if we conjecture that he was trying to convert the Principate into more of an absolute monarchy, smashing the republican façade that Augustus had created and that Tiberius had preserved. Thus his promotion of the imperial cult brings it more in line with Egyptian Pharaonic worship or that of Near-Eastern god-kings.
  • Nor was there much actual contemporary condemnation of his behaviour. Dio (59.28.2) tells us that the Senate granted a temple for Gaius on the Palatine, although he had to fund it himself. Suetonius (Gaius, 22) informs us that all of the richest citizens tried to gain priesthoods therein.
  • Thus we should observe that although Gaius was dressing up as various deities (Dio 59.26.5-6) and ‘claiming from his subjects honours no longer appropriate for mortal men’ (Josephus, Jewish Antiquities 19.4) he was actually being indulged by both Senate and people.
  • Perhaps it is better to say that the condemnation of Gaius’ divine pretensions is actually due to the individual biases of the sources. The imperial cult is probably where Gaius acquires the most contempt, as it manifestly communicated the omnipotence of the emperor, transforming the role from civilis princeps (citizen commander) to overt monarch.
17
Q

What were Gaius’s attitudes towards/relations with the Senate at the start of his reign? (any relevant point for 3 marks).

A
  • The senate had grown increasingly servile and dependent on Tiberius, but during the reign of Gaius it was treated with absolute contempt.
  • For a brief period after his accession, Gaius wisely attempted to conciliate the senatorial nobility; this was apparently on the advice of his grandmother Antonia (though Barrett says this was due to Macro).
  • He put an end to the treason trials and delatores, honoured his uncle Claudius by choosing him as his colleague in the consulship, and recalled those senators exiled under Tiberius.
  • Both Dio (59.3.1-2) and Suetonius (14.1) record the speed and ease with which the Senate imparted all of the imperial titles and powers onto Gaius.
  • Indeed Gaius’ accession set the precedent for those that followed.
  • Yet his was even more remarkable since at the time of his accession, he held no official position and had to be gifted with both imperium proconsulare maius and triibunicia potestas.
  • This pandering by the senate at the outset of his reign never lessened.
  • Dio recounts a speech by Gaius in 39 (59.16.1-11) in which Tiberius advises him to ‘shown neither affection nor mercy’ and ‘take thought only for [his] own pleasure and safety.’ This led to the reintroduction of the Maiestas trials.
18
Q

What were Gaius’s attitudes towards/relations with the Senate throughout the majority of his short reign, according to the primary sources? (any relevant point for 5 marks).

A

• However, sometime in 37 he suffered a serious illness and when he recovered, according to Suetonius, he was replaced by Gaius the monster.
• His attitude towards the Senate changes drastically and he moved more and more towards despotism, ‘doing away with the pretence that he was merely a chief executive of the republic’ (Gaius, 22).
• In fact, he insisted on being treated as a God, basing his belief on the divine right of the Julian family.
• He made no effort to hide his contempt for the Senate and dispensed with its services generally as well as publically humiliating individual senators. Suetonius maintains that…
“made some of the highest officials run for miles besides his chariot, dressed in their gowns; or wait in short linen tunics at the head or the foot of his dining couch.” (Gaius, 26).
• He deposed two consuls who forgot to announce his birthday and he had a sick ex-praetor executed because he asked for an extension of sick leave.
• The members of the senate were abused for having been friends of Sejanus or as informers against his mother and brothers.
• He held the consulship every year except 38; renewed the laws of treason, and encouraged delatores to use condemnations to confiscate the property of wealthy senators, ended the senate’s right to mint coinage in Rome, handed back to the people the election of magistrates and executed any senator who offered him advice.
• The Senate could have reacted more forcibly, but it was cowed by long servitude.
• Senators’ personal prosperity depended on pleasing the princeps, so they ‘reassembled and made many speeches praising Gaius as a most sincere and pious ruler, since they were most grateful to him for not having put them to death.’
• They also approved a small annual sacrifice to commemorate his clemency, a golden image of him on the Capitoline Hill and the celebration of a lesser triumph, as if he had defeated a foreign enemy.
• Perhaps we should not judge the Senate too harshly, given Gaius’ atrocities. But this assumes that our accounts are true. Suetonius (Gaius, 27-33) gives numerous instances of his cruelty, revelling in compiling this catalogue of outrages, but what is decidedly lacking everywhere is evidence of the reliability of his sources.
• Allegations are vague and anecdotal at best, perhaps telling us more about Suetonius’ bias as a source than anything else.
• Yet Suetonius is not alone in his presentation of Gaius as shockingly cruel. Seneca (‘on anger’, 3.19.1-5) provides much the same catalogue, with the observation “there is nothing surprising in all this. Gaius was a mad beast, and such brutalities were his daily bread and butter.”

19
Q

What were Gaius’s attitudes towards/relations with the Equestrian Order? (any relevant point for 2 marks).

A
  • As for the relationship between Gaius and the other non-senatorial classes, our evidence for their relationship with Gaius is similarly anecdotal.
  • Suetonius (Gaius, 30) tells us that the equestrians constantly displeased him, but this does not tally well with the fact that he expanded and revised the order.
  • Both here and in Seneca (On Anger, 3.19.2) we find the infamous remark that Gaius wished ‘all you Romans had only one neck!’
20
Q

What were Gaius’s attitudes towards/relations with the Plebeian Order? (any relevant point for 2 marks).

A
  • As for the relationship between Gaius and the other non-senatorial classes, our evidence for their relationship with Gaius is similarly anecdotal.
  • Josephus (19.24, Jewish Antiquities) does suggest that Gaius would make decisions to please the plebs and to gain popularity, but he goes on to describe his brutal treatment of protesting citizens (19.25-6).
21
Q

Explain why assessing Caligula is so problematic for us, given the nature of the primary material? (any relevant point for 2 marks).

A
  • The major problem for understanding Gaius’ relations with Rome is the limited evidence.
  • The Majority of the sources are upper-class authors who wish to cast Gaius as the mad tyrant.
  • Our most contemporary authors are biased.
  • Josephus had a Jewish anti-Gaius perspective, and as the Flavian historian, needed to condemn Gaius.
  • Seneca’s treatises were largely designed to guide the young Nero in a sensible path of governance.
22
Q

What was the background to, and major causes of, the assassination of Caligula? (any relevant point for 5 marks).

A
  • The main sources for the assassination are Josephus (JA, 19-17-27) , Suetonius (Gaius 56-59) and Dio (59.29.1-30.3).
  • Although Josephus claims there were three different assassination plans (JA 19.17) this does not tally with his own subsequent account, nor with Dio (59.29.1) which makes it look as if Josephus is giving the impression of mass opposition to Gaius.
  • Josephus laces Cassius Chaerea at the head of the conspiracy.
  • Dio included Cornelius Sabinus (another praetorian tribune) Callistus (an imperial freedman) and Marcus Arrecinus Clemens (the PG Prefect).
  • Josephus (JA 19.18) adds Lucius Annius Vinicianus as a senatorial presence.
  • The motives for the assassination may seem obvious, but the sources do not really give us any real explanation.
  • One unanimous observation is that Chaerea was in part motivated by Gaius’ constant insults towards him for effeminancy. Seneca (On firmness of purpose, 18.3) says that was the ultimate trigger for Chaerea.
  • Ultimately, this murder was not born of some grand ideal about the restoration of the republic, as may be seen from the aftermath, nor was it a mass conspiracy of the oppressed.
  • Chaerea and Sabinus seemed to have been motivated at least in part by self-preservation, Callistus by a desire to guarantee his own future and Vinicianus by his own imperial ambitions.
  • They were not idealists, but rather opportunists.
  • Dio and Josephus claim that the final conspiracy was widely known, whereas Tacitus impiled that its secrecy was what allowed it to be successful.
  • Barrett surmises that it could have been a wider group, with sub-groups within it.
  • Caligula was more ruthless in the final 6 months of his life, due to a fear for his position/life. This, in turn, might have made removing him seem more necessary/pressing.
  • Seneca portrays him as scourging senators to death, torturing them with fire and the rack, gagged their mouths with sponges to prevent them crying out, beheaded them, and even executing them in the evening because he was too impatient to wait until the next day.
  • Barrett notes that Callistus paid court to Claudius, that he feared for his position due to his success, that other caught conspirators previously mentioned him as a conspirator (Capito).
  • Suetonius also claims that a prefect of the PG was involved.
  • Although very manly, Chaerea had a weak-high-pitched voice that sounded effeminate, Gaius mocked him by calling him a gynnis (‘lass’).
  • According to Dio, the emperor chose deliberately humiliating watchwords for him (Venus, Priapus) or when Cassius thanked him, he would hold his hand to be kissed, only to wiggle it in obscence gestures right beforehand.
  • Chaerea was also accused of becoming slovenly at his work, e.g. as a tax collector for the imperial treasury.
  • Josephus argues that Vinicianus was partly motivated by his friendship with the executed Lepidus, and partly by the realisation that he himself was a potential target of the emperor’s anger.
  • Asiaticus was also supposedly involved, humiliated by Caligula’s comments of his wife in bed.
23
Q

What were the plans for the assassination of Caligula? (any relevant point for 3 marks).

A
  • It was decided to make their move at the Palatine games.
  • It provided good tactical opportunities for the assassins. A temporary theatre was erected in front of the imperial residence and thousands of spectators would be crowded into a confined space.
  • Hence, if an attempt should be made upon Caligula as he entered or left, his bodyguard would be hampered when it tried to come to his aid.
  • The theatre would also enable a large number of fellow conspirators to congregate in one location.
  • These seem to be more serious considerations than the rumour that Caligula intended to sail to Alexandria after the games, thus making immediate action essential.
24
Q

How did the assassination of Caligula occur? (any relevant points for 5 marks).

A
  • After much procrastination, Gaius’ end came at a festival on the Palatine Hill. Dio (59.29.5) tells us that even the consul at the time was bending over to kiss Gaius’ feet – again reinforcing the idea that the majority still pandered to him.
  • In 41AD, aged 29, he was murdered at the Palatine Games by a tribune of the PG Cassius Chaerea.
  • Caligula entered the temporary theatre on the morning when it was crowded. He as in high spirits and in an affable mood. No special seats were present that day and everything was a jumble of confusion, senators and equites, freedmen and slaves, men and women, all of which seems to have amused him.
  • Caligula was in the habit of leaving the show at midday to bathe and have lunch before returning.
  • The scheme of the conspirators called for him to be attacked in one of the narrow passages that led from the theatre to the palace, where his guard would find it difficult to come to his aid.
  • On the day of the assassination, a problem arose. Caligula showed signs of staying on through lunch hour.
  • Vinicianus, feeling the opportunity might be lost, urged Chaerea to be bold, and got up to tell him so.
  • Gaius tugged his toga in a friendly manner and asked where Vinicianus was going and Vinicianus was obliged to remain in his seat for a while. It was finally Nonius Asprenas who conviced Gaius to leave, and just in time, as Chaerea was on the point of abandoning the original plan and attacking Gaius where he sat.
  • As the imperial party left the theatre his uncle Claudius, brother-in-law Marcus Vinicius and Valerius Asiaticus were at the front.
  • The crowd was held back: they were told to show the proper respect, but in reality the conspirators wanted to prevent anyone coming close enough to protect him.
  • Once he left the theatre he stopped to inspect a group of young performers travelling from Asia.
  • The accounts differ: Josephus says that Chaerea asked for the watchword, and Caligula offered him the usual mocking reply, whereupon Chaerea slashed the emperor between the neck and the shoulder. Chaerea’s blow was not mortal and Caligula, trying to make his escape, was confronted by Sabinus, who stabbed him in the chest.
  • The other account had Caligula giving the watchword Jupiter, at which point Chaerea replies and stabbed the emperor through his Jaw.
  • The sources all agree the first blow was not mortal. Yet Caligula stood little chance. Suetonius suggested that he was stabbed no fewer than thirty times.
  • Although the details differ slightly between each account, all three agree on its brutality: Dio goes so far as to say that ‘everybody kept stabbing at him savagely, even though he was dead: some even tasted his flesh.’ (59.29.7).
  • The strategy of isolating Caligula from his aides worked. Only his litter-bearers tried to fight off the assailants with their litter poles, an interesting demonstration that Caligula commanded loyalty from his lower staff.
  • The German guard indiscriminately killed in the forum as a response.
  • Josephus relates that the tribune Lupus was sent to kill Caesonia and her daughter in the evening, but most likely it was done and planned straight after Gaius’ death.