Were Italians better off under fascism (economy) Flashcards
List the factors that suggest that the regime had a positive impact on living standards
Open conflict between workers and employers declined
Economic revival early on in the regime
Wage cuts were offset by falling prices in the early 1930s
The middle classes didn’t suffer too badly from unemployment. The number of government employees doubled under the regime and these people were not made redundant during the depression. However, this did just add to a bloated, expensive and inefficient bureaucracy
List the factors that suggest that the regime had a negative impact on living standards
Open conflict between workers and employers only declined because free TUs were banned and strikes were made illegal
Many industrial workers suffered a decline in their standard of living
The economic revival had petered out by the late 1920s, and industry responded with wage cuts
Prices began to rise steeply by the mid-1930s as M’s drive for autarky pushed up the price of imported goods
It is estimated that between 1925-38 the real wages for Italian workers fell by over 10%
Consumption of meat, fruit and vegetables fell
Unemployment rose to 2 million by 1933 despite the public works programmes. However, when adjusted for population, Italy had the same employment rate as Britain, suggesting that this was an issue for all countries and therefore an unfair stick to beat the regime with
Even middle-class office workers suffered wage cuts during the 1930s, but these cuts were much less than those suffered by industrial workers
The working classes suffered more than the middle and upper classes, fueling inequality and class conflict
M was not even concerned that fascism failed to provide a real rise in living standards for Italian workers. In 1930, he said that ‘fortunately that Italian people were not accustomed to eating much and therefore feel the privation less than others. By 1936 he was arguing that ‘we must rid from our minds the idea that what we have called the days of prosperity will return. We are probably moving towards a period where humanity will exist on a lower standard of living’. Not only was M not concerned with the fact that the regime had no raised living standards, but he also viewed it as no bad thing for his people; economic hardship would produce harder, tougher Italians dismissive of a soft, bourgeois lifestyle
What kind of welfare system did the regime inherit and how did it attempt to clear this up?
The regime inherited a complex system of welfare, provided by a mixture of private bodies, the Church and state schemes initiated by the liberals
The PNF set up an umbrella organisation, the Agency for Welfare Activities (EOA), to control the distribution of funds
List the motivations for improving the welfare system
he government extended welfare schemes in the 1930s as a result of the GD and the increasing stress in that decade on ‘going to the people’ in order to make the masses of ordinary Italians more committed to fascism
M hoped that welfare would help fascism reach areas as of yet untouched by the regime. He thought that welfare provision would also demonstrate the national commitment and inter-class solidarity of the regime, with a kind of noblesse oblige idea
It was thought that welfare would reduce the risk of unrest
It was also thought that it could be used as a form of propaganda to win support
It was thought that it would demonstrate a united nation
It was thought that it would be militarily beneficial through creating a larger and more vigorous population
How were the improvements to welfare funded?
It was funded through taxes and levies on various organisations, such as syndicates, companies and banks
List the factors that suggest the the fascists created a welfare state
Fascism claimed to represent the interests of the whole community
Fascism cleared up the welare system it inherited by creating the EOA
Government welfare schemes, most notably family allowances, were extended in the 1930s
One of the aims behind welfare was to protect the interests of the people
Sickness insurance in most employment contracts after 1928, although this insurance was only limited
Shorter working hours were introduced in 1934. However, this was only a pragmatic response to the GD rather than coming out of a genuine concern for workers
Family allowances were given to factory workers in 1934. However, this was only to compensate for the reduction in working hours
OMNI provided infant welfare schemes
Special payments were given out in times of crisis. For instance, during the 1934-5 winter, 1.75 million families were receiving relief
List the factors that suggest the fascists did not create a welfare state
The regime did not pass welfare measures
Most funds for the EOA came from private donations, with fascism simply taking the credit
A government system of health insurance was not set up until 1943
Inequality in terms of hospital provision; there were some good hospitals in the major cities, while many areas had no hospital facilities at all
No extensions of the government pension scheme until minor improvements in 1939
No improvements to an already very limited unemployment insurance scheme
Assess the fascist welfare system
Despite government boasts, the welfare system was not particularly impressive
What did government welfare measures focus on and what was this at the expense of?
Government measures concentrated on increasing the power of the nation rather than raising living standards
Why can not all advances in welfare be attributed to the regime?
Some advances in welfare cannot be attributed to the regime. For instance, while TB cases fell, this was down to scientific advancement
What does Salvemini think about the welfare system?
Salvemini made his assessment while in exile in 1936. He said that very few fresh initiatives can be attributed to the regime. Instead, they simply brought existing initiatives under the central state banner of the EOA. He then said that the maintenance of these institutions went on to cause a 4.5% wage decrease. He said that the regime does deserve some credit, although the successful policies that the regime did bring about were motivated by the notion of using them as propaganda tools for self-promotion, rather than genuine concern for the Italian people
What does Zamagni think about the welfare system?
Zamagni said that fascist social policy was a mixture of measures that had already been put into place by the liberals and other badly coordinated efforts motivated by ideology and pragmatism, which demonstrated just how little social progress was made
What does Tannenbaum say about the system of family allowances?
Tannenbaum said that the system of family allowances had both humanitarian and nationalistic motivations. He says that the system was a poor substitute for real wage increases and was not tied to any broader system of social security
What does Morgan say about the motivations behind welfare provision?
Morgan said that by providing the moral and material benefits of welfare, the regime was extending its control over the population
What does Clark say about the welfare system?
Clark said that Italy at this time was not exactly a welfare state, rather a medley of different provisions and semi-state welfare bodies. He does say that the novel system helped diffuse working class unrest
List the motivations behind the creation of the OND
To some extent the regime was just replacing similar facilities that had been previously provided by the labour and cooperative organisations that it had just banned
The creation of the OND was not primarily motivated with improving living standards, but rather to improve their health and gain support for the regime
By using the OND to provide greater opportunities for participation in sport, the regime could better exploit national success in spectator sports for propaganda purposes
The OND illustrated the totalitarian ambitions of the regime, looking to control all aspects of Italian citizens’ lives. The OND was particularly aimed at groups, particularly in rural areas, which remained outside the influence of the press, radio and cinema
The OND’s major extension in the 1930s came as part of the ‘going to the people’ policy of trying to integrate the masses into the state
One of the OND’s aims was to make up for low pay
Another was to aid production by creating healthier workers
Another was to foster the image of caring employers
The OND was the main point of contact with the potentially hostile industrial class; it was hoped that through it they might become more attracted to the regime
When was the OND created and what was it created to do?
The Dopolavaro (OND) was created in 1925 to provide state sponsored after work entertainment
What happened to the OND in 1927?
Reorganised under the PNF in 1927
What did the OND take over?
Took over many existing clubs and activities
Describe what the OND was
Huge agency providing social activities, holidays, entertainment, sport and welfare
When did the OND undergo a major extension?
The 1930s
What two major things did the OND provide?
As well as providing leisure activities, it also provided financial assistance for members in need. This role was extended during the Battle for the Lira as many workers were suffering wage reductions
What did some firms begin to develop?
Their own Dopolavaro institutions
How did the state encourage as many people to become OND members as possible?
OND subscriptions were subsidised by the state, with employers forced to contribute
List the different activities offered by the OND
Libraries, films and radios for communal listening
A travel agency which subsidised trips
Mobile cinemas, theatres and orchestras for remote areas
Sport and summer camps
Offered welfare to families in distress
How was the OND different to the German KDF?
Placed less emphasis on self-improvement than the German KDF
Make the arguement that the OND was effective
The OND definitely helped win support for the regime
The OND was good at gaining support because it was largely non-ideological
The OND had impressive membership; 281,000 in 1926, 1.7 million in 1931, 3.8 million in 1939. This amounted about 80% of salaried employees, 40% of the industrial workforce and 25% of peasants
By the late 1930s, the OND was providing over 4 million holiday trips a year
Most villages even in the south, had a dopolavaro clubhouse
It diverted attention away from the socio-economic problems at the time
Gave the state greater control over Italians’ leisure time
It was the regime’s most popular institution and survived the collapse of the regime; in 1945 it was renamed the National Organisation for Worker Assistance
Make the arguement that the OND was ineffective
The OND winning support must be distinguished from turning Italians into committed fascists; most accepted the regime but did not absorb the ideology
It did not help foster a sense of national community; there was often class segregation on trains and cruise ships
What is De Grand’s positive account of the OND?
De Grand said that the initial aims of the regime, like eliminating oppositional socialism, bringing the population under organisational control and blunting social tensions were achieved by fascist organisational policies
Give Whittam’s negative view of the OND
Whittam says that if the regime was hoping to create a forceful, militaristic society and turn the average Italian into the ‘fascist man’, then the OND not only failed, but was counterproductive. This is because it allowed Italians to enjoy resources without any proper commitment to the regime and its ideals
Why is it difficult to assess how the regime impacted the living standards of Italians?
It is difficult to determine living standards due to disagreement among historians about what criteria to use and the nature of the available sources, as well as the fact that some of them have differing interpretations. This applies to both the statistical and anecdotal evidence
List the factors that suggest that the living standards of Italians improved under fascism
De Felice substantiated his controversial claims about a pro-fascist consensus within Italy by referring to rising working class living standards
Overall personal consumption rose by 6% between 1923-39
Increased social security contributions increased living standards in the long term but reduced the amount of disposable income Italians had available in the short term
List the factors that suggest that the living standards of Italians were not improved by the regime
There was no incentive for M to care about living standards since he was not accountable to the electorate
More recent historians, like Corner and Abse, have found strong evidence for a decline in living standards due to things like the revaluation of the lira and the GD
The imposition of government wage cuts in 1927, 1930 and 1934 reduced wages below the cost of living
Wage cuts were facilitated by the fact that fascist unions were weak, and the corporate structure was imbalanced
Personal consumption fell by 15% between 1939-42, and them more dramatically between 1943-5
There was a decline in the per capita consumption of meat, fruit, vegetables, fats, tobacco and coffee
Italians could not even emigrate to the USA anymore as they had set a cap of 100,000 per year
The fascist policies on women reduced female employment levels, meaning they could no longer be independent
Lack of genuine TU representation for workers
The fascist autarkic policies had a negative impact on living standards
What does Williamson say about the impact that fascism had on living standards?
Williamson says that overall Italy was more prosperous in 1939 than it had been in 1923. He says that GDP increased by 1.2% each year, but that this modest increase did not benefit all Italians equally. Says that the industrialists and the great northern landowners benefitted the most from the regime, but that the middle classes also gained stability and protection from socialism. Their savings were also protected from inflation due to the Battle for the Lira. By doubling the number of government workers from 500,000 to 1 million, the regime was able to offer the more educated members of the middle class secure jobs in the state service. He says that M was not so successful in being able to control the peasantry. Despite his repeated slogan of giving land to the peasants, the low price of food in the inter-war period and the Battle for Grain meaning that grain was grown at the expense of traditional export crops such as fruit, vegetables and wine meant that the number of small farmers declined from 3.4 million to slightly less than three million in 1931. He said that the industrial workers faired slightly better under fascism, although their unions were replaced by ineffective fascist syndicates. In 1926 they had to work longer hours and between 1924-8 there were real wage cuts amounting to about 25%. However, he points out that they did benefit from Italy’s relatively speedy recovery from the GD and that, for all their flaws, the fascist syndicates did manage to secure members welfare and employment, due to the new idea that labour was a ‘social duty’ according to the Charter of Labour. Family allowances were brought in to compensate for reduced working hours designed to spread the work around during the GD. Employers also agreed to introduce Christmas bonuses and holiday pay by the late 1930s and to include accident and sickness insurance. These benefits, combined with the leisure activities offered by the OND, helped allay working class contempt for the regime. He says that on the whole workers accepted fascism without become whole hearted supporters of the regime. He says that for all M’s claims about unifying Italy the gap between the industrialised north and the backward rural south continued to widen. He points towards the fact that the standard of living fell drastically in the south, and by 1950 per capita income was only 60% of what it had been in 1924
What does Tannenbaum say about the impact fascism had on living standards?
Tannenbaum said that the regime had virtually complete control over the labour movement but very little control over the nation’s economic structure. He says that the monarchy, the church, the armed forces and big business, both urban and rural, cooperated with the regime when it had to but never completely committed themselves to fascism and ran their affairs with little state interference. Neither the regime nor the corporations were willing to bully Fiat, Pirelli or the Bank of Italy. The regime colluded with these giants to crush Italy’s independent labour movement. The new unions were completely fascist, not really company or state unions. They were the prime example of how the regime pushed millions of everyday Italians around while leaving the rich and powerful alone for the most part
