A-Level History > The Crusades Points Test 5 - Jihad > Flashcards
The Crusades Points Test 5 - Jihad Flashcards
What does the jihad al-Akbar concentrate on?
Personal salvation/the struggle within oneself to be holy.
What does the Jihad al-Asghar concentrate on?
The defence of Islamic territory/ensuring all nations are eventually ruled by Islamic governance.
What is the Dar al Islam?
‘The House of Islam’-all Muslim-controlled territory.
What is the Dar al Harb?
The House of War’-all non-Muslim-controlled territory.
By 1128, what two cities was Imad al-Din Zangi Atabeg of?
Aleppo and Mosul.
At the Arab fortress of Baalbek in 1139 (remembering Zangi was a Seljuk Turkish Warlord), what did Zangi do that caused horror in the Muslim world?
Guaranteed safety in return for surrender of garrison-broke promise, massacred them all.
What king of Jerusalem did Zangi comprehensively defeat outside Homs in 1137?
Fulk of Anjou.
How long did it take Zangi to take Edessa, and how?
4 weeks, mining the city.
Who was it who killed Zangi?
Reputedly his Frankish servant.
What famous quote was attributed to Zangi by the Islamic historian Ibn ‘al-Adim, that underlines the brutality of his rule?
“It does not happen that there is more than one tyrant (meaning himself) at one time.”
What did Zangi apparently kill his own men for doing?
Trampling on crops during the march.
How did Nur al-Din treat the rebellious population of Edessa when they failed to free themselves from his control, despite aid from Joscelin II in 1146?
Wiped out entire Christian population (Franks and Armenians) and destroyed its fortifications.
Who did he comprehensively defeat at the battle of Inab in 1149, and what did he send to the Caliph in Baghdad?
Raymond of Poitiers/Head (and right arm).
Why, according to Asbridge, did Nur al-Din not follow up Inab by capturing Antioch, as well as due to the difficulty of besieging the city?
A good buffer between himself and Byzantines/merely wanted Antiochene border territory, not the whole state/his real aim Damascus.
In 1157, how did Nur al-Din ruin Crusader/Byzantine assault plans on Shaizar and his other holdings, possibly even Aleppo?
Made alliance with Byzantines-offered to fight against Seljuk Turks and give back thousands of Christian hostages from 2nd crusade.
How long did he retain Reynald de Chatillion in prison for?
16 years.
Why did Nur al-Din, according to William of Tyre, NOT take advantage of Baldwin III’s death to attack the KOJ?
He wanted to be merciful: “We should sympathize with their grief and in pity spare them, because they have lost a prince such as the rest of the world does not possess today.”
Who was it who first asked for Nur al-Din’s help against Christian influence in Egypt?
Vizier Sharwar.
Who did Nr al-Din send in 1164 who influence affairs in Egypt?
Shirkuh.
In 1171 and 1173, what did Saladin not do that laid him open to the charges of being recalcitrant in terms of jihad, and disloyal to Nur al-Din?
Failing to join in attacks on KOJ.
When did Nur al-Din die?
15th May 1174, aged 59.
Why did Nur al-Din apparently become more interested in Jihad?
Fell ill/went on pilgrimage-Haj
What did Nur al-Din do to promote education/religious study?
Constructed Universities, Madrassas and Mosques in all cities he controlled (concerned with teaching the Qur’an and Hadith).
What academic award did Nur al-Din receive from his teachers?
A diploma in Hadith narration.
What help/charity did Nur al-Din offer to his people, as part of religious Islamic devotion/to the personal Jihad?
He had free hospitals constructed in his cities as well, and built caravan stops on the roads for travellers and pilgrims.
How did Nur al-Din provide justice to his people?
He held court several times a week so that people could seek justice from him against his generals, governors, or other employees who had committed some crime.
Who did Saladin slaughter, including burning their families alive in fires he organised in Cairo, to cow them into submission?
The Sudan troops (50,000 black soldiers loyal to Fatimid Caliph).
What does Nur al-Din mean?
‘Light of the Faith’.
What does Salah-al-Din mean?
Saviour of the Faith.
What evidence is there that the Battle of Ager Sanguinis/The Field of Blood inspired greater devotion to Jihad?
Jihad grew slowly over a long period of time, but the events at the Field of Blood and the actions taken by Balak in the 1120s marks a turning point in reaction to Outremer and the Franks.
There was a clear association between fighting the Franks and jihad by the 1120s. The Battle of the Field of Blood does seem to have invigorated the previously disparate Muslim world as it now seemed that the previously unstoppable Franks could indeed be defeated. There was certainly a rise in inscriptions mentioning jihad after this battle and the reaction in Outremer perhaps suggests that they realised that the situation was changing.
What evidence is there that the Battle of the Field of Blood was NOT a significant landmark in the rise of Jihad?
It is possible to overestimate the importance of the Battle of the Field of Blood – despite a decisive victory Il-Ghazi did little to capitalise on Antioch’s weaknesses and there was no decisive and coherent ‘counter-crusade’ response.
Why did a rise in interest in Jihad occur in the immediate aftermath of the loss of Jerusalem in 1099?
The massacres perpetrated on certain occasions by the Franks (e.g. Jerusalem itself and during the capture of some of the ports) led to a flood of refugees to Damascus and the Sultan himself in Baghdad. This led to increased preaching from learned men about the importance of waging a jihad against their religious enemies.
What reasons were there for the failure of the Seljuk Empire/Atabegs in Syria to drive the franks into the sea, given the weak position of the Franks in 1099?
The Turkish groups who controlled the main cities in Syria were certainly more interested in fighting each other than the Franks and there are numerous examples of them actually allying with the Franks against other Turkish groups (e.g. 1108).
The Sultan rarely involved himself personally in the affairs of Syria and did not respond directly to appeals for help from Tripoli for example. After 1115 he largely left the semi-independent emirs (e.g. Tughtegin) to their own devices.
What evidence was there to be sceptical about Zangi’s Jihadi credentials?
Zengi spent the bulk of his career fighting his co-religionists and the attack on Edessa in 1144 was partly opportunistic as Joscelin had left the city poorly defended. Many of Zengi’s impressive titles which identified him as a true proponent of jihad were awarded retrospectively.
What evidence is there that there was still a threat of Jihad to the crusaders in the early 12th century, and that the Franks saw it as such?
Just because there was no coherent and united effort does not mean that there was no response to Outremer and that this response was not a serious threat. The fact that Baldwin II attempted to capture both Aleppo (1125) and Damascus (1129) suggests an awareness amongst Outremer that these cities were a serious threat. Despite the lack of unity the Muslims won a number of battles in the years after 1100.
How far and why was Mosul (northern Iraq) a particular threat to the Crusader States?
It is not surprising that the main threats came from Mosul as this was closest to the Sultan’s powerbase in Baghdad. Zengi was simply the last in a line of powerful threats which had emerged at an early point.
It was Mosul and Aleppo that aligned to crush Edessa/Antioch/The KoJ at the Battle of Harran 1104, which was a real disaster for Outremer as it saw a huge loss of both life and territory and also the capture of both Baldwin II and Joscelin I of Edessa.
The Franks often relied upon alliances with disaffected rulers (e.g. Tughtegin in Damascus) to keep them safe from the Sultan and rulers of Mosul – however, this was only a temporary expedient and gave a false illusion of strength.
However, this idea that the rulers of Mosul was always focused purely on removing the Franks from Syria does not entirely ring true. Some rulers of Mosul made their own alliances with the Franks (e.g. 1108) and also they fought more with other Muslims than against the Franks.
What were Caliphs?
Caliphs different to Popes! Not clerics, no dogma.
Did not preach jihad, though in theory had to legitimise them (tended to retroactively sanction them).
By 1050, didn’t do much at all-remained potent emblem of unity/might of Islam.
What primary differences were there between Sunni and Shia belief?
Who were the legitimate caliphs: Sunnis believed first 3 caliphs after Muhammad were true, whereas Shiites believed only the 4th Ali was (married to daughter of Fatima, Muhammad’s daughter, HENCE ‘FATIMIDS’).
Shi-ites held Imans who were descendant from Ali their rulers, Sunni the Caliph-both not temporal rulers.
What was the Political State of the Islamic Near East from the 1050s-1071?
From the early 11th century however, a new people had become the main military and political power of the region: the Seljuk Turks /Turcomans of the Artquid empire.
By 1055, Seljuks had taken Baghdad, and were being called ‘Sultans’ by caliphs.
The Seljuks were only barely conforming to Islam, and then only to consolidate their rule. The Arabs in Syrian and Iraq perceived them as conquerors, and this attitude remained by 1096.
1071 Seljuks took Jerusalem from Fatimids, the same year they inflicted a decisive defeat on the Byzantines at Manzikert.
How did the ownership of Jerusalem change in 1095, and what was the significance of this?
Jerusalem changed hands in 1095, to the Seljuk/Artquid empire.
The Seljuks were less tolerant of Christian Pilgrims than the Fatimids: a major rallying cry for the Papacy.
What divisions existed within the Seljuk Empire by 1099?
The Turcomans were a loose confederation: some Turks took lands in Anatolia not sanctioned by Seljuk sultans!
They formed the Seljuk Sultanate of Rum, and the Danishmends (“Wise men”).
These military governors were nominally appointed by and vassals of the Seljuk Emperor: in practise, they often had large amounts of autonomy, and their own military retinues (similar to…?).
To complicate matters (YAY!), not only were Atabegs resisting central Seljuk Authority. Arab powers (e.g. Arab cities in Palestine) saw this as an opportunity to loosen Turkish control over them, and Turkish Atabegs had to court their local Arab populations for support.
What is the significance of the year 1092, the year of ‘The Death of Caliphs and Commanders’.
After the death of the powerful Malikshah in 1092, there were three years of civil war between sons. By 1092 empire split into 5 emirates, governed by ‘Atabegs’ in different city-states.
In the same year as Malik-Shah died, the Abbasid Caliph died, his Sh’ite rival after 58 years on the throne, and the powerful Fatimid Emir Al-Mustansir.
“Within two years the Islamic Near East had lost not just a firmly established Seljuk Sultan but nearly all its political leadership, both Fatimid and Seljuk, clear across the map.” (Cobb, ‘The year of the deaths of Caliphs and commanders’, given by an Egyptian chronicler).
Can you give examples of successes the Seljuks of Syria had against the Franks in the aftermath of 1099?
Some success-110 Danishmends captured Bohemond of Antioch, in dungeons for 4 years.
1101 Raymond of Toulouse led another large group across Anatolia; now however, Danishmends/Seljuks of rum in alliance with Aleppo/Damascus. By the summer, this group wiped out-indication of what could have happened to first crusade, given the numbers were apparently comparable (even though in 1103 the alliance fell apart, Bohemond got himself released, offering to fight against Kilij Arslan).
1104, during a joint Antioch/Edessa attack on Harran,
Mosul sent relief; at Balikh, Franks caught divided and massacred, Baldwin and Joscelin captured, Edessa leaderless, Antiochene troops under Bohemond/Tancred fled.
How well did the Fatimids of Egypt and Tugtekin of Damascus do against the Franks in the early 12th century?
Focus of Fatimids on Ascalon.
1102-1103 fighting, aid from Damascus for jihad-failed due to lack of naval supplies
1105 another 10,000 army moved , but Franks prevailed in battle against them, killed Fatimid governor, though city remained
Raymond sought Tripoli, but so too did Damascus
1102, Raymond moved to city-according to Persian traveller Nasir-I Khusraw, well-defended town, surrounded by sea on three sides
1105 died after truce, buried in Jerusalem-never took Tripoli while alive
Siege continued, attempts to gain aid from Seljuk sultan foundered as army never made it beyond Mosul, fatimids aided by sea but displaced soldiers of local lord
March 1109, Bertrand, Raymond’s son, came, took town on July 12th 1109
Importance of Genoese fleet; helped attack on Tripoli, aided Baldwin’s capture of acre, Jubyal, and menaced Sidon
Franks successful overall-1104 took Jaffa, Haifa, arsuf and Caesarea, not Beirut
May 1110 took it
Autumn of 1110 King Sigurd of Norway, first king to visit, extracted tribute from Sidon, blockading it from land and sea.
Garrison defending Ascalon against Baldwin fell to infighting-Armenian soldiers vs Berbers/locals
1112, Tyre attacked; nominally Fatimid, sought Damascus’s aid for survival (rare gesture, Tughtakin wrote to Fatimids offering to hold until they took it back)
What evidence was there from 1105-1113 that Muslim-Christian treaties and alliances could be formed?
1108, Tughtakin made 4 year truce with Baldwin of Jerusalem (despite trying to bolster his legitimacy by waging war/raiding against them).
One chronicler described truce as “For the Muslims a blessing from God Almighty”.
Much of truce split/made agreements on agricultural land between Damascus/Jerusalem, divided up harvests
1109, signed treaty with Bertrand of Tripoli, agreed to stop raiding Muslim villages in return for getting Lebanese villages, annual tribute from others, and one-third of produce of Beqaa valley (though soon he broke treaty). Baldwin got his share a year later.
Fighting between Tancred and Aleppo, Ridwan initially successful but thrown back-truce in 1105.
Strangely beneficial; able to make alliance against Mosul, while Mosul sought help from Edessa! 2 rival Muslim/Christian alliances! September 1108, Mosul forces dispersed, joint raid, thereafter Aleppo/Antioch again in arms vs each other.
How far did the Seljuk Empire organise Jihad against the Franks, and why did such efforts fail?
Muhammad new successor to Seljuk sultanate, sent sporadic organised jihad vs franks.
1110, Mosul, sultanate, Armenian Muslims and Turcomans of Il-Ghazi all joined forced to attack Edessa, Damascus too.
In response, Tripoli, Antioch and Jerusalem all sent forces.
Franks realised danger, dispersed to Syria.
BUT Edessa held as Muslim army ran out of supplies.
In 1110, a Delegation to Baghdad from Muslim refugees from Palestine, angry at lack of action…
“They drove the preacher from the pulpit and broke it into pieces, clamouring and weeping for the misfortunes that had befallen Islam at the hands of the Franks…”
Caliph being married to Sultan’s daughter, furious and ordered arrests-sultan quietly overrode this and told emirs to prepare for jihad.
Late July 1111, attacked Tal Bashir, but divisions soon arose, little achieved.
May 1113 fighting, Baldwin actually captured by Muslims, but managed to escape.
Serious divisions in Seljuk sultanate court, Il-Ghazi and Tughtakin suspected.
Who was Berkyaruq?
The fifth sultan of the Seljuk Empire.
The son and successor of Malik-Shah I (r. 1072–1092).
He reigned during the opening stages of the decline and fragmentation of the empire, which marked the rise of Seljuk Turkish Atabegs and principalities becoming independent, which would eventually stretch from Eastern Iran to Anatolia and Syria.
His reign was marked by internal strife, mainly against other Seljuk princes. By his death in 1105, his authority had largely vanished.
His infant son Malik-Shah II briefly succeeded him, until he was killed by Berkyaruq’s half-brother and rival Muhammad I Tapar (r. 1105–1118).
Who was Malik-Shah II (1105) or Mu’izz ad-Din Malik Shah II?
Seljuq Sultan in Baghdad during 1105.
He was the grandson of Malik Shah I, and was theoretically the head of the dynasty, although his relative Ahmad Sanjar in Khorasan probably held more effective power.
He was deposed and killed by his uncle Muhammed Tapar.
Who was Muhammad I (1105-1118)?
He succeeded his nephew, Malik Shah II, as Seljuq Sultan in Baghdad, and thus was theoretically the head of the dynasty, although his brother Ahmed Sanjar in Khorasan held more practical power.
Muhammad I probably allied himself with Ridwan of Aleppo in the battle of Khabur river against Kilij Arslan I, the sultan of Rüm, in 1107, in which the latter was defeated and killed.
Following the internecine conflict with his half-brother, Barkiyaruq, he was given the title of malik and the provinces of Armenia and Azerbaijan. Dissatisfied by this he revolted again, but had to flee back to Armenia.
By 1104, Barkiyaruq, ill and tired of war, agreed to divide the sultanate with Muhammad. Muhammad became sole sultan following the death of Barkiyaruq in 1105.
In 1106, Muhammad conquered the Assasin Ismaili fortress of Shahdiz, and was involved in extensive efforts to crush internal opposition to his rule, against other Turks, the Assassins Ismaili sect, and against Arab revolts against Seljuk Turkish Rule (killing the Mazyadid rule who declared himself ‘King of the Arabs’).
Muhammad I, along with his vizier Ahmad, later made a campaign in Iraq, where they Muhammad I died in 1118 and was succeeded by Mahmud II, although after Muhammad I’s death Sanjar was clearly the chief power in the Seljuq realms.
Who was Mahmud II (1118-1131)?
The Seljuk sultan of Baghdad from 1118–1131 following the death of his father Muhammad I Tapar. At the time Mahmud was fourteen, and ruled over Iraq and Persia.
During Mahmud’s early reign, he faced significant opposition from nobles in his own court, and dominated by them.
Mahmud’s younger brother Mas’ud revolted against him in 1120, but the civil war ended the following year due to the intervention of the atabeg of Mosul, Aqsunqur al-Bursuqi, and Mas’ud was pardoned.
In 1126, al-Bursuqi was murdered by Assassins, believed have been under orders from Mahmud.
In 1129 Mahmud officially recognized the authority of Zengi, who had supported him against a revolt led by al-Mustarshid, caliph of Baghdad, in Syria and northern Iraq.
Mahmud, then aged 26, died in 1131. His death was followed by a civil war between his son Dawud, and his brothers Mas’ud, Suleiman-Shah, and Toghrul II. His other son Alp Arslan ibn Mahmud was ruler of Mosul with atabeg Zengi.
Who was Al-Amir (1096–1130)?
The tenth Fatimid Caliph, and the 20th Imam of Musta’li Isma’ili sect of Shia Islam, from 1101 to his death in 1130.
Until 1121, he was a de facto puppet ruler of his uncle and father-in-law, the vizier al-Afdal Shahanshah. When the latter was murdered, possibly with al-Amir’s connivance, the caliph another vizier but took an increasing role in government, and after 1125 ruled without a vizier.
Fatimid rule was restored with the succession of al-Amir’s cousin al-Hafiz li-Din Allah in 1132, which led to the division of Musta’li Isma’ilism into two rival branches, weakening it still further.
During his reign and despite his Vizier al-Afdal’s continuous campaigns, most of Palestine was lost to the Crusaders, along with the coastal cities of Tartus (1102), Acre (1103), Tripoli (1109), Sidon (1111) and Tyre (1124).
Egypt itself was briefly invaded by King Baldwin I of Jerusalem in 1117. The Fatimids largely fell back on the coastal city of Ascalon, which developed into a major fortress and outpost (ribāṭ) of the holy war: for the next half-century it was to remain a centre for raids against the Crusader territories, and a guard of the route from Palestine into Egypt.
Medieval Muslim historians often blame al-Amir for these disasters, but in reality he played no role in the Fatimid government during those years. That said, his reign saw the progressive loss of all Fatimid strongholds in Palestine to the Crusaders apart from Ascalon.
His assassination in 1130, leaving only his infant son al-Tayyib as heir, threw the Fatimid regime into a succession struggle during which it almost collapsed. He was assassinated by Nizari agents, who his regime had tried to crush as being rebellious to his own Shi’ite caliphate.
Who was Al-Hafiz (1130-1149)?
The eleventh caliph of the Fatimids, ruling over Egypt from 1132 to his death in 1149, and the 21st imam of Hafizi Isma’ilism. His Vizier Kutayfat initially imprisoned al-Hafiz, and moved to depose the Fatimids and replace Isma’ilism with a personal regime, possibly based on Twelver Shi’ism, with himself as the Hidden Imam’s all-powerful vicegerent.
Kutayfat’s regime was toppled when he was murdered by Fatimid loyalists in December 1131, and al-Hafiz was freed and restored as regent.
Al-Hafiz was largely accepted in the Fatimid-ruled territories, but many Isma’ili followers abroad refused to recognize him causing a religious schism and political divide within Shia Islam.
Even in Egypt, his legitimacy was repeatedly challenged, and his reign was troubled by constant uprisings and power struggles.
Al-Hafiz’s reign was mostly quiet on the external front. Despite continuing hostilities with the Kingdom of Jerusalem around Ascalon, both powers were preoccupied elsewhere for the most part. The Fatimid court also maintained contact with King Roger II of Sicily, who at this time began his expansion into the former Fatimid domains of North Africa, and adopted many of the practices of the Fatimid court for his own administration.
As ruler, al-Hafiz tried to rein in his over-mighty viziers with mixed success. He was repeatedly forced to give way to the demands of various military factions, and was ultimately unable to halt the evolution of the vizierate into a de facto sultanate independent of the caliph.
From 1135 to 1139 two powerful Viziers threatened to dominate Egypt, and so for the next ten years after that, the Caliph ruled without a vizier, instead entrusting the administration to a succession of secretaries.
This period was plagued by uprisings and natural disasters, but al-Hafiz persevered until his death in October 1149. His successors would be reduced to puppets at the hands of powerful viziers, until the end of the Fatimid Caliphate in 1171.
Describe Zangi’s career prior to taking Edessa prior to 1138.
The next leader to emerge was Zengi, atabeg of Mosul. He was appointed to that position by the Caliph at Baghdad, al-Mustarshid, in 1127.
He expanded his rule to Aleppo in 1128 and captured Hama in 1129.
This made Zengi the most powerful Muslim commander in Syria, though rival Turks to the north (e.g. the Seljuks of Rum) were a constant threat to his position.
In the 1130s, Zengi was preoccupied with Damascus. In 1136, the Mamluk soldier Bazawash occupied Damascus and began trying to expand into Palestine. It was he who killed Pons of Tripoli in 1137.
Zengi saw Bazawash as a rival and tried to move against him. In general, over this period, Zengi’s task was to expand southward while keeping his northern borders secure. It was a delicate balancing act.
He moved against Homs in June 1137, but Count Raymond of Tripoli advanced, forcing Zengi to raise the siege.
King Fulk came up to help and Zengi won a great victory against the Christians, capturing the Count and nearly capturing Fulk.
The following year, though, Emperor John of the Byzantines invaded in the north, attacking Aleppo itself, forcing Zengi to return to its defence.
That same year, 1138, Zengi married Zumurrud, the mother of the atabeg of Damascus. He received Homs as her dowry, displacing Unur, the governor there.
How did Zangi’s wish to conquer Damascus actually help form the alliance between the KOJ and Damascus?
In 1138 Zengi sent Unur to rule in Damascus. In 1139, following the murder of the atabeg, Unur took over direct rule of Damascus as vizier.
In some circles, Zengi was accused of having instigated the murder, but Unur proved to be an inconstant ally. By December 1139, Unur was in open revolt against Zengi’s authority, and Zengi laid siege to the city, without success.
In March 1140, Unur sought alliance with Fulk of Jerusalem, leading to a battle in which Damascenes and Christians fought together against the Turk Zengi.
They were able to force Zengi to retire to the safety of Aleppo and Unur actually paid a call on Fulk at Acre to thank him and solidify the alliance.
What reasons are there to be sceptical of Zangi’s Jihadi credentials?
Zangi often portrayed as the first forerunner of Jihad, but Asbridge disputes this representation of his focus for 2 reasons: (a) His focus in Syria and Mesopotamia, and clearly the Sunni heartland for Zengi remained in Mesopotamia, and (b) His focus in Syria was the conquest of Damascus-for him, crusaders a frontier matter.
Damascus recognised this, Unur made alliance with Jerusalem in 1140 against Zangi.
20,000 monthly tribute in return for aid against him was offered.
Banyas would also be ceded to Jerusalem, having been retaken in 1132.
Zangi’s only attack on Christians before 1144 on Barin, and that only to use as base against Muslim city of Homs.
Zangi was an opportunist, and had invested heavily in network of spies in Near and Middle-East; with Edessa weak and Joscelin II absent, he took city in a month. With fall of Edessa in 1144, communications between Muslim powers in Syria and Mesopotamia became more secure.
Initially, Zangi allowed sack of Edessa, but then reined in violence-non-franks spared.
P.227, rewards and accolades for Zangi’s triumph, successful at promoting Jihadi image.
Retrospective idea jihad was Zangi’s ensuring hope, but really focussing on portraying himself as leader of Muslim world, rather than leader of jihad “precious little evidence to suggest Zangi prioritised jihad above all other concerns before, or even after, 1144”.
Why was it nonetheless important that Zangi chose to portray himself, at least in part, as a Jihadi?
Zengi’s career is important because of his conquest of Edessa, but it is important even more for the fact that he couched his actions against the Christians in terms of a Muslim holy war. He is the first Muslim leader to use the jihad against the Latins as a means of mobilizing forces, gaining popular support, and enforcing unity and obedience among his emirs. It was a formula that would be employed even more effectively by Nuradin, Zengi’s second son and successor, and by later Muslim leaders as well. When Islam stood united, the Franks would always be defeated (the Byzantine Empire was a different matter), but Islam was notoriously difficult to unite.
Zengi showed that the jihad was an effective tool. He had the imams proclaim the holy war in sermons and prayers, the matter was discussed in the schools and in princely courts; it was, in short, a propaganda tool. This is not to imply that Zengi was cynical in his use of jihad; on the contrary, many argue he believed strongly in its need. Zengi had given the Turks and Arabs its first permanent victory and a vehicle for achieving more.
Describe Nur Al-Din’s Early Career.
Nur ad-Din not really the heir to Zangi, but Sayf al-Din, came to power aged 28..
NAD recognised his older brother in Mosul as his overlord over Aleppo, charged to continue jihad.
NAD’s first problem rebellion in Edessa, Armenians joined by Joscelin II hoping to regain former capital. The citadel remained in Muslim hands; Nur al-Din drove him back to Tall Bashir.
Zangi had restrained men from plunder-BUT in retribution for rebellion, Nur al-Din gave them free rein (Paradox to usual depiction?) Ibn al-Athair makes this point.
Nur al-Din needed Damascus-couldn’t draw on resources of Mosul like Zangi had done; needed agriculture around Damascus to pay and feed his men.
Spring 1147 Franks had same idea, but driven back by Nur al-Din.
Explain how Nur al Din contributed to the defence of Damascus during the 2nd Crusade.
Marriage alliance between Aleppo and Damascus worrying for crusaders-at worst could be absorbed by Nur al-Din.
Governor of Damascus Unur “set about making ready equipment and preparing to engage them and to counter their malice”, securing approaches, repairing fortifications and blocking wells.
In July 1148, three kings arrived to besiege, approached from south-west. However, Damascene archers/militia slowed their advance AND allies from Lebanon mountains pouring in, with Nur al-Din and his brother Sayf at Homs.
Explain how Nur al Din secured control over Damascus by 1154, in the aftermath of the 2nd Crusade.
Unur died-new Damascus leader Abaq more fearful of Nur al-Din.
So Nur al-Din positioned army north of city, refrained from despoiling area, while chiding Abaq for allying with the Franks and reassuring him he wouldn’t attack the city.
Abaq bluntly rejected his overtures, but public opinion swaying against him. Abaq recognising Nur al-Din’s overlord-ship, his name being mentioned in Friday prayers, name on Damascene coins.
By 1151, Damascenes refusing Abaq’s call to arms against Nur al-Din.
October 1151 Abaq tried to formally recognise full overlordship, Nur al-Din using Ayyub as agent to win over Damascene court and militia-though Nur al-Din even sent Abaq letter warning him of a coup, as if concerned!
Winter 1153-1154, tightened cordon-cut off supplies, and in spring 1154 advanced his forces.
No attack necessary-apparently Jewish woman lowered rope, Abaq fled to citadel.
Abolished tax dues on Melon and vegetable market.
Abaq allied with crusaders, called upon them for aid as he retreated to citadel.
BUT Nur al-Din entered virtually unopposed, gave Abaq Homs in return.
Announced tax cuts and clemency for all rulers of the city.
Explain how Nur al Din sought to represent himself as a Jihadi.
Carefully poised as jihadi, Mujahid, “Jihad warrior”.
BUT strove to project more than this- a good Muslim ruler, following the ideals of the circle of equity.
Dutiful to Caliph of Baghdad, etc.
Invested huge amounts in madrassas and religious institutions.
From 1154, titles “Al-Malik al-Adil “The Just king”.
Patronage of Ibn ‘Askair, foremost Sunni Scholar who wrote ‘History of Damascus’ and whose work lauded Nur al-Din as bringer of Sunni unification and power against all enemies.
In writing, efforts against franks paralleled with those against Shi’ites and his religious works, e.g. hospitals for mentally ill, one for the blind, an orphanage, road repairs etc.
Pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina 1161.
Why does Asbridge question Nur al Din’s emphasis on Jihad?
Very difficult to agree on image of Nur al-Din beyond the heroisation in sources such as Ibn al-Athair (d.1233).
After Inab (1149), aimed for Harim and Summaq peninsula, NOT Antioch. Fear of reinforcements/aware of limitations/had previous strategic goal, just like Il-Ghazi in 1119. Occupation of Amapea not to crush Antioch-rather, to open approach to Damascus.
No jihad after 1154, in fact new treaty 28th May1155, a year later renewed, Damascus agreed to pay 8,000 Tyrish Dinars to Jerusalem.
Tribute, once disparaged, now used to buy time for Nur al-Din to consolidate Muslim Syria.
No concentrated Jihad upon crusader states, even in 1163 when Baldwin died, Reynald already being prisoner. Some Christian sources put this down to his sense of honour (P.256)
From the spring of 1163, what evidence is there that Nur al Din took more focus on Jihad?
From spring of1163 Nur al-Din seemed to have increasing awareness of his own role in the jihad
Suffered severe defeat near Tripoli by Franks, barely escaped with his life.
Appears to have had severe blow due to this defeat-unorthodox, paid for lost weapons/equipment of all his men, gave lands of husbands to family members who lost, rather than keep it; refused any notion of truce.
Alliance with Iraqi Muslims, troops from Mosul, Mardin, other Iraqi cities as well as his own territories-sought territory and to lure Franks into decisive battle.
Laid siege to Harim, drawing out 10,000 crusader army led by Renyald, Raymond III of Tripoli, Joscelin III of Courtney, Greek Governor of Cilicia and Thoros of Armenia.
Lured into open battle at Artaq; knights drawn out, infantry exposed, destroyed, and then knights enveloped. Vast majority of knights surrendered.
How did Nur al Din prosecute Jihad in the campaign over Egypt?
Chevaliers, strike against Shi’ites Caliphate, and take wealth/deprive crusaders of it
Kurdish Emir Shurkuh, one of his most trusted men
April 1164 captured, but Sharwar playing both sides
From 1164 to 1167, crusaders and Shurkuh dodged around each other in Egypt
November 1168, crusaders ready for assault on Cairo, but Shirkuh arrived; Amalric realised situation and withdrew
Sharwar killed at behest of Shi’ite Caliph
Describe Saladin’s background prior to the Egyptian Campaign?
No references to his birth/early childhood in sources.
His father Ayyub once castellan of Tikrit, for Sejluq emperor.
Helped Zangi after his abortive expedition to Baghdad in 1132.
1138, Shurkuh got brother expelled from post by killing a man in a private quarrel.
This event and their exile coincided with Saladin’s birth.
Joined Zangi’s service, Ayyub placed in charge of Baalbek.
Shirkuh remained in service of Nur al-Din.
Ayyub besieged by troops from Damascus, surrendered on favourable terms and later went with his family to Damascus.
He was chiefly responsible for arranging surrender of Damascus to Nur al-Din in 1154.
Saladin had particular fondness for Damascus.
Formal, regular education-knowledge of sciences, the Quran, Horses.
Franks thought Saladin was not of noble background.
How did Saladin demonstrate his adherence to Jihad in his rule of Egypt?
When made Vizier on 26th March, according to Arabic sources he gave up alcohol/frivolity “to assume the dress of religion”.
Ordered site cleared in Cairo for a college for the Malikites, the oldest of the orthodox denominations in Egypt.
Prison in Fustat converted for religious use by the shafi’ites, his own denomination.
Improved position of Sunni Islam by expelling all Shi’ite judges in Egypt and replacing them with Shafi’ites.
Nephew founded another Shafi’ites college.
Didn’t rush in getting rid of Fatimid Caliph, despite pressure.
Killed Egyptian Emirs loyal to the Caliph, then al-Adid fell ill (poison/injured in fall). Died 13th September 1172, not 21. Abbasid Caliph then inserted into Khutba.
Gave decree cancelling taxes in Fustat and Cairo, the Mukus taxes for services due to their being un-Islamic (but to make this affordable, Saladin regularly reintroduced and re-cancelled them!).
Value of these cancelled taxes, also extended to traders, amounted to 100,000 dinars annually.
Clear from his own personal correspondence that he intended to do the same throughout Egypt.
Saladin furthermore compensated the Iqta holders who had benefitted from the taxes.
Replaced this with Truly Islamic tax, the Zakat (alms tax), a levy on certain goods/property obligatory on all Muslims. Certain percentage had to be spent on social benefit for the poor, but the rest as a state tax could be spent to war, diplomacy and administration.
What evidence is there that Saladin did not focus on Jihad from 1174-1187?
Saladin’s priorities from 1170’s seemed very much on taking Syria/crushing Zangids, rather than Franks; 1175 treaty with Jerusalem, again in 1185 4 year truce. For Zangid followers, had only 3 realistic heirs of Nur al-Din; child al-Salih, Ghazi II of Mosul.
Saladin nominally protesting this was for jihad, but interesting letter to his nephew indicates the people of Homs ‘feeble-minded’, and that reputation for justice ‘key to the lands’.
1147 captured to Damascus, proclaiming himself as Atabeg to al-Salih in Aleppo, recognised him formally as Lord.
1174 Spent next 12 years bringing Syria under his sway, despite united opposition from Aleppo/Mosul. Defeated their combined armies twice, at Hama in 1175 and Aleppo in 1176; took charge of Aleppo’s armies.
What evidence is there that Saladin did focus on Jihad from 1174-1187?
Saladin’s pursuit of power over Syria/Iraq pursued under 2 public policies, as representative of al-Salih’s authority and jihadi. Flurry of diplomatic correspondence between him and Damascus, fear of Aleppo and Mosul meant Saladin offered to come and aid city. 28th October, came with army and gold for supporters. Took city, citadel, largesse to people, forbade looting. Justified step as on path to taking Jerusalem.
Abbasid Caliph sent him diploma granting him rights over territories he held and would conquer.
Despite his allusions to jihad, his prioritisation of conquering Muslim enemies made even loyal commanders doubtful-needed to assert authority, keep troops busy and in plunder, rein in kinsmen-needed united target
Damascus May 1186, Saladin arrived and summoned son al-Afdal.
Raiding of crusaders broke 4 year truce at time when Saladin needed caus belli; other sons sent to Aleppo/Cairo to hold forts.
What evidence do we have that Saladin was personally committed to Jihad?
Certainly religious if not as much as Nur al-Din, as he never made the Haj.
Supported Madrassas and charitable foundations.
Extolled virtues of Jerusalem in al-Quds poetry, praising him and calling on populace to join his driving of the crusaders into the sea.
Took keen interest in sayings of the prophet, the Hadith.
Known as man of justice, enriched himself little.
