condensed essay plans auth states Flashcards

1
Q

economic conditions for the rise of Mussolini

A

rise of socialism
- Communism appeals to lots of people in a time of need
- Bolshevik Rev
- 2 red years
- Exploitation of workers
- ESP in south
- All classes supporting him

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2
Q

economic conditions for rise of nasser

A

HARSH DEPRESSION IN 1930S
= majority just above poverty line
* Average per capita income 1/10th that in GB * Farmers and landless labourers far below that * Fewer than 6% landowners owned 65% cultivatable land
* More than 77% (over 5s) were illiterate
* Life expectancy 36

PASHAS AND POVERTY
* Rural poverty led to burgeoning urban slums * Few workers’ rights (unions run by the state) * Robert Stephens sees the rich-poor divide as akin to pre-Revolutionary France – the pashas disappointed – led to failure of Parliamentary democracy p 13The government were mainly drawn from high-ranking ‘pashas’ who seemed more set on maintaining power than economic reform
* Immediate postwar period see unemployment and a weak economy

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3
Q

weaknesses of the political system in nasser’s rise to power

A

PSI will not work with PPI, win majority of 1919 and 1921 election, this breaks democracy because small liberals left.
King working for own self interests.
Transformismo

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4
Q

weakness of poltical system nasser

A

Political Division
* 1944 – 1950 – 2 PM assassinated. Minority govts. But hope returned 1950 with Wafd party * In October 1951, PM Nahas Pasha ended the 1936 Treaty - GB proposed MEDO (a middle eastern NATO) instead, but Egypt rejected it
* Egypt adopted a policy of non-cooperation with GB relating to the Canal Zone (labour, goods)
* In Ismailia GB troops fired on auxiliary police they suspected of supporting Suez liberation (41 killed and 71 wounded)
* This led to ‘Black Saturday’ (25 Jan. 1952) attacks and looting. King tried to appoint politicians – but couldn’t manage (not until Nasser)
* For Stephens ‘The King, the Wafd and the British who between the had ruled Egypt for the previous thirty years had now between them made Egypt ungovernable’ – the army now arose as the most powerful element in Egyptian politics. The British the targe

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5
Q

impact of war for mussolini

A

post war crisis 1918-22
allowed mussolini to promote fascist party

  • widened the political and social divisions within Italy, rather than uniting Italians as many of the interventionists had hoped. The intervention crisis split the liberals irrevocably.
  • 5 million Italians served in the armed forces and many of them, particularly the junior officers and NCOs who were drawn largely from the lower middle-class, were politicised by the experience. They blamed the liberal politicians for mismanaging the war and hated the PSI for failing to support the war.
  • The Italian economy was mobilised to support total war. Industrial output expanded rapidly; for example, Fiat’s production of vehicles went up by 500% during the war, whilst its workforce grew from 4,000 to 40,000. Inevitably this would lead to huge economic dislocation when the war ended and the economy reverted to a peace-time footing.
  • Inflation and food shortages became serious issues, with prices quadrupling between 1914 and 1918. To finance the war, the Italian government borrowed greatly. The government spent 148,000 million lire on the war; that was twice the total government expenditure in the entire period 1861–1914.
  • There was growing unrest among the industrial working class as they suffered from the impact of price inflation, shortages and military-style discipline in factories producing war-related goods. In August 1917, the police and army killed 50 protestors in Turin after working-class demonstrations against prices and shortages. The increased militancy of the industrial workers was reflected in the expansion of trade union membership and the growth of the PSI.

mutilated victory
Italian Nationalists were furious at the terms of the peace treaties signed in Paris in 1919 and they were able to create the impression that the Italian army’s victories had been betrayed by Italy’s allies, who failed to give Italy greater gains, and by the Italian government of Vittorio Orlando for not standing up sufficiently for Italy’s interests. Italy was granted South Tyrol, Trieste and Trentino but did not receive Fiume or Dalmatia (which were awarded to the new state of Yugoslavia).
The nationalist poet, Gabriele D’Annunzio, coined the phrase ‘the mutilated victory’ to characterise the disappointment Italian patriots felt at having won the war but ‘lost the peace’. D’Annunzio led a force of 2,000 ex-soldiers, Nationalists and Futurists, and occupied Fiume in September 1919 in protest at the Italian government’s decision to hand it over to Yugoslavia as the Treaty of St Germain dictated. The government of Francesco Nitti felt unable to drive D’Annunzio out, so the occupation continued until Giolitti returned as prime minister and ejected D’Annunzio and his followers in December 1920.

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6
Q

impact of war for nasser rise to power

A

Palestine and Egypt
- Egyptian solidarity for the plight of Palestinians rose in the late 30’s, particularly during the Arab rebellion. - Mood in Egypt turned against the Zionists there, who were close with high society and power. - Students demanded the country arm them and send them into battle. - This happened, but was thrown hastily together, the day after Israel claimed statehood. - Nasser was a commander there, and had a hard time. Had to buy supplies from local merchants. Felt let down by the gov. Huge scandal over rumors that they had sold their good weapons and pocketed the profits. - Soldiers returned from war to an ambivalent response and a bad situation. - But important to note: the arab world hurt after the 48 war. Nasser was seen as the only leader strong enough to set things right

WW2
*In 1940 Italy attacked neutral Egypt
*Britain increased troop levels - economic impact. Increased nationalism
*Some Egyptian nationalists supported Germany in the hope of an end to GB influence
*Major turning point: On 4th Feb 1942, GB forced the (new, since 1936) King Farouk to appoint a Wafd Government under pro-GB PM Nahas Pasha
*GB surround palace with tanks – variously called the Abdin Palace Coup or the 4 February Incident
*Tarnished reputation of King Farouk and the Wafd Party. Nasser would learn from this

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7
Q

social division in mussolini’s rise to power

A

bienno rosso

North vs south divide

Catholic church

Liberal Italy

Growing working class and peasant unrest from the 1890s, culminating in general strike of 1914

Socio economic changes led to trade unions, peasant leagues etc

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8
Q

social division in nasser’s rise to power

A

1919 liberal revolution
Nationalist liberal revolution, ushered in parliament - Nasser and Sadat born at around this time, grew up hearing about its glory but saw only its failures - Popular anti-colonial uprising after the war led to a new reform era ushered in by English colonialists

Political Division * 1944 – 1950 – 2 PM assassinated. Minority govts. But hope returned 1950 with Wafd party * In October 1951, PM Nahas Pasha ended the 1936 Treaty - GB proposed MEDO (a middle eastern NATO) instead, but Egypt rejected it * Egypt adopted a policy of non-cooperation with GB relating to the Canal Zone (labour, goods) * In Ismailia GB troops fired on auxiliary police they suspected of supporting Suez liberation (41 killed and 71 wounded) * This led to ‘Black Saturday’ (25 Jan. 1952) attacks and looting. King tried to appoint politicians – but couldn’t manage (not until Nasser) * For Stephens ‘The King, the Wafd and the British who between the had ruled Egypt for the previous thirty years had now between them made Egypt ungovernable’ – the army now arose as the most powerful element in Egyptian politics. The British the target

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9
Q

coercion/propaganda in negotiating prime minister the rise of power mussolini

A

use of force

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10
Q

coercion/propaganda in negotiating prime minister the rise of power nasser

A

nasser’s speech after assassination attempt

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11
Q

leadership in mussolini’s rise to power

A

matteotti crisis 1924
from pm to duce

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12
Q

matteotti crisis

A

In June 1924, a political crisis erupted over the murder of the moderate Socialist leader, Giacomo Matteotti. He had delivered a major speech in the Chamber at the end of May, in which he launched a scathing attack on the illegal methods employed by the Fascists in the recent elections. Just under two weeks later, he was abducted in broad daylight in Rome and his body was eventually discovered in a ditch in August. It was clear that his murderers were Fascists, what was less so was the extent to which Mussolini was involved. The outrage caused by the murder threatened to overwhelm Mussolini and for a time it looked as if he would not survive as prime minister.
Moderate Fascists such as De Stefani and Federzoni put pressure on Mussolini to expel the extremists who were damaging the reputation of Fascism. Mussolini responded by appointing Federzoni minister of the interior and Alfredo Rocco minister of justice; both men were former Nationalists and had great influence within Italy’s ruling classes. He also dismissed Cesare Rossi, head of the Fascist press office, who was directly linked to Matteotti’s murder, and Emilio de Bono, the Fascist director of public security. The ras and more militant elements in the Fascist movement were furious at these measures.
Mussolini managed to ride out the crisis because the opposition was weak and divided. The opposition made the mistake of walking out of the Chamber (in a move known as the Aventine Secession), which did nothing to undermine Mussolini’s position. Equally important to Mussolini’s survival was the continuing support of the King and of the Vatican. King Victor Emmanuel III preferred to retain Mussolini as prime minister rather than risk seeing a revival of the fortunes of the Left or a revolt by Fascist extremists.

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13
Q

when did mussolini merge the nationalist association with the pnf and why

A
  • He merged the Nationalist Association with the PNF in 1923; this gave Fascism greater respectability as Nationalists like Alfredo Rocco and Luigi Federzoni had influential connections among big landowners and industrialists, the armed forces, civil service and the royal court.
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14
Q

how dod de stefani aid italys economy

A
  • In 1924–25, Mussolini’s finance minister, De Stefani, reassured the business class by pursuing orthodox financial policies, cutting government spending and balancing the budget (keeping government spending in line with revenue). In this, De Stefani was helped by an upturn in the world economy.
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15
Q

how did mussolini reassure big landowner

A
  • He cancelled the Falconi and Visocchi Decrees, which had legalised peasant seizures of land. This reassured the big landowners.
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16
Q

mussolini keeping control of workers

A
  • He banned strikes and ended independent trade unions. Only Fascist unions were permitted in a law of April 1926, which followed on from the Palazzo Vidoni Pact of October 1925 between the Italian Confederation of Industry and the Fascist trade unions.
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17
Q

how did mussolini keep control within the chamber

A
  • He was granted emergency powers for one year by the Chamber.
  • He broke the PPI as a political force in 1923. The PPI was very divided between right-wing members, who favoured close ties with Mussolini because they feared the Socialists and wanted to end the rift between Church and state, and more reformist, or left-wing, members, who hated the Fascists who attacked the Catholic unions.
  • He sacked the PPI members of his coalition government in April 1923. Pope Pius XI, desperate to avoid confrontation with the Fascists, forced the leader of the PPI, Don Luigi Sturzo, to resign. The PPI split over the Acerbo Law; some right-wing PPI deputies voted for it while most decided to abstain from voting.
  • He got the Chamber to pass the Acerbo Law in November 1923. This gave the party with the most votes in an election two-thirds of the seats in the Chamber. Mussolini was anxious to get this measure passed because elections were due in 1924 and he wanted to ensure that the Fascists dominated the Chamber rather than having to rely on a coalition with other parties.
  • He won the parliamentary elections in April 1924. Mussolini presented a government list of candidates, including Liberals and some Popolari, to the electorate. Government candidates won 66% of the seats (375 out of 575), with PNF members securing over 50%.
  • The Fascists used unprecedented violence and intimidation against opponents in the 1924 elections. Vote-rigging and bribery by the Fascists were widespread, particularly in the South where these methods had traditionally been effective. The Fascists won over 80% of the votes in the South but only 54% in the North, where the working-classes still largely voted for the Socialists.
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18
Q

nasser’s leadership in rise to power

A

muslim brotherhood mass round up and imprisioning of brotherhood members were carried out and six of the leaders executed

formation of the UAR, 1958-62
- The appearance of genuine union proved deceptive. From the beginning, Syria chafed at not being treated as a true equal; its officials were denied positions of importance in government and Egypt took precedence in decision-making. Syrians began to regret forfeiting their independence by, in effect, subordinating themselves to Nasser and Egypt. The result was that in 1962, Syria unilaterally declared that it was withdrawing from the UAR. There were fears that Nasser would use the Egyptian army to prevent Syrian secession. He seems to have considered such a move, but decided eventually that the sight of Egypt’s forcibly imposing itself on another Arab state would seriously undermine his advocacy of PanArabism. He publicly accepted Syria’s withdrawal and acknowledged that mistakes had been made.

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19
Q

ideology

A
  • Elections local and national 1919 vs 1921
  • Changing to gain support
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20
Q

ideology for nasser’s rise to power

A

nasserism
Nasserism
- Not a specific political philosophy or ideology.
- The philosophy of revolution.
- Pan Arabism
- Egyptian nationalism
- Distate for Zionism but used atni-zionism as a powerful rallying call in Egypt.
- As long as Israel was the main political and very visible sign of Arab subjection, then he could always refer to the need for Egyptians and Arabs to unite in the struggle against the great affront to Egyptian and Arab pride – the existence of the state of Israel.
- Use anti-colonialism to gather support
Nasser as a Pan-Arabist
- Nasser’s outstanding personal success in the Suez Crisis encouraged him in his long-held ambition to become leader of Pan-Arabism. His aim was two-fold:
- to strengthen his position at home and
- to achieve Arab unity under Egypt’s guidance. In pursuit of this policy Nasser travelled widely in the Middle East and became diplomatically involved in the affairs of many of In what ways was Nasser’s adoption of Pan-Arabism an extension of his ambitions as Egyptian leader? The Hungarian Uprising An attempt, in October to November 1956, by the Hungarian communist government to break free of the Soviet Union’s control; it was crushed by invading Soviet forces. British Commonwealth In a process that began in 1931, most of the countries of Britain’s former empire, on becoming independent, joined together freely as an informal association of sovereign states under the patronage of the British Crown. 185 Chapter 6: Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser, 1952–70 the Arab nations. In all this activity, there were three key episodes which helped both to define his policy and explain why it ultimately failed:
● the formation of the United Arab Republic (UAR), 1958–62
● the war in Yemen, 1962–67
● the Six-Day War, 1967.

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21
Q

mussolini use of force

A

matteotti crisis

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22
Q

nasser use of force

A

muslim brotherhoood
mass roundup and imprisonment of brotherhood memebers were carried out and six of the leaders executed

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23
Q

legal methods mussolinis consolidation of power

A

Constitutions
Acerbo law 1924

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24
Q

legal methods nasser’s consolidation of power

A

The formation of the UAR, 1958–62
- What seemed to be an important step towards the furthering of Nasser’s Pan-Arabism was the formation in 1958 of the United Arab Republic (UAR), based on these terms:
● Egypt and Syria would merge as one nation
● Egypt would form the ‘Southern province’, Syria the ‘Northern province’
● Nasser was recognized as Head of State
● Egypt would control the joint military forces

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25
Q

leadership for mussolini’s consolidation of power

A

cult of indiviual
corporate state
propaganda

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26
Q

leadership for nasser’s consolidation of power

A

in 1955, attended many rallies to gain support

had media on his side

bandung conference 1955
- Nasser recovered from the temporary dip in his reputation following the Gaza incursion by figuring prominently at the Bandung Conference in Indonesia in April 1955 as representative, not simply of Egypt, but of the wider Arab world. It was at Bandung that he helped develop the non-aligned movement (NAM), whose basic attitude was expressed in the term, ‘positive neutralism’ – the idea that independent countries could stand aside from both the United States and the Soviet bloc. As a result of Bandung, Nasser became associated with major world figures such as Nehru of India and Tito of Yugoslavia, leaders who declined to take sides in the Cold War

October 54 speech: nasser becomes Nasser

  • Nasser negotiated withdrawal of the British; very effective negotiator - Gave a big public speech in Alexandria. Started nervous and stilted. Then midway through 8 shots rang out, and he responded with full emotion. “God be with you gamal”, from the crowd. - His famous response: “If Gamal abd al-Nasser should die, I will not die - for all of you are Gamal abd al-Nasser - Egypt’s well-being is linked not to Gamal And al-Nasser but to you and your struggle” - Assassin was from the Brotherhood - Nasser’s fame grew from here. He was beloved for being approachable on the street, and being modest in taste

“the philosophy of the revolution” (1955)
- British ambassador to Egypt: it reflected a “a breadth of vision, humanity and idealism” US ambassador: “selfless and icily intelligent”

One party state
National

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27
Q

mussolini propaganda for consolidation of power

A

black shirts
uniforms in schools
mussolini on notebook covers
control of the media

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28
Q

mussolini propaganda

A

Unsurprisingly, given his experience and skill as a journalist, Mussolini saw control of the media as vital. Prefects were given the power to censor newspapers in 1923 and the opposition press was suppressed in 1926. However, the Fascist government did not seek to take over the press and owned only 10% of newspapers. Nonetheless, Mussolini was determined to control what the newspapers wrote and reported. Journalists and editors who stepped out of line could be fined or banned from journalism, but in practice most editors conformed to the guidelines laid down by the government. The Fascist Press Office instructed newspapers about how events should be reported and insisted on the need to avoid reporting bad news such as crime stories.
Initially, Mussolini did not place a great emphasis on the importance of radio, partly because only 40,000 Italians owned a radio in the mid-1920s. However, this changed in the 1930s as government broadcasts increased and ownership of radios went up to 1 million by the late 1930s. Similarly, at first, the Fascist government did not see film as a particularly important medium. In 1924, a government film agency, Istituto Luce, was created to produce newsreels and documentaries. In 1937, the government funded an Italian film studio called Cinecittà. Yet, even then, there was not too great an emphasis on propaganda until the late 1930s.
Mussolini was constantly looking for propaganda opportunities to sell himself and the Fascist movement to the Italian people. Fascism concentrated on conveying an image of action and energy. Fascism’s aim was to create a new type of Italian – more virile, heroic and selfless – and propaganda was one means the regime sought to use to promote that purpose. From 1925, the cult of the Duce was launched. This was aided by the publication of the best-selling biography of Mussolini by his mistress Margherita Sarfatti, titled Dux (1926). As Denis Mack Smith has put it, Mussolini was a ‘stupendous poseur’ and many Italians appeared to like this. Mussolini was presented as a superman who excelled at all sports, worked relentlessly and was loved by the people. The Fascists regularly organised mass parades and developed elaborate rituals, often using classical Roman imagery. Mussolini sought to revive the ancient Roman spirit.
Mussolini’s use of propaganda was never as systematic as in Germany. The Ministry of Popular Culture, popularly known as MinCulPop, was not set up until 1937. Historians now largely agree that, particularly in the late 1920s and mid-1930s, the Fascist regime did enjoy widespread support; this was partly the result of successful policies such as restoring the Italian state’s relations with the Vatican but also because of propaganda. However, the limitations of Fascist propaganda can be seen in the regime’s failure to win popular support for the German alliance promoted by Mussolini from the mid-1930s or the anti-Semitic policy launched in 1938. During this more radical phase of Fascism, support for Mussolini began to ebb away and this process accelerated once Italy joined the Second World War in 1940.

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29
Q

propaganda in nasser’s consolidation of power

A

Radio
Broadcast across Egypt and the wider Middle East (est. 1934) * Nasser’s speeches became increasingly powerful * Critique imperialism, and opposing leaders * Appealed directly to the people (bully pulpit) – in a nation with low literacy rates and strong oral tradition

Tv
Started as a programme on RC, but soon became a rival station * Voice of the Arabs - “Sawt al-Arab, calling to the Arab nation from the heart of Cairo” (est. 1953) * Directed by Ahmed Said (pan-Arab, antiimperial), under Ministry of National Guidance * Mixed of political and news programming, with politicised and nationalistic songs and dramas
* Egypt has a well-established film industry by 1952, nationalised in 1961 * Nasser push for films focusing on everyman heroes and criticism of the imperial past * Put faith in stars like Adb el Halim Hafiz (beyond Egypt) * al-Haram (The Sin) – 1965, a typical example of Nasser’s favoured theme of class struggle

continued suppression
* Army * Secret police – Mukhabarat – 10,000 * Controlled trade unions * Government controlled media – TV, radio, by 1970 most urban homes - not all non-government newspapers closed down but secret police kept watch * Fedayeen – Egyptian civilian nationalists – supporters of Nasser * No protest - By 1960, 8,000 Islamists and 10,000 communists had been imprisoned along with hundreds of army officers. * Arab Socialist union (ASU) The new name given in 1962 to the National Union, the sole party allowed to function legally in Egypt. * Prison camps – state terror never on scale of China – 6 main camps – brutal – mostly communist and Islamic * Jews – not anti-semitic but anti-Zionist (creation of Israel depriving Arabs of land) – did put 500 in prison following 6 day war in 196

Newspapers * Minister of National Guidance, Mohammed Heikal – editor of al- Ahram * Close contact of Nasser * al-Ahram a key insight for foreign journalists and diplomats

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30
Q

treatment of opposition in mussolini’s consolidation of power

A

Matteotti crisis
Other parties banned
Trade unions

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31
Q

treatment of opposition in nasser’s consolidation of power

A

??

32
Q

foreign policy in mussolini’s consolidation of power

A

Corfu incident
Fiume

33
Q

foreign policy in nasser’s consolidation of power

A

When the Israelis seized part of the gaza strip, Nasser realised the need for an organised military and so accepted finance rom both the west and the soviet bloc. Egypt would take its money where it could find it, regardless of cold war divisions.

Benefits for Nasser from the Suez affair
- If Nasser’s decision not to fight had been a gamble, it was one that brought him huge returns. Eden’s decision to personalize the Suez Crisis had a remarkable unintended result for Nasser. Eden had stated ‘Our quarrel is not with Egypt – still less with the Arab world; it is with Colonel Nasser.’ In saying that and then losing the war, Eden made Egypt’s survival a great personal victory for Nasser. Disregarding how close they had been to defeat, Egyptians hailed their leader as the man who had successfully defied Western imperialism and repulsed Zionism. What was seen as his victory over neocolonialism meant that his reputation also soared in the Arab world

34
Q

legal methods in mussolini’s maintenance of power

A
  • He merged the Nationalist Association with the PNF in 1923; this gave Fascism greater respectability as Nationalists like Alfredo Rocco and Luigi Federzoni had influential connections among big landowners and industrialists, the armed forces, civil service and the royal court.
  • In 1924–25, Mussolini’s finance minister, De Stefani, reassured the business class by pursuing orthodox financial policies, cutting government spending and balancing the budget (keeping government spending in line with revenue). In this, De Stefani was helped by an upturn in the world economy.
  • He cancelled the Falconi and Visocchi Decrees, which had legalised peasant seizures of land. This reassured the big landowners.
  • He banned strikes and ended independent trade unions. Only Fascist unions were permitted in a law of April 1926, which followed on from the Palazzo Vidoni Pact of October 1925 between the Italian Confederation of Industry and the Fascist trade unions.
  • He pursued an assertive foreign policy during the Corfu Incident in 1923, in which Mussolini bullied Greece into paying compensation for the murder of some Italian officers by Greek bandits. Mussolini also pleased Nationalists by successfully negotiating with Yugoslavia for the transfer of Fiume to Italy in 1924.
  • He made concessions to the Catholic Church. The Education Act 1923 made religious education compulsory in primary schools and allowed secondary schools to offer it. Schools were also permitted to place crucifixes in classrooms. In January 1923, Mussolini had talks with the Vatican Secretary of State, Cardinal Pietro Gasparri, in which he declared his desire to resolve the long-running dispute between the Italian state and the Vatican.
    Mussolini successfully extended his control within and over the Chamber
  • He was granted emergency powers for one year by the Chamber.
  • He broke the PPI as a political force in 1923. The PPI was very divided between right-wing members, who favoured close ties with Mussolini because they feared the Socialists and wanted to end the rift between Church and state, and more reformist, or left-wing, members, who hated the Fascists who attacked the Catholic unions.
  • He sacked the PPI members of his coalition government in April 1923. Pope Pius XI, desperate to avoid confrontation with the Fascists, forced the leader of the PPI, Don Luigi Sturzo, to resign. The PPI split over the Acerbo Law; some right-wing PPI deputies voted for it while most decided to abstain from voting.
  • He got the Chamber to pass the Acerbo Law in November 1923. This gave the party with the most votes in an election two-thirds of the seats in the Chamber. Mussolini was anxious to get this measure passed because elections were due in 1924 and he wanted to ensure that the Fascists dominated the Chamber rather than having to rely on a coalition with other parties.
  • He won the parliamentary elections in April 1924. Mussolini presented a government list of candidates, including Liberals and some Popolari, to the electorate. Government candidates won 66% of the seats (375 out of 575), with PNF members securing over 50%.
  • The Fascists used unprecedented violence and intimidation against opponents in the 1924 elections. Vote-rigging and bribery by the Fascists were widespread, particularly in the South where these methods had traditionally been effective. The Fascists won over 80% of the votes in the South but only 54% in the North, where the working-classes still largely voted for the Socialists.
    Mussolini was partially successful in increasing his control over the Fascist Party
  • He established the Fascist Militia (its full name was the Voluntary Militia for National Security, or MSVN for short) in 1923. The MSVN absorbed all of the local squads into a national militia. Mussolini hoped that this would lead to greater discipline and centralised control over the squadristi, thereby undermining the independent power of the ras. This only proved a step towards increasing Mussolini’s control over the rank and file of the Fascist movement; his control remained incomplete at this stage.
  • He created the Fascist Grand Council in December 1922. This was presented as a way of improving communication between the Fascist Party and the government but, again, Mussolini saw this as a vehicle for asserting his personal control over the PNF and particularly over the ras.
    Liberal and Conservative politicians continued to underestimate Mussolini and were outmanoeuvred by him
  • They supported the Acerbo Law of 1923. The Liberals voted for the Acerbo Law because they believed that proportional representation had, since 1919, favoured the Socialists and produced a series of weak coalition governments.
  • The opposition parties blundered in their response to the political crisis sparked by the murder of the moderate Socialist leader, Giacomo Matteotti, in June 1924. This was a serious crisis for Mussolini and initially it looked as if he would not survive as prime minister.
  • When Mussolini was implicated in the murder, most of the opposition deputies, but not the Popolari, walked out of the Chamber. However, the so-called Aventine Secession simply strengthened the Fascist grip on the Chamber and achieved nothing. When they tried to return to the Chamber in 1925, they were refused admission.
35
Q

legal methods in nasser’s maintenance of power

A

Adoption of single-party rule
- Nasser’s national union declared to be only legitimate political party.
- For opponents, the prohibition on all other parties was proof that Egypt was adopting an autocratic form of government, despite its claim to be a republic. Of course, such adjectives were rejected by the National Union and Nasser himself.
- His justification for single-party rule ran along these lines:
- At its current stage of development Egypt’s great need was unity.
- Therefore, to engage in opposition was to be irresponsible to the point of treason.
- The one-party system was not an attack upon democracy; it was its fulfilment.
- Democracy could take many forms. It did not have to take a multi-party form.
- Democracy, after all, was the will of the people and, in Egypt’s case, the will of the people was represented in the enlightened rule of the National Union.
- There was the added consideration that democracy was suspect in Egyptian minds since it was associated with the colonial West whose grip Egypt had only just broken. It has also to be remembered that, even in Europe, democracy in historical terms was a relatively recent development. It was unrealistic to expect Egypt to embrace a system that had not been fully implemented in the UK and the USA until the late 1920s.

The Anglo-Egyptian Treaty, 1954 * Nasser’s esteem rose higher when he successfully negotiated a deal with Anthony Nutting, a British Foreign Office representative. A new Anglo Egyptian Treaty was signed in October 1954. * Under its terms, Britain undertook to: * withdraw from the Canal Zone within two years * abandon all connections with ex-King Farouk and the Egyptian monarchists * accept the right of Sudan to independence from Britain and Egypt

ew constitution 1956
* Nasser’s National Union was declared to be the only legitimate political party. - single party for the people * For opponents, the prohibition on all other parties was proof that Egypt was adopting an autocratic form of government, despite its claim to be a republic - rejected by the National Union and Nasser himself. * His justification for single-party rule : * At its current stage of development Egypt’s great need was unity. * Therefore, to engage in opposition was to be irresponsible to the point of treason. The one-party system was not an attack upon democracy; it was its fulfilment. Democracy could take many forms. It did not have to take a multi-party form. Democracy, after all, was the will of the people and, in Egypt’s case, the will of the people was represented in the enlightened rule of the National Union. * Democracy was also suspect in Egyptian minds since it was associated with the colonial West whose grip Egypt had only just broken.

1956: Nasser nationalizes the Suez Canal -
In response to American and British suspending aid for the construction of the Aswan Damn. Egypt had resisted terms, which were stuffed with Cold War caveats. - After Dulles withdrew American assistance, Nasser nationalized the Canal. - Gave his most famous speech from the same square in Alexandria where he survived the assassination attempt. - “we will build the high damn” - Egyptians across political boundaries poured into the streets in jubilation - Nasser promised to not interfere with shipping, and to protect the safety of all ships, but US, Britain and Israel sought to provoke a crisis that could bring down the Nasser regime

36
Q

use of force in mussolini’s consolidation of power

A

The March on Rome (October 1922)
Mussolini’s March on Rome was a successful bluff on his part. The Fascists mobilised 30,000 poorly armed squadristi for the March on Rome. They would have been no match for the regular army. On 27 October, Facta asked King Victor Emmanuel III to declare martial law and suspend civil liberties in preparation for suppressing the Fascist march. Crucially, after initially agreeing to Facta’s request, Victor Emmanuel lost his nerve and cancelled the order. Facta immediately resigned. Victor Emmanuel probably feared that civil war might break out if the army was ordered to confront the Fascist squads and he seemed to have been concerned in case the army proved unreliable (although all the evidence suggests the army would have obeyed orders to suppress the squads).

37
Q

use of force in nasser;s consolidation of power

A

Prison camps
- There were six known prison camps where thousands of opponents were incarcerated. The most notorious was Kharga in the remote Western Desert, specially reserved for Egyptian communists, who were routinely starved and beaten. The camp system was not on the scale of the laogai in China or the Gulag in the USSR (see pages 136 and 42), but the principle of maintaining places of terror both to punish the supposedly guilty and strike fear into the innocent was the same. Collectively, the camps were filled in the main with a mixture of communists, Muslim fundamentalists and assorted dissidents, arrested in the periodic rounding-up of opposition groups.

38
Q

leadership in mussolini’s maintenance of power

A
  • Mussolini was able to appeal to and balance elite support, such as that of the industrialist Alberto Pirelli and of the squadristi. This was an extremely difficult juggling act for Mussolini. If he leaned too much towards the violent authoritarianism of the ras or the radicalism of the ex-revolutionary syndicalists, he risked alienating his supporters among the elites. Conversely, if he appeared too much the moderate and the defender of the ruling classes, he might lose the backing of the ras.
  • The violence of the squads was both an asset and a liability for Mussolini. The squads’ destruction of the unions and Socialist organisations met with the approval of many big landowners, industrialists and leading figures within the armed forces, police and the Vatican. However, too much violence threatened a descent into anarchy and alarmed the propertied classes. This explains the Pact of Pacification that Mussolini signed with the reformist wing of the PSI in the summer of 1921. However, the Pact was denounced by the ras, the powerful regional Fascist bosses like Italo Balbo of Ferrara, who continued their attacks on the Socialists. Mussolini, therefore, abandoned the Pact.
  • Sometimes, Mussolini was forced to go further and faster than he wanted by the ras. For example, he was pushed into the March on Rome in October 1922. Italo Balbo told Mussolini, ‘We are going, either with you or without you.’
  • Increasingly, Mussolini was able to win the backing of powerful elements within the ruling elites who did not become Fascists but saw in Mussolini a valuable ally in the fight against Socialism. In 1922, there was a new pope, Pius XI, who was sympathetic to Mussolini and sensed in him an opportunity of improving Church–state relations.
  • The police and army were favourably inclined towards the squadristi and helped them in their battles with the Socialists, either by turning a blind eye to squad violence or by supplying the squads with weapons.
  • The Liberals miscalculated: they thought they could use Mussolini. Therefore, the 1921 elections saw the PNF invited to join the government election list by Giolitti. Similarly, Salandra, in October 1922, advised King Victor Emmanuel III to appoint Mussolini prime minister, wanting to prevent his longstanding rival, Giolitti, from coming to power and believing that the Fascists could be tamed.
39
Q

leadership in nasser’s maintenance of power

A

Nasser’s personality
- Continuation of egypt’s historical tradition that government was a matter of power exercised from the centre. Even after the overthrow of king Farouk there was a residual respect, if not for kingship, at least for central, one-person rule. It was part of Egypt’s history and Nasser in applying a despotic grip was not really reversing the tradition, he was restoring it. Nasser did use state terror to enforce authority, but it was never mass terror of the type associated with Stalin’s USSR, Hitler’s Germany and Mao’s China.
Idea of arab nationalism
Suez turned Nasser into an international superstar - Because he exposed the conspiracy - Which in turn strengthened his claims to have defeated the forces of imperialism - His speeches — “We’ll fight on and on” - were turned into popular anthems and slogans. - Crowds mobbed Nasser everywhere he went. Suez as a turning point in colonial history - For Britain, the end of empire. “The Lion’s Last Roar” - Anthony Eden, Churchill’s heir, resigned in disgrace. His downfall was his monomaniacal obsession with Nasser, who he thought of as Hitler on the Nile. Egypt after Suez: secular nationalism - Huge infrastructure projects - Flourishing of the arts: music, film - Some filmmakers began to explore taboo social issues: poverty, crime, sex. - Minister of Culture described a trip to Bayreuth to hear Wagner’s Ring Cycle as his personal hajj. - Modern art, jazz bands, dance troupes all toured - Pop magazine had local starlets on the cover and American actresses on the back - Regime nationalized the major theological seminary and oversaw its conversion into a secular university with faculties of arts, sciences, medicine and engineering - Egyptianization: many non-Egyptians left, or were expelled. Some saw this as the righting of past wrongs, some saw it as a regression from cosmopolitan values

40
Q

propaganda in nasser’s maintenance of power

A

Nasser’s ‘egypt’s liberation: the philosophy of revolution’ (1955)
- , he argued that centuries of foreign domination had drained the Egyptian people of their real sense of identity and unity. He saw it as his duty to redirect the revolution to its true task, that of instilling into the Egyptian people a new sense of purpose and of ending division between them. He confessed to having been disturbed by the way the first stage of the revolution had been distorted. The overthrow of the monarchy had been followed not by harmony, but by vindictiveness. Nasser’s dissatisfaction with what the first revolution had produced strengthened his notion that Egypt’s progress depended on the enlightened rule of a one-party government, capable of providing the discipline and leadership the nation needed.

41
Q

propaganda in mussolini’s maintenance of power

A

??

42
Q

treatment of opposition in mussolini’s maintenance of power

A

o The church
One of the greatest weaknesses of ‘Liberal Italy’ had been the long-term rift between the Italian state and the Vatican. Initially, Mussolini would have seemed an unlikely candidate for resolving the so-called ‘Roman Question’ because, prior to 1922, he had shown himself to be strongly anti-clerical and had written a pamphlet titled God Does Not Exist. However, Mussolini recognised the potential political gains he could make by means of an agreement with the Vatican. Showing his characteristic pragmatism, he remarried his wife Rachele in a church wedding in 1925 and had his children baptised.
Healing the Church–state rift was arguably Mussolini’s most important triumph. By reaching a series of agreements with the Pope in 1929, he won the approval of millions of Italian Catholics and reassured many conservative Italians, particularly members of the establishment, that the regime had turned its back on the radical origins of the Fascist movement. The resolution of the ‘Roman Question’ also won the regime prestige abroad. The Pope famously referred to Mussolini as ‘the man sent by providence’.
The signing of the Lateran Pact in 1929, however, angered many radical Fascists who were deeply anti-clerical. The continuing independence of the Catholic Church severely undermined the Fascists’ claim to exercise totalitarian rule because the Catholic Church remained a rival source of authority and values to Fascism.
Pope Pius XI was keen to reach an accommodation with Mussolini. The Pope was fiercely anti-Socialist and Communist and welcomed the Fascists’ destruction of left-wing parties in Italy. The Pope had been encouraged by early concessions to the Church made by Mussolini in the early to mid-1920s, for example exempting the clergy from paying taxes. In return, Pius XI had forced the resignation of Don Sturzo, the leader of the Popolari, who had been a powerful opponent of Fascism.
The Lateran Pact contained three agreements signed in 1929:
o The Lateran Treaty involved in the recognition of the Pope’s sovereign rule over the Vatican City.
o The Concordat recognised Catholicism as the sole state religion. Church marriages were made legal and religious education in secondary schools became compulsory (Mussolini had already made it compulsory in primary schools). Catholic Action (a lay organisation) was allowed to continue operating as long as it carried out its ‘activities independently of all political parties and immediately subordinate to the Church hierarchy, for the diffusion and realization of Catholic principles.’
o A financial convention in which the Vatican received compensation to the tune of 750 million lire in cash and 1,000 million lire in government bonds for the Italian Kingdom’s taking over of the Papal States in 1860 and Rome in 1870.

  • Justice and Liberty (Giustizia e Libertà)
    Exiled Socialists, led by Carlo and Nello Rosselli, founded an opposition movement called Justice and Liberty (Giustizia e Libertà) in 1929. They distributed anti-Fascist literature in Italy and organised the dropping of 100,000 leaflets from the skies above Milan in 1930 and 400,000 over Rome in 1931. The Rosselli brothers were killed in 1937 by French Fascists in Paris, acting in response to a request from the Italian government, and Giustizia e Libertà subsequently became much weaker and less active.

Nasser called for a ‘national union’, all the Egyptian parties to come under the leadership of the RCC.
*Creating a one-party state which would exclude all opposition groups. Banned
*Nasser embarked on a policy of political repression.
*Groups such as the communists and extreme nationalists, who were unwilling to co-operate with the new government, were to be suppressed.

*Nasser made a particular target of the Muslim Brotherhood.
*Initially, the Brotherhood had welcomed the Free Officers’ revolution since it expected that it would lead to the establishment of an Islamic republic.
*However, when Nasser made it clear that Egypt was to remain a secular state the Brotherhood quickly turned against him.
*he ordered it to be closed down in January 1954.
*In justification for such suppression Nasser pointed to the uncompromising opposition of the Muslim Brotherhood

43
Q

nasser’s treatment of opposition in maintenance of power

A

Suppression of opposition
● the armed forces
● the Mukhabarat – the secret police and intelligence agencies, the main instruments for maintaining state security. Growing into a large bureaucracy, with a staff of 10,000 officials, the Mukhabarat stood outside the law and had the power to interfere with any of the other state organizations
● the bureaucracy – Nasser deliberately governed through an extensive bureaucracy in order to suggest that his authority had a much wider base than simply his own individual power
● the government-controlled trade unions
● the Fedayeen – now regarded as representing Nasser’s popular following and capable of controlling Egypt’s internal dissidents
● the government-controlled media which acted as Nasser’s propaganda machine.

44
Q

foreign policy in mussolini’s rise to power

A

o talian co-operation with the international community
The explanation for the relatively peaceful and restrained policy conducted by Mussolini during the 1920s lies in the fact that much of his attention was focused on extending and then consolidating his political position within Italy. Furthermore, much of the Italian army was tied up in suppressing rebellion in Libya, which Italy had taken over back in 1911.
o Mussolini acquired Fiume from Yugoslavia by diplomacy in 1924 and, in the same year, received small areas of French and British territory in East Africa.
o Mussolini signed the Locarno Pact in 1925, which involved Germany accepting its western frontiers and being admitted to the League of Nations.
o Mussolini signed the Kellogg–Briand Pact in 1928, along with over 60 other countries, whereby they pledged to renounce war. Mussolini did not appear to take this agreement seriously.
Key terms 🗝
Locarno Pact: a series of international agreements signed by a number of European countries meeting at the Locarno Conference in 1925.
Kellogg–Briand Pact: an agreement signed by over 60 countries, by which they promised not to go to war except in self-defence. Named after the American secretary of state (Kellogg) and the French foreign minister (Briand).
However, even in the 1920s, Mussolini demonstrated a preference for confrontation and aggression:
o The Corfu Crisis (1923). Italian troops occupied Corfu after the murder of an Italian general by Greek bandits. Mussolini sought to bully Greece into paying compensation to Italy. It is possible that Mussolini had planned to take Corfu permanently, but he withdrew after the League of Nations ordered Greece to pay Italy compensation.
o Relations with France and Yugoslavia. Superficially, Mussolini appeared to want good Franco–Italian relations, but he demonstrated a hostile attitude to France in several ways in the 1920s:
o He encouraged opposition movements in France’s Moroccan and Tunisian colonies.
o He was hostile to Yugoslavia, an ally of France, because it had gained territory Italy had wanted at the end of the First World War. Mussolini funded Croat separatists who sought independence from Yugoslavia. He also helped King Zog seize power in Albania in 1926 and turned Albania into a satellite state to extend Italy’s influence to the south of Yugoslavia.
Key term 🗝
Satellite state: a country which is effectively under the control of another, more powerful state.

45
Q

foreign policy in nasser’s rise to power

A

??

46
Q

mussolini domestic policies in maintenance of power

A
  • Agriculture
    Fascist propaganda presented rural life as the ideal but the reality was that the government spent little time or money on agricultural issues (except for the Battle for Grain).
  • Mussolini virtually ignored the South where these problems were most acute.
  • Living standards deteriorated for peasants and agricultural labourers.
  • Poor southerners could not so easily seek an escape route by emigrating to the USA as immigration controls were tightened considerably by the American authorities.
  • With growing underemployment and unemployment in rural areas, poor farmers migrated to the cities in spite of Fascist attempts to restrict this ‘flight from the land’; about 500,000 agricultural labourers or peasant farmers did so during Mussolini’s rule.
  • The Fascists did nothing to challenge the interests of the traditional big landowners. In the 1930s, 20,000 families owned half of Italy’s arable land.

o The Battle for the Lira (1926)

  • The Battle for Grain (1925)
  • Agriculture
    Overall, with the exception of the Battle for Grain, Fascist economic policy did little to try to address the backward agricultural methods which characterised much of Italy’s farming or widespread peasant poverty. Fascist propaganda presented rural life as the ideal but the reality was that the government spent little time or money on agricultural issues (except for the Battle for Grain).
  • Mussolini virtually ignored the South where these problems were most acute.
  • Living standards deteriorated for peasants and agricultural labourers.
  • Poor southerners could not so easily seek an escape route by emigrating to the USA as immigration controls were tightened considerably by the American authorities.
  • With growing underemployment and unemployment in rural areas, poor farmers migrated to the cities in spite of Fascist attempts to restrict this ‘flight from the land’; about 500,000 agricultural labourers or peasant farmers did so during Mussolini’s rule.
  • The Fascists did nothing to challenge the interests of the traditional big landowners. In the 1930s, 20,000 families owned half of Italy’s arable land.

*

Italy Western European average
% drop in gross national product (GNP) 5.4 7.1
% drop in industrial output 22.7 23.2
Source: P. Ciocca and G. Toniolo (1976, p. 36)

47
Q

nasser’s economic domestic policies for maintenance of power

A

nationalization of suez canal
● acquire desperately needed finance
● inspire the Egyptian people
● impress the Arab world
● strike at European neo-colonialism

  • Nationalization:
    In keeping with his proclaimed objective of following a socialist approach, Nasser considerably increased the role of the state in economic planning. Prior to his taking power in 1954, state ownership had been limited to railways, irrigation and oil refining. By 1967, the enterprises under state control included:
    ● banks and finance houses
    ● insurance companies
    ● transport
    ● hotels
    ● large shopping stores
    ● the press
    ● the export–import trade. In addition, following the seizure of the Suez Canal Company in 1956, Nasser took over British and French commercial properties and extended the expropriations to include the holdings of a number of foreign companies and concerns.
  • Agrarian reform
    During Nasser’s lifetime, Egypt’s population rose from 23 to 33 million. Since Egypt was overwhelmingly a rural society, agriculture was the basic form of economic activity. Barely 20 per cent of the people lived or worked in urban areas. Agriculture policy was, therefore, a vital part of economic planning. A number of key agricultural measures were introduced:
    ● To redress the imbalance on the land where 75 per cent of the land was owned by only 6 per cent of the landowners, a limit of 200 feddans was placed on the amount of land an individual could legally hold. This was later reduced to 100 feddans. Nasser’s domestic policies and their impact Key question: What impact did Nasser’s rule have on the lives of the Egyptian people? 3 How successful were the economic and social policies followed by Nasser? Feddans A traditional measure of approximately one acre or half a hectare of land. 193
    ● Land was redistributed to encourage smaller landowners. As a result 320,000 feddans had been reallocated to the peasants by 1961.
    ● Rents were reduced and frozen.
    ● The wages of agricultural labourers were raised.
    ● Taxes were lowered to reward efficient farmers. The land reforms Nasser introduced, although criticized by some for not going far enough, were important measures. Poverty was significantly reduced under him. Farming also became more efficient in some areas, a critical development since Nasser wanted food to be produced not simply to feed the people but to create a surplus that could be sold to acquire foreign capital
  • Industrialization
    Appreciating that no nation can modernize without having a strong productive base, Nasser’s major objective was to achieve industrial growth. If industry could be made more productive, this would address a besetting weakness – Egypt’s trade imbalance. The country imported too much and exported too little. If that gap could be reduced or even reversed through Egypt’s becoming more self-sufficient, then the capital that was saved could be invested in industrial expansion. Major changes on the industrial front were made in an effort to achieve this:
    ● Industrial corporations were nationalized with the aim of making them more responsive to national needs. Their profits would be used both to redistribute wealth and provide capital for government projects.
    ● Two thousand new factories were built in Egypt in Nasser’s time.
    ● A government Economic Agency was formed in 1957 to implement and monitor industrial growth plans
48
Q

aswan high dam

A
  • All the schemes that were devised were dependent on one economic essential: the availability of energy supplies. The generation of electricity was central to Nasser’s modernization plans. This was why the Aswan High Dam loomed so large in government thinking and propaganda. It was intended to provide electricity for large areas of Egypt and so be a major industrial stimulus. However, although the physical construction of the Dam was in itself a major achievement that symbolized Egypt’s bid for modernity, the Aswan High Dam as an economic venture delivered less than it promised. By the time of Nasser’s death in 1970, it had not met the economic and social expectations that accompanied its construction.
    ● The original hope had been that the disruption caused by the need to relocate hundreds of thousands of people, mainly Nubians, would be offset by the Dam’s effect in bringing over a million feddans into cultivation. In the event, barely half that amount of land became available for farming and the displaced Nubians were left impoverished.
    ● Instead of producing the expected 10 million kWh of electricity each year, only 7 million were generated.
    Modernization The movement of a nation from a rural, agricultural society to an urban, industrial one. Nubians A group of people living in southern Egypt and northern Sudan with a distinct culture, language and history. kWh Kilowatt hours, the main measurement of electrical output. 194
    ● The estimate that some 4,000 Egyptian villages would be electrified by the end of the 1960s proved seriously inaccurate. Barely half that figure was reached.
    ● The ability to complete the Dam’s construction by 1969 depended in the end on borrowing heavily from the USSR, Western bankers and governments being unwilling to loan to Egypt following its earlier seizure of foreign assets. ‘The Aswan Dam is no more than a monument to Nasser’s autocracy and megalomania … it pawned Egypt’s resources to the Soviet Union.’ This verdict by political scientist P.J. Vatikiotis may be harsh, but it was certainly true that Nasser, in his determination to break free from Western capitalist domination, had put Egypt at the financial mercy of the Soviet Union. Aware that after its defeat by Israel in 1967, Egypt would need to make up the heavy losses in arms and equipment it had suffered, the Soviet Union struck a hard bargain: it demanded that in return for Soviet supplies Egypt had to sell its cotton crop at a low, fixed, non-negotiable price to the USSR for the next five years.
49
Q

nasser finance

A

Finance
In regard to finance, Nasser operated what was essentially a closed system. Since there was no outside scrutiny, his government was not accountable. Nevertheless, it is now known from Egyptian and Western sources that during the period 1952–66, Egypt received the following amounts: ● $1.335 billion from the Soviet bloc for the construction of the Aswan Dam and for industrial development ● $400 million from the Western countries for industrial projects ● over $4 billion was raised from the seizure of foreign assets. In the same period the Egyptian government claimed to have spent $6 billion in the public sector developing Egypt’s infrastructure. But while there were spectacular signs of investment, as in the construction of transport systems, these did not explain the gap between the large amounts the government received and the relatively small amounts it spent. This led some observers to suggest that the money not accounted for had been used corruptly by Nasser’s government as bribes to buy political support.

50
Q

economic changes in nasser’s egypt

A
  • Nasser’s Egypt saw undoubted economic improvement. As a result of land reform and other economic measures, agricultural and industrial production rose. An important shift occurred in the pattern of Egypt’s exports. Traditionally, Egypt’s foreign exports had been dominated by cotton. During Nasser’s time such exports dropped by 50 per cent, but this was partly compensated for by an increase in the sale abroad of industrial manufactures. Of equal significance was the number of Egyptians who went as oil workers to neighbouring Arab countries. Since these countries, as well as paying the guest workers directly, also paid Nasser’s government for the privilege, this provided a substantial income for Egypt. By 1970 there were over 3 million such workers, based mainly in the Arabian Peninsula.
51
Q

social policies in mussolini’s maintenance of power

A

??

52
Q

social policies in nasser’s maintenance of power

A

Nasser’s aims as a leader (June 1956)
● rid Egypt of the legacy of monarchy
● destroy the vestiges of colonialism
● end feudalism
● end monopoly capitalism in Egypt
● create social justice
● establish democracy
● build up Egypt’s armed forces.

Positive aspects
Despite the disappointments attaching to such developments as the Aswan High Dam, millions of Egyptians did experience a significant increase in the quality of their living and working conditions. By 1970, Egypt could boast a GNP growth rate of over 4 per cent, which, according to World Bank figures, was well above the international average. Among the major benefits for the Egyptian people were:
● A growing number of schools and universities were built or improved.
● The number of children attending school in Egypt quadrupled during Nasser’s regime.
● Modern science, which included the teaching of evolution, was developed as a subject in schools and universities.
● Housing developments were planned in the major cities.
● Clean water was provided in many areas.
● New or improved hospitals and clinics were developed.

Nasser’s strategy for domestic development
In short, it suggests the policies took the form of two broad phases:
* 1952-1956 ‘private enterprise economy’
* 1956-1970 ‘state capitalism’ – define; more involvement in economy – ‘state bureaucracy’ (similar to Mussolini’s Corporate State?) Other features:
* Moving away from west – nationalization of Suez Canal, move towards UAR – (Mussolini was involved in western systems however attempted autarky)
* The constitution needed changing (UAR) – 1956 – new constitution – one party National Union, merged Syria and Egypt, women voting (similarity and difference to Mussolini’s Italy?)

53
Q

women and minorities in mussolini’s maintenance of power

A
  • Women
    domestic housewives
    ‘angels of the hearth’.
    The Fascists encouraged girls and women to dress ‘modestly’ and Fascist propaganda criticised short skirts, high heels and the use of cosmetics.

The Fascist regime tried to restrict female participation in the workforce, for example by introducing a law in 1933 which limited women to just 10% of public-sector jobs and this quota was extended to jobs in many private businesses in 1938.

fascists couldn’t reverse the trend of growing numbers of women attending university and getting public-sector jobs.
1914 women comprised just 6% of the student population in Italy’s universities,
15% by 1938.

Women did benefit in certain ways under the Fascist regime as the Fascists, as part of their drive to promote population growth, extended healthcare and welfare benefits, increasing welfare spending from 7% to 20% of total government expenditure in the 1930s. The Mother and Child Organisation had been set up before Mussolini came to power but he expanded the antenatal care services it provided.
The academic Perry Wilson has highlighted the limited impact of Fascist policy on women:

54
Q

women and minorities in mussolini’s maintenance of power

A

The status of women
- ‘Woman must be regarded as equal to man and she must shed the remaining shackles that impede her freedom of movement, so that she can play a constructive and vital part in shaping Egyptian society.’

His approach angered the Muslim Brotherhood which condemned such moves as un-Islamic. This was one of the issues in his continual struggle with the movement. As a devout Muslim himself, he rejected their claim to speak for Islam. As part of his clampdown on the Brotherhood, he insisted that the religious courts be brought under the jurisdiction and authority of the secular courts. This gave him the leverage to introduce such measures as:
● the compulsory schooling of all Egyptian children, girls and boys
● the modernizing of divorce laws so that wives had equal rights with husbands to separation
● the introduction of family planning services to limit the number of children to those a family could financially support
● granting women the right not to have to wear the veil in public
● denying religious authorities the power to censor films and television programmes.

55
Q

mussolini’s authoritarian-ness

A

Constitutional rule or dictatorship? The question resolved (January 1925)
The Matteotti Crisis brought to a head the tensions within the Fascist movement. A delegation of 30 consuls, as the ras were now known, delivered Mussolini an ultimatum on New Year’s Eve: either Mussolini took steps towards establishing a dictatorship or they would depose him as leader. Three days later, Mussolini made a speech in the Chamber in which he announced his intention to establish authoritarian government. In the speech, he declared his responsibility for Fascist violence without admitting to any involvement in Matteotti’s murder:

56
Q

nasser’s authoritarian-ness

A

Nasser himself endeavoured to play down the personal nature of his rule, claiming that it represented a genuine expression of the Egyptian popular will: ‘Government is now by the people. There is no need for rules. Governments in the past were against the people. Today government is one – fused with the people.’ However, P.J. Vatikiotis suggests that, contrary to Nasser’s claims, Egypt experienced a decline in political freedoms under his regime: ‘Egyptians after 1952 moved from some freedom under law to greater autocracy and servitude; from a degree of legality to almost plain arbitrariness. Arbitrary rule is by definition, tyrannical.’

57
Q

Tawfiq al-Hakim on nasser authoritarianism

A

governing and political class broadened its composition as a consequence of Nasser’s domestic policies. This did not lessen Nasser’s authority but it showed that he was prepared to give it a wider base. People who had been excluded before 1952 now took a role, sometimes of particular significance, in the new regime. This expansion has sometimes been defined as an aspect of ‘Nasserism’ insofar as government under Nasser can be thought of as introducing a specific system identified with him.

58
Q

how many landlowners owned how much land

A

Fewer than 6% landowners owned 65% cultivatable land
* More than 77% (over 5s) were illiterate
* Life expectancy 36

59
Q

illeteracy rate in the rise of mussolini

A
  • More than 77% (over 5s) were illiterate
60
Q

life expectancy in mussolinis rise to power

A

Life expectancy 36

61
Q

poverty and pashas

A

Rural poverty led to burgeoning urban slums * Few workers’ rights (unions run by the state) * Robert Stephens sees the rich-poor divide as akin to pre-Revolutionary France – the pashas disappointed – led to failure of Parliamentary democracy p 13The government were mainly drawn from high-ranking ‘pashas’ who seemed more set on maintaining power than economic reform

62
Q

describe the primeministers in the weakness of poltical system from 1944-50 in Nasser

A

Political Division
* 1944 – 1950 – 2 PM assassinated. Minority govts. But hope returned 1950 with Wafd party *

63
Q
  • In Ismailia GB troops fired on HOW MANY auxiliary police they suspected of supporting Suez liberation
A

(41 killed and 71 wounded)
* This led to ‘Black Saturday’ (25 Jan. 1952) attacks and looting. King tried to appoint politicians – but couldn’t manage (not until Nasser)
* For Stephens ‘The King, the Wafd and the British who between the had ruled Egypt for the previous thirty years had now between them made Egypt ungovernable’ – the army now arose as the most powerful element in Egyptian politics. The British the targe

64
Q

describe international policies in 1951

A

In October 1951, PM Nahas Pasha ended the 1936 Treaty - GB proposed MEDO (a middle eastern NATO) instead, but Egypt rejected it.

Egypt adopted a policy of non-cooperation with GB relating to the Canal Zone (labour, goods) (NOT SURE WHEN)

65
Q

what measures did nasser implement to women

A

● the compulsory schooling of all Egyptian children, girls and boys
● the modernizing of divorce laws so that wives had equal rights with husbands to separation
● the introduction of family planning services to limit the number of children to those a family could financially support
● granting women the right not to have to wear the veil in public
● denying religious authorities the power to censor films and television programmes.

66
Q

richard bosworth on the fascist approach to women

A

Fascist newspapers often excoriated [severely criticised] the vices of the modern donna crisi (twitchy woman), thin, neurotic and very likely sterile, as distinct from the virtues of the traditional donna madre (woman and mother), stocky, large-hipped, big-bosomed and, above all, fertile.
Richard Bosworth, 2005, pp. 267–68
The Rocco Criminal Code of 1932 reinforced the legal and financial power of husbands over their wives and laid down penalties for female, but not male, adultery. However, as John Pollard points out:

67
Q

fasci femminili and womens groups

A

Female Fascist organisations were set up, such as Fasci Femminili, which served as an instrument for disseminating the regime’s traditional attitudes towards women. The Catholic Church also took this line, with Pope Pius XI publishing his encyclical (letter to the bishops) Casti Connubii in 1930 in which he declared that the role of women was to be obedient wives and devoted mothers. In 1933 and 1938 respectively, the Fascist government established organisations for peasant women, Massaie Rurali (‘rural wives’) and SOLD, the Section for Factory and Homeworkers. By 1942, 2.9 million Italian women were enrolled in the Massaie Rurali alone.

68
Q

Nasser’s aims as a leader (June 1956)

A

● rid Egypt of the legacy of monarchy
● destroy the vestiges of colonialism
● end feudalism
● end monopoly capitalism in Egypt
● create social justice
● establish democracy
● build up Egypt’s armed forces.

69
Q

postive aspects of aswan high dam

A

Despite the disappointments attaching to such developments as the Aswan High Dam, millions of Egyptians did experience a significant increase in the quality of their living and working conditions. By 1970, Egypt could boast a GNP growth rate of over 4 per cent, which, according to World Bank figures, was well above the international average. Among the major benefits for the Egyptian people were:
● A growing number of schools and universities were built or improved.
● The number of children attending school in Egypt quadrupled during Nasser’s regime.
● Modern science, which included the teaching of evolution, was developed as a subject in schools and universities.
● Housing developments were planned in the major cities.
● Clean water was provided in many areas.
● New or improved hospitals and clinics were developed.

70
Q

Nasser’s strategy for domestic development

A

In short, it suggests the policies took the form of two broad phases:
* 1952-1956 ‘private enterprise economy’
* 1956-1970 ‘state capitalism’ – define; more involvement in economy – ‘state bureaucracy’ (similar to Mussolini’s Corporate State?) Other features:
* Moving away from west – nationalization of Suez Canal, move towards UAR – (Mussolini was involved in western systems however attempted autarky)
* The constitution needed changing (UAR) – 1956 – new constitution – one party National Union, merged Syria and Egypt, women voting (similarity and difference to Mussolini’s Italy?)

71
Q

nationalization of suez canal

A

● acquire desperately needed finance
● inspire the Egyptian people
● impress the Arab world
● strike at European neo-colonialism

72
Q

Nationalization:

A

In keeping with his proclaimed objective of following a socialist approach, Nasser considerably increased the role of the state in economic planning. Prior to his taking power in 1954, state ownership had been limited to railways, irrigation and oil refining. By 1967, the enterprises under state control included:
● banks and finance houses
● insurance companies
● transport
● hotels
● large shopping stores
● the press
● the export–import trade. In addition, following the seizure of the Suez Canal Company in 1956, Nasser took over British and French commercial properties and extended the expropriations to include the holdings of a number of foreign companies and concerns.

73
Q

Agrarian reform

A

During Nasser’s lifetime, Egypt’s population rose from 23 to 33 million. Since Egypt was overwhelmingly a rural society, agriculture was the basic form of economic activity. Barely 20 per cent of the people lived or worked in urban areas. Agriculture policy was, therefore, a vital part of economic planning. A number of key agricultural measures were introduced:
● To redress the imbalance on the land where 75 per cent of the land was owned by only 6 per cent of the landowners, a limit of 200 feddans was placed on the amount of land an individual could legally hold. This was later reduced to 100 feddans. Nasser’s domestic policies and their impact Key question: What impact did Nasser’s rule have on the lives of the Egyptian people? 3 How successful were the economic and social policies followed by Nasser? Feddans A traditional measure of approximately one acre or half a hectare of land. 193
● Land was redistributed to encourage smaller landowners. As a result 320,000 feddans had been reallocated to the peasants by 1961.
● Rents were reduced and frozen.
● The wages of agricultural labourers were raised.
● Taxes were lowered to reward efficient farmers. The land reforms Nasser introduced, although criticized by some for not going far enough, were important measures. Poverty was significantly reduced under him. Farming also became more efficient in some areas, a critical development since Nasser wanted food to be produced not simply to feed the people but to create a surplus that could be sold to acquire foreign capital

74
Q

industrialization

A

Appreciating that no nation can modernize without having a strong productive base, Nasser’s major objective was to achieve industrial growth. If industry could be made more productive, this would address a besetting weakness – Egypt’s trade imbalance. The country imported too much and exported too little. If that gap could be reduced or even reversed through Egypt’s becoming more self-sufficient, then the capital that was saved could be invested in industrial expansion. Major changes on the industrial front were made in an effort to achieve this:
● Industrial corporations were nationalized with the aim of making them more responsive to national needs. Their profits would be used both to redistribute wealth and provide capital for government projects.
● Two thousand new factories were built in Egypt in Nasser’s time.
● A government Economic Agency was formed in 1957 to implement and monitor industrial growth plans

75
Q

battle for lira 1926

A

Apart from the Battle for the Grain, Mussolini’s one major intervention in economic policy prior to the Great Depression (1929) was his decision to revalue the lira. Rising prices and increasing import levels accompanied a sharp fall in the lira’s value. For Mussolini, this was a question of prestige; he announced that ‘I shall defend the Italia lira to my last breath.’ This proved disastrous as it was fixed at an artificially high rate of 90 lire to the pound (it had been 154 to the pound) and so was known as the Quota 90 (Quota novanta).
Key issues 📝
What were the results of the Battle for the Lira?
o The revaluation hit Italian exports which became much more expensive as a consequence.
o Exports were further hit by the tit-for-tat tariff war with other countries that Mussolini’s protectionist policy provoked. Consequently, the value of Italian exports was halved in the period 1925–38, from 44 million lire to 22 million lire.
o Italian consumers should have benefited from cheaper imports resulting from the revaluation, but this was not the case because the Fascist government raised tariffs. Moreover, in 1927 the government introduced a 10% wage cut. Further wage cuts occurred in 1930.

76
Q

battle for grain 1925

A

Mussolini’s goal was to make Italy self-sufficient in wheat production. Tariffs on imported grain were raised and the government provided financial incentives to farmers to switch production from other crops to grain.
Key issues 📝
What were the results of the Battle for Grain?
* Grain production nearly doubled from 1923 to 1938, from 4.5 million metric tons a year to 8.2 million metric tons a year.
* Grain imports fell by 75% in the same period.
* Although successful in increasing grain output, this was achieved at the expense of other crops and so damaged Italian agriculture. Exports of citrus fruit, olive oil and wine all fell heavily.
* The policy was particularly damaging in the South where the soil was not conducive to wheat production but was better suited to fruit and wine growing.
* Livestock levels fell sharply too as farmers switched land usage from pasture to arable; for example, the number of cattle in the South dropped by 20%.
* Italian consumers suffered from higher food prices.
As the historian Martin Clark puts it so well:

Mussolini’s wheat policy made little economic sense. But then it was not an economic policy. It was politics and propaganda, like everything else he did: not bread, but circuses.
Martin Clark, 1984, p. 323
* Agriculture
Overall, with the exception of the Battle for Grain, Fascist economic policy did little to try to address the backward agricultural methods which characterised much of Italy’s farming or widespread peasant poverty. Fascist propaganda presented rural life as the ideal but the reality was that the government spent little time or money on agricultural issues (except for the Battle for Grain).
* Mussolini virtually ignored the South where these problems were most acute.
* Living standards deteriorated for peasants and agricultural labourers.
* Poor southerners could not so easily seek an escape route by emigrating to the USA as immigration controls were tightened considerably by the American authorities.
* With growing underemployment and unemployment in rural areas, poor farmers migrated to the cities in spite of Fascist attempts to restrict this ‘flight from the land’; about 500,000 agricultural labourers or peasant farmers did so during Mussolini’s rule.
* The Fascists did nothing to challenge the interests of the traditional big landowners. In the 1930s, 20,000 families owned half of Italy’s arable land.