Psychology-Aggression Flashcards

1
Q

What are the neural influences of aggression?

A

The limbic system and serotonin

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2
Q

What is the limbic system?

A

An area of the brain that helps coordinate behaviours that satisfy motivational and emotional urges, such as aggression and fear. Two key structures in the limbic system that are associated with aggression are the amygdala and the hippocampus

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3
Q

How is the amygdala associated with aggression?

A

Responsible for quickly evaluating emotional importance of sensory information and prompting appropriate response. If certain areas of the amygdala are stimulated electrically, an animal responds with aggression, eg snarling/aggressive posture. If same areas are surgically removed, animal no longer responds to stimuli that would have previously led to rage. Eg Kluver and Bucy discovered destruction of amygdala in a monkey who was dominant in a social group caused it to lose its dominant place in the group

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4
Q

How is the hippocampus associated with aggression?

A

Involved in formation of long-term memories, so allows animal to compare conditions of current threat with similar past experiences. Eg if animal previously been attacked by another animal, they are likely to respond with aggression or fear if they encounter it again, whichever is more appropriate. Impaired hippocampal function prevents nervous system putting things in relevant/meaningful context, so may cause amygdala to respond inappropriately to sensory stimuli, resulting in aggressive behaviour. Eg Boccardi et al found habitually violent offenders either exhibited abnormalities of hippocampal functioning

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5
Q

What is serotonin?

A

In normal levels it exerts a calming, inhibitory effect on neural firing in the brain. It typically inhibits the firing of the amygdala, the part of the brain that controls fear, anger and other emotional responses. Low levels of serotonin remove this inhibitory effect with the consequence that individuals are less able to control impulsive/aggressive behaviour. As a result, when the amygdala is stimulated by external events, it becomes more active, causing the person to act on their impulses, making aggression more likely

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6
Q

How can serotonin reduce aggression but also increase it?

A

It can reduce aggression by inhibiting responses to emotional stimuli that might otherwise lead to an aggressive response. However low levels of Serotonin removes the inhibitory effect of serotonin on impulsive behaviour. Mann et al found that when serotonin levels were depleted in 35 healthy levels, hostility and aggression in males

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7
Q

What is the hormonal influence of aggression?

A

Testosterone influences aggression. Dabbs-salivary testosterone measured in violent criminals, high levels found in violent crimes and low levels in non-violent crimes. Challenge hypothesis - Humans are monogamous and their testosterone levels rise when it comes to social challenges/ reproductive competition. Testosterone is the primary biochemical influence on aggression and low cortisol levels play an important role in the likelihood of aggressive behaviour as cortisol has a mediating effect on other aggression-related hormones.

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8
Q

What are the evaluation points for neural influences of aggression?

A

Evidence for the role of the amygdala in aggression, evidence for the role of the hippocampus in aggression, research support for serotonin deficiency hypothesis, and evidence from studies of non human-species

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9
Q

How is ‘Evidence for the role of the amygdala in aggression’ an evaluation point for neural influences of aggression?

A

Pardini et al-reduced amygdala volume can predict development of severe/persistent aggression. Carried out longitudinal study of male participants from childhood to adulthood. 56 had varying histories of violence and were subjected to a brain MRI at age 26. Results showed lower amygdala volumes exhibited higher levels of aggression/violence. Relationship between amygdala volume and aggressive behaviour remained even after other confounding variables were controlled, suggesting amygdala plays important role in evaluating emotional importance of sensory information and lower volume of it compromises this ability making violence more likely

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10
Q

How is ‘evidence for the role of the hippocampus in aggression’ an evaluation point for neural influences of aggression?

A

Raine et al-support for role of hippocampus in aggressive behaviour in study of violent offenders. Studied two groups of violent criminals: some faced conviction and some had evaded the law. The ones who had evaded law were considered ‘cold, calculating criminals’ whereas the others had acted more impulsively, which is why they were caught. MRI scans revealed asymmetries in hippocampus in ‘unsuccessful’ group. This may impair ability of hippocampus and amygdala to work together leading to inappropriately verbal and physical responses

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11
Q

How is ‘research support for serotonin deficiency hypothesis’ an evaluation point for neural influences of aggression?

A

Duke et al. Meta analysis of 175 studies involving 6500 participants. Found small inverse relationship between serotonin levels and aggression, anger and hostility. Also found magnitude of the relationship varied with methods used to assess serotonin functioning, with year of publication and with self reported versus other reported aggression. Only other reported aggression was positively correlated to serotonin functioning suggesting the relationship is more complex than originally thought

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12
Q

How is ‘evidence from studies of non human-species’ an evaluation point for neural influences of aggression?

A

Raleigh et al-vervet monkeys fed on experimental diets of tryptophan (increases serotonin) exhibited decreased levels of aggression. Individuals on diets low in tryptophan exhibited increased aggressive behaviour, suggesting difference in aggression could be attributed to their serotonin levels. Similar evidence comes from studies of aggressive dogs

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13
Q

How is ‘Inconsistent evidence’ an evaluation point for hormonal influences of aggression?

A

Many studies show positive relationship between testosterone and aggression but others show no such relationship, particularly those that have compared testosterone levels of aggressive and less aggressive individuals. Eg positive correlations reported between levels of testosterone and self reported levels of aggression among prison inmates but no correlation between testosterone levels and actual violent behaviour among male inmates in prison, suggesting relationship between testosterone and human aggression remains unclear

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14
Q

How is ‘aggression or dominance?’ an evaluation point for hormonal influences of aggression?

A

Mazur suggests we should distinguish aggression from dominance. Individuals act aggressively when their intent is to inflict injury, whereas they act dominantly if their wish is to achieve/maintain status over another individual. Claims aggression is one form of dominance behaviour. In non-human animals the influence of testosterone on dominance behaviour may be shown through aggressive behaviour. In humans however the influence of serotonin on dominance is likely to be expressed in more varied/subtle ways eg status-striving behaviour, eg Eisenegger et al found testosterone could make women act ‘nicer’ rather than aggressively depending on situation. Supports idea testosterone promotes status-seeking behaviour, of which aggression is one type, rather than directly increasing aggression

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15
Q

What are genetic factors?

A

The likelihood of behaving in a particular way is determined by a person’s genetic makeup, i.e. it is inherited from parents

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16
Q

What ways can genetic factors in aggression be studied?

A

Twin studies, adoption studies, and other research on genetic factors in aggression

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17
Q

What are twin studies into aggression?

A

Monozygotic twins share all genes, dizygotic share 50% of genes. Twin studies are used to compare degree of similarity for particular trait (eg aggression) between MZ twins and compare to similarity between DZ twins. If MZ are more alike then it suggests genes rather than environment explain the trait

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18
Q

What is an example of a twin study into aggression?

A

Coccaro et al. Used adult twin pairs and found that nearly 50% of the variance in direct aggressive behaviour (i.e. aggression toward others) could be attributed to genetic factors

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19
Q

What are adoption studies into aggression?

A

Can help untangle relative contributions of environment/heredity in aggression. If a positive correlation is found between aggressive behaviour in adopted children and aggressive behaviour in biological parents, a genetic effect is implied. If positive correlation found between adoptee’s aggressive behaviour and the rearing family, then an environmental effect is implied

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20
Q

What is an example of an adoption study into aggression?

A

Hitchings and Mednick. A study of over 14000 adoptions in Denmark found that a significant number of adopted boys with criminal convictions had biological parents (particularly fathers) with convictions for criminal violence, providing evidence for a genetic effect

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21
Q

What are examples of research into genetic factors in aggression?

A

Miles and Carey, and Rhee and Waldman

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22
Q

What was Miles and Carey’s study?

A

Carried out a meta analysis of 24 twin and adoption studies that demonstrated the genetic basis of aggression. The results suggested a strong genetic influence that could account for as much as 50% pf the variance in aggression. Age differences were notably important, with both genes and family environment being influential in determining aggression in youth, but at later ages the influence of rearing environment decreased and the influence of genes increased

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23
Q

What was Rhee and Waldman’s study?

A

A later meta analysis combined the results of 51 twin and adoption studies and also concluded that aggressive anti social behaviour was largely a product of genetic contributions. However, in this study, as with Miles and Carey’s study, several variables, including age of participant and assessment method for aggression, moderated the genetic influence on aggression, suggesting that, although genetic factors play a significant part in the development of aggressive behaviours, the influence of other factors affects their expression

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24
Q

What is MAOA?

A

Monoamine Oxidase A (MAOA) is an enzyme that, among other things, regulates the metabolism of serotonin in the brain

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25
Q

What is the role of MAOA?

A

Although no individual gene for aggression has been identified in humans, a gene responsible for producing an enzyme (MAOA) has been associated with aggressive behaviour. MAOA regulates metabolism of serotonin in brain and low levels of serotonin are associated with impulsive and aggressive behaviour

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26
Q

What research supports MAOA’s role in aggression?

A

Brunner et al. In the 1980s a study of a Dutch family found that many of its male members behaved in a particularly violent and aggressive manner, and a large proportion had been involved in serious crimes of violence, including rape and arson. These men were found to have abnormally low levels of MAOA in their bodies, and a defect in this gene was later identified

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27
Q

What did a second study into MAOA by Caspi et al find?

A

Their study involving 500 male children linked MAOA to aggressive behaviour as well. Researchers discovered a variant of the gene associated with high levels of MAOA (MAOA-H) and a variant associated with low levels (MAOA-L). Those with the MAOA-L variant were significantly more likely to grow up to exhibit anti social behaviour, but only if that had been maltreated as children. Children with MAOA-H variant who were maltreated and those with MAOA-L variant who had not been maltreated, did not display any anti-social behaviour

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28
Q

What is the ‘warrior gene’?

A

MAOA-L is much more frequent in populations with a history of warfare, with about two-thirds of people in these populations having this variation of the gene. By way of contrast, only about one-third os people in Western populations have this low-activity verion of the gene. This has led to it being referred to as the ‘warrior gene’. McDermott et al found that MAOA-L participants displayed higher levels of aggression (forcing a fictional participant to eat unpleasantly hot and spicy sauce), when provoked, than did MAOA-H subjects

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29
Q

What are the evaluation points for the genetic factors in aggression?

A

Problems of sampling, difficulties of determining the role of genetic factors, problems of assessing aggression, evidence for influence of MAOA gene, and the MAOA gene may explain gender differences in aggressive behaviour

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30
Q

How is ‘problems of sampling’ an evaluation point for the genetic factors in aggression?

A

Many studies in this area focused exclusively on individuals convicted of violent crime. Two particular difficulties arise when trying to draw meaningful conclusions from these studies. 1) is the participants themselves (convictions for violent crime are relatively few compared to vast number of violent attacks by individuals that never result in conviction. They therefore represent small minority of those regularly involved in aggressive behaviour) 2. Offenders designated as ‘violent’ on basis of a court conviction are not necessarily most serious/persistent offenders. Eg convicted murderer would be designated as violent for one offence despite, eg, having otherwise had a lifetime free from crime. This may explain why so many studies found little/no evidence of heritability for violence

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31
Q

How is ‘difficulties of determining the role of genetic factors’ an evaluation point for the genetic factors in aggression?

A

Connection between genetic factors and aggression is not straightforward due to problems determining what is, and isn’t a product of genetic inheritance. Difficult to establish genetic contributions to aggressive behaviour because more than one gene usually contributes to a given behaviour, as well as genetic factors there are many non-genetic (environmental) influences on manifestation of aggressive behaviour, and these influences may interact with each other-genetic factors may affect which environmental factors have an influence and vice versa (clearly demonstrated in the study by Caspi et al)

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32
Q

How is ‘problems of assessing aggression’ an evaluation point for the genetic factors in aggression?

A

Many reported studies of aggression have relied on parental or self reports of aggressive behaviour, whereas other studies have used observational techniques. In Miles and Carey met analysis, mode of assessment was found to be significant moderator of aggressive behaviour in 24 studies that made up their analysis. They found genetic factors explained large proportion of variance in aggressive behaviour in studies that had used parental/self-reports. However, those using observational ratings showed significantly less genetic contribution and greater influence of environmental factors. These inconsistencies make it hard to accurately assess the relative contributions of genetic and environmental factors in aggression

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33
Q

How is ‘evidence for influence of MAOA gene’ an evaluation point for the genetic factors in aggression?

A

In many countries, majority of all violent crime is committed by small group of persistent offenders. Recent study in Finland added research support that MAOA gene is implicated in severe violent behaviours such as murder. Tiihonen et al studied Finish prisoners, revealing MAOA-L in combination with another gene (CDH13 gene) was associated with extremely violent-behaviour. No substantial evidence for either of these genes in non-violent offenders, indicating this combination was specific for violent offending only. However, critics argue although these genes may make it harder for some people to control violent urges, they do not predetermine violent behaviour

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34
Q

How is ‘the MAOA gene may explain gender differences in aggressive behaviour ‘ an evaluation point for the genetic factors in aggression?

A

Advantage of MAOA gene research is it offers explanation for uneven rates of violence between males and females. Niehoff suggests this may be consequence of different genetic vulnerability males and females have to MAOA gene. MAOA gene is linked to X chromosome. Women have two X chromosomes, whereas men only have one. When men inherit an X-linked gene from their mothers, they are more likely to be affected by it, whereas women inheriting the same gene are generally unaffected (as they have second x chromosome with ‘normal’ gene for MAOA preventing expression of abnormal version of MAOA gene). Could explain why males typically show more aggressive behaviour than females

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35
Q

What are ethological explanations?

A

Stresses the adaptive value of animal behaviours. Ethologists study the behaviour patterns of animals in their natural environment

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36
Q

What does the ethological explanation state?

A

All members of the same species have a repertoire of stereotyped behaviours which occur in specific conditions and which do not require learning, i.e. are innate

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37
Q

What did ethologist Tinbergen call innate behaviours?

A

Fixed action patterns

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38
Q

What are the characteristics of fixed action patterns?

A

(Lea). 1. stereotyped-behaviour always occurs in same way. 2. universal-behaviour is the same in all conspecifics. 3. independent of individual experience-behaviour is innate with no learning involved. 4. ballistic-once triggered the fixed action pattern cannot be changed or stopped. 5. specific triggers-each fixed action pattern has a specific trigger (sign stimulus)

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39
Q

How do fixed action patterns work?

A

They are produced by a neural mechanism known as an innate releasing mechanism (IRM) and are triggered by a very specific stimulus known as a sign stimulus. IRM receives input from sensory recognition circuits that are stimulated by presence of sign stimulus. IRM then communicates with motor control circuits to activate (release) the fixed action pattern associated with that sign stimulus

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40
Q

What did Tinbergen’s research show?

A

His research with sticklebacks showed a male stickleback fish will produce a fixed sequence of aggressive actions when another male enters its territory. The sign stimulus in this case is not the presence of the other male, but the sight of its distinctive red abdomen that acts as the sign stimulus. If this is covered up, the intruder is not attacked

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41
Q

What is the ‘hydraulic model’?

A

Each fixed action pattern has reservoir of ‘action-specific energy’ that builds up over time. The appropriate sign stimulus causes the IRM to release this energy and animal then performs the fixed action pattern. After performing this, the reservoir of action-specific energy has built up again-this is the hydraulic model of instinctive behaviour (Lorenz’s model provides a way of visualising these various hypothetical systems)

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42
Q

What is ritualistic aggression?

A

Ethologists have shown not all aggressive behaviour involves fighting but may be ritualised in form of threat displays. Threat displays are important for contestants as they help individuals assess their relative strength before deciding to escalate a conflict. As a result, they make costly and dangerous physical aggression less likely to occur, eg male gorillas use variety of different vocalisations and gestures to intimidate an opponent without need for physical contact. Threat displays are intended to make opponent back down and are the last step before an animal either fights, or submits and leaves

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43
Q

What have anthropologists found about ritualistic aggression?

A

Have found evidence of use of ritualised aggression in tribal warfare in human cultures. Gardner and Heider described how the Dani of New Guinea engaged in highly ritualised patterns of intergroup hostility. Fox also found evidence of highly ritualised ‘fighting’ among males of the Gaelic speaking Tory island off the coast of Ireland, where threat displays appear to take the place of actual aggression

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44
Q

Why does Lorenz talk about wolves and doves, in regard to the ethological explanation of aggression?

A

Some species evolved fearsome weapons making them effective hunters. Wolves for example have powerful jaws and strong teeth. Lorenz claimed such species must also have instinctive inhibitions that prevent them using these weapons against members of their own species. When two wolves fight, if the individual who is losing submissively exposes its neck to its adversary, then instinctive inhibitions prevent the dominant animal from continuing the fight. Non-hunting species, argued Lorenz, have no such powerful natural weapons, and therefore have not developed the same inhibitions against hurting their own kind, eg when two birds (such as doves) fight, the loser can simply fly away

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45
Q

How did Lorenz apply the comparison between wolves and doves to the human species?

A

He believe the comparison had implications for the human species. He argued humans are more like the dove than the wolf when it comes to dealing with other human beings. We don’t have powerful natural weapons, like wolves do, and thus have had no need to develop strong instinctive inhibitions against killing one another. Unfortunately science and technology however has far outpaced our biological evolution, as humans have developed weapons of mass destruction without also developing instinctive inhibitions against using them

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46
Q

What are the evaluation points for the ethological explanation of aggression?

A

Criticisms of an ‘instinctive’ view of aggression, do humans have fixed action patterns for aggression?, a problem with for the hydraulic model, the benefits of ritualised aggression, and killing conspecifics is not that rare

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47
Q

How is ‘criticisms of an ‘instinctive’ view of aggression’ an evaluation point for the ethological explanation of aggression?

A

Lehrman criticised Lorenz’s instinctual explanation of aggressive behaviour. Lehrman believed Lorenz had underestimated role of environmental factors in developed of species-typical aggressive behaviour patterns. These environmental factors, largely the result of learning and experience, interact with innate factors in complex ways. Nowadays the term ‘fixed action pattern’ tends not to be used within ethology and has been replaced by ‘behaviour pattern’ to reflect they are not simply innate and can be modified by experience. Nor is behaviour as ‘fixed’ as implied by term fixed action pattern. There are subtle variations between members of same species showing the patterns are not as fixed as claimed by Lorenz

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48
Q

How is ‘do humans have fixed action patterns for aggression?’ an evaluation point for the ethological explanation of aggression?

A

Eibl-Eibesfeldt identified number of human fixed action patterns or human ‘universal’, eg smiling and the ‘eyebrow-flash’ as a sign of greeting. However, as the environment in which humans exist changes so rapidly, he suggests fixed action patterns such as aggression are no longer adaptive in modern times. Flexibility of human behaviour and ability to respond to an ever changing environment has proved more effective than the production of stereotypical, fixed patterns of behaviour. This suggests that although non-human species may respond aggressively to specific sign stimuli, human behaviour is far more varied/less predictable

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49
Q

How is ‘a problem with for the hydraulic model’ an evaluation point for the ethological explanation of aggression?

A

The issue of feedback. Lorenz argued that when levels of action-specific energy reached a critical point, this would lead to performance of fixed action pattern. This would then lead to reduction in biological energy and corresponding reduction in likelihood of aggressive behaviour. However, this argument was challenged by Von Holst who showed performance of aggressive behaviour could itself provide a further stimulus which, rather than reducing likelihood of further aggressive behaviour, made it more likely

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50
Q

How is ‘the benefits of ritualised aggression’ an evaluation point for the ethological explanation of aggression?

A

In non-human species, the main advantage of ritualised aggression is it prevents conflicts escalating into potentially dangerous physical aggression. Anthropological evidence suggests this advantage is also evident in human cultures, eg Chagnon describes how, among the Yanomamö people of South America, chest pounding and club fighting contests can settle a conflict short of more extreme violence. Similarly, Hoebel found that among Inuit Eskimos, song duels are used to settle grudges and disputes. This shows that, even in moderately to highly violent cultures such as the Yanomamö, rituals have effect of reducing actual aggression and preventing injury/death of the combatants

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51
Q

How is ‘killing conspecifics is not that rare’ an evaluation point for the ethological explanation of aggression?

A

Problem for ethological explanation of aggression concerns claim that predator species must also have instinctive inhibitions that prevent them using their natural weapons against members of own species. The argument that among such species the killing of members of same species would occur only by accident is not borne out of evidence on animal behaviour. In some predator species, the killing of conspecifics is more systematic than accidental. Eg, male lions will kill off cubs of other males, and chimpanzees will routinely kill members of another group. These findings pose challenge for ethological explanation of aggression, as cast doubt on claim that much animal aggression is ritualistic rather than real

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52
Q

What are evolutionary explanations?

A

Focus on the adaptive nature of behaviour, i.e. modern behaviours are believed to have evolved because they solved challenges faced by our distant ancestors and so became more widespread in the gene pool

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53
Q

What are evolutionary explanations of aggression?

A

An evolutionary explanation of aggression is based on the premise that the human brain is a product of evolution by natural selection. In particular, evolutionary psychologists believe that the human brain comprises a number of adaptations to cope with the various challenges associated with group living. These adaptations including those that function to inflict costs on other humans, comprise our human nature (Duntley and Buss)

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54
Q

How is aggression evolutionary?

A

Aggression is a strategy that would have been effective for solving number of adaptive problems among early humans eg gaining resources. Solving these problems enhanced survival/reproductive success of individual and as a result this mental module would spread through gene pool/ Mental modules evolved in response to particular selection pressure faced by ancestral humans. Tell us what to do in order to deal with situations similar to those faced by ancestral humans, eg aggressive thoughts and behaviours are found to increase among males when resources such as territory, mates and food are scare

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55
Q

How is sexual competition an evolutionary factor of human aggression?

A

Ancestral males seeking access to females had to compete with other males (sexual competition). One way of eliminating competition was through aggression, maybe in form of physical competition. Those individuals who used aggression successfully against competitors would have been more successful in acquiring mates so more successful in passing on genes to offspring. This would have led to development of genetically transmitted tendency for males to be aggressive towards other males

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56
Q

What does research say about sexual competition as an evolutionary factor of human aggression?

A

Puts argues various male traits seem to imply competition with other males took place among ancestral males, eg men have 75% more muscle mass than women (Lassek and Gaulin), are far more aggressive than women, and far more likely to die violently (Buss). Anthropological evidence shown that, universally, males have thicker jawbones, which Puts believes may have come from men hitting each other, with thickest-boned men surviving and passing on genes to subsequent generations. Competition with other males may also explain why males have more robust skulls and brow ridges than women

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57
Q

How is sexual jealousy an evolutionary factor of human aggression?

A

Male aggression can also occur as result of sexual jealousy, which arises as result of paternal uncertainty (Archer). Unlike women, men can never be entirely certain they are fathers of their children. As result, men are always at risk that their children may not be their own meaning the man may invest resources in offspring that are not his without being aware. The adaptive functions of sexual jealousy, therefore would have been to deter a male from sexual infidelity, so minimising risk of fathers providing for children that are not theirs

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58
Q

What does research say about sexual jealousy as an evolutionary factor of human aggression?

A

Buss suggests males have number of strategies that evolved specifically for purpose of keeping a mate. Includes use or threat of violence to prevent her from straying, as well as violence toward perceived love rival. As sexual jealousy is a primary cause of violence against women, those perceived by their partner to be threatening infidelity (eg looking at another man) may be more at risk of violence than those who are not. Studies of battered women have shown in the majority of cases, women cite extreme jealousy on part of their husbands/boyfriends as key cause of violence directed toward them (Dobash and Dobash). Dell concluded sexual jealousy accounted for 17% of all murder cases in UK

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59
Q

How can evolution lead to aggression in warfare

A

War is dangerous and costly, therefore difficult to see why an organism, selected to survive, should engage in behaviours associated with such extremes of personal cost/danger. An evolutionary explanation, therefore would lead us to expect any behaviour associated with warfare would have evolved because of adaptive benefits for individual and their offspring. Livingstone and Smith claim human warfare originated not only to obtain valuable resources but also to attract mates and forge intragroup bonds. Displays of aggressiveness/bravery are attractive to females and absence of such displays reduces attractiveness. Eg male warriors in traditional societies tend to have more sexual partners and more children. Aggression in combat can also increase status for individual warriors leading to more respect and stronger bond with the group

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60
Q

What are ultimate and proximate causes of aggression?

A

In searching for causes of human aggression, we should make distinction between proximate and ultimate causes. Social scientists may be interested in why one individual decides to attack another, or link between frustration and aggressive behaviour. These are proximate causes (things immediately responsible for particular behaviour). Evolutionary explanations concentrate on ultimate causes of behaviour (why was the aggressive behaviour so effective for early humans so that a tendency to solve problems in this way became established in the gene pool?

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61
Q

What are the evaluation points for the evolutionary explanations of human aggression?

A

Gender differences in aggression may be better explained by socialisation, aggressive behaviour may not always be adaptive, support for the link between aggression and status, gender bias in evolutionary explanations of aggression, and limitations of evolutionary explanations of aggression

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62
Q

How is ‘gender differences in aggression may be better explained by socialisation’ an evaluation point for the evolutionary explanations of human aggression?

A

Prinz argues differences in aggressive behaviour of males/females may also be product of different socialisation experiences. Eg Smetana found parents more likely to physically punish boys for bad conduct, whereas when girls misbehave parents tend to explain to them why their actions were wrong. Prinz suggests this could increase male physical violence. Girls learn they are less powerful than boys, may lead them to adopt other more social forms of aggression (eg harm another’s social status or self esteem) rather than physical aggression. This casts doubt on claim males alone have evolved aggression as way of dealing with rivals as females developed a different form of aggressive behaviour

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63
Q

How is ‘aggressive behaviour may not always be adaptive’ an evaluation point for the evolutionary explanations of human aggression?

A

Problem with seeing aggressive behaviour as effective way to meet challenges of social living is violent/aggressive behaviour can result in social ostracism, injury or death. Eg violent males may be rejected as mates, warriors may die in battle. In other words, it may be considered more maladaptive than adaptive. However Duntley and Buss point the benefits of aggression must only have outweighed costs on average relative other strategies in evolutionary past. If this is the case, then natural selection will favour evolution of aggressive behaviours, eventually making them fundamental components of human nature

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64
Q

How is ‘support for the link between aggression and status’ an evaluation point for the evolutionary explanations of human aggression?

A

Claim that increased aggression confers greater status supported by anthropological evidence that many tribal societies bestow increased status and honour men who have committed murder (Daly and Wilson). This phenomenon is also evident in industrial societies such as USA where most violent gang members often have highest status among their peers (Campbell). Males also display heightened sensitivity to perceived affronts to their status and reputation, such that many acts of male-on-male violence result from one male perceiving slight to his status from another male (Buss). Suggests not only aggression important way of gaining status among men, but is also consequence of threats to status

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65
Q

How is ‘gender bias in evolutionary explanations of aggression’ an evaluation point for the evolutionary explanations of human aggression?

A

Evolutionary explanations for physical aggression in warfare demonstrate gender bias as they don’t adequately reflect behaviour of women in this process. Adams claimed idea of women warriors is almost unheard of within most societies. Even within societies that allow women to participate in war, they are always the rare exception. Women have considerably less to fain from fighting in near certain-death situations and considerably more to lose (in terms of loss of reproductive capacity). This is fundamental to women’s exclusion from warfare, as women do not increase their fitness as much as men do. Our understanding of the physical aggressive displays typically found in warfare therefore is limited to behaviour of males rather than females

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66
Q

How is ‘limitations of evolutionary explanations of aggression’ an evaluation point for the evolutionary explanations of human aggression?

A

Explanations of aggression based on mating success, sexual jealousy or acquisition of status in warfare fail to explain levels of cruelty often found in human conflicts yet are not evident among non-human species. Eg do not explain wide-scale slaughter of whole groups as was evident in Rwandan genocide in 1994. Nor do they tell us why humans torture or mutilate opponents when they have already been defeated and no longer pose a threat. Anthropological evidence (eg Watson) suggests this may be more a consequence of de-individuation effects than of evolutionary adaptations

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67
Q

What is the basic claim of Dollard et al’s frustration-aggression hypothesis?

A

That all aggression was the result of frustration, which they defined as ‘any event or stimulus that prevents an individual from attaining some goal and its accompanying reinforcing quality’. In other words, frustration is caused when people are prevented from getting something they want. Although Dollard et al claimed that frustration was a necessary condition for aggression, they also believed that contextual factors, such as threat of punishment, could inhibit aggressive behaviour in some situations

68
Q

What does the frustration aggression hypothesis predict?

A

A cause-effect relationship between frustration, aggression and catharsis, a form of emotional release that is achieved by the person engaging in aggressive behaviour on having aggressive thoughts about the target. Frustration, according to the hypothesis, leads to the arousal of an aggressive drive, which then leads to aggressive behaviour. Aggressive urges can be relieved through the production of an aggressive behaviour, which therefore has a cathartic effect on the individual

69
Q

According to the frustration aggression hypothesis, when does frustration increase?

A

Frustration increases when our motivation to achieve a goal is very strong, when we expect gratification, and when there is nothing we can do about it. Eg Brown et al surveyed British holidaymakers who were prevented from travelling by ferry to France because French fishing boats blocked the French Port of Calais. Brown et al found an increase in hostile attitudes toward the French as a result of the passengers’ frustration

70
Q

What was Doob and Sears research into frustration aggression?

A

It was early research designed to investigate the conditions under which frustration would lead to aggression. They asked participants to imagine how they would feel in a number of different frustrating situations, such as waiting for a bus which went by without stopping. Most participants reported they would feel angry in all of the frustrating situations-however Pastore took this further

71
Q

What does Pastore argue about frustration-aggression?

A

Distinguished between justified and unjustified frustration, arguing it was mainly unjustified frustration that produces anger and aggression. Pastore produced different versions of the situations used by Doob and Sears but using situations involving justified as well as unjustified frustration. Eg the situation involving a bus that did not stop was changed to indicate the bus was clearly displaying an ‘out of service’ message. Under this condition of justified frustration participants expressed much lower levels of anger

72
Q

What is displaced aggression?

A

Frustration aggression hypothesis states that, when people are frustrated, they experience a drive to be aggressive towards object of frustration. However, as it is often impossible/inappropriate to behave aggressively to source of frustration, and as a result of any attempt to be aggressive is inhibited, Dollard et al assumed aggression is sometimes displaced from source of frustration on to something else. ‘Kicking the dog’ effect. In order to experience catharsis, a scapegoat needs to be found

73
Q

What is a major problem for the original frustration-aggression hypothesis?

A

Frustration is neither necessary nor sufficient for aggression. Aggression can also occur in absence of frustration, and frustration doesn’t necessarily result in aggression. Berkowitz’s revised frustration-aggression hypothesis argued frustration is only one of many different types of unpleasant experience that can lead to aggression. These unpleasant experiences create ‘negative affect’ in the individual, i.e. negative, uncomfortable feelings. It is these negative feelings, argues Berkowitz and not the frustration that triggers the aggression

74
Q

What is an example of the revised frustration-aggression hypothesis?

A

Anything that interferes with our ability to reach an anticipated goal is experienced as an aversive experiences. This frustration produces negative affect, and it is the anger that creates the tendency to engage in aggressive behaviour. Berkowitz argued an unanticipated interference is more likely to provoke an aggressive reaction than an anticipated interference because former is experience as more unpleasant. Under this reformulation of frustration-aggression hypothesis, the nature of the frustrating event is less important than how negative is the resulting affect

75
Q

What are the evaluation points for the frustration aggression hypothesis?

A

Aggression is not an automatic consequence of frustration, lack of research support for the central claims, not all aggression arises from frustration, real-world: frustration and mass killings, and real-world application: sports violence

76
Q

How is ‘aggression is not an automatic consequence of frustration’ an evaluation point for the frustration-aggression hypothesis?

A

Social learning theorists eg Bandura argue aggressive behaviour is only one possible response to frustration. Claim frustration produces only generalised arousal in individual, and that social learning determines how it will influence an individual’s behaviour. Any individual may respond to frustration by engaging in aggressive behaviour if it has been effective for them before, (direct conditioning), or if they have observed it being effective in others (social learning). This alternative view states that rather than frustration always leading to some form of aggression, as claimed by frustration-aggression hypothesis, an individual learns to produce aggressive actions and learns the circumstances under which they are likely to be successful

77
Q

How is ‘lack of research support for the central claims’ an evaluation point for the frustration-aggression hypothesis?

A

Early critics of frustration-aggression hypothesis claimed many claims made by Dollard et al had no support, either in research or in real life. Concept of catharsis for example, that aggression reduces arousal so people so people are less likely to be aggressive, has not been supported by research. Some researchers, eg Bushman have found that behaving aggressively is likely to lead to more rather than less aggression in future. Bushman found aggressive behaviour kept aggressive thoughts/angry feelings active in memory and made people more angry and more aggressive, directly contradicting claims that catharsis reduces aggression

78
Q

How is ‘not all aggression arises from frustration’ an evaluation point for the frustration-aggression hypothesis?

A

Problem for frustration-aggression hypothesis is not all aggression arises from frustration-it is only one of large number of aversive events (others include pain/extreme temperatures) that an lead to aggression. Eg study of baseball games in US found as temperatures increased, so did likelihood pitchers would display aggressive behaviour to batters, with balls often thrown at 90mph direct at batters head (Reifman et al). This does however offer some support for revised frustration-aggression hypothesis in that extreme temp, as with frustration, are aversive stimuli that tend to make people angry, which in turn increases likelihood of aggression

79
Q

How is ‘real-world: frustration and mass killings’ an evaluation point for the frustration-aggression hypothesis?

A

Frustration-aggression hypothesis has been used as explanation of mass killings. Staub suggests mass killings are often rooted in frustration caused by social/economic difficulties in a society. These frustrations typically lead to scapegoating and then discrimination against this group. Following WW1, many Germans blamed Jews for loss of war and severe economic problems that followed. Ordinary Germans were not directly responsible for the subsequent murders, though some historians argue they condoned violence meted out on Jews in this period, seeing them as being responsible for Germany’s plight. This shows widespread frustration, particularly when skilfully manipulated by propaganda, machine, can have violent consequences for scapegoated group

80
Q

How is ‘real-world application: sports violence’ an evaluation point for the frustration-aggression hypothesis?

A

Priks found supporting evidence for frustration-aggression hypothesis in study of violent behaviour among Swedish football fans. Used teams’ changed positions in league as measure of frustration and number of objects (missiles/fireworks etc) thrown as measure of aggression. Study showed that when a team performed worse than fans expected, its supporters threw more things on to the pitch. A one position drip in league led to 5% increase in such unruly behaviour. Priks also found that supporters were more likely to fight with opposition supporters when team performed worse than expected. These findings suggest supporters become more aggressive when expectations of good performance are frustrated, thus supporting the hypothesis

81
Q

What did Bandura and Walters believe about aggression?

A

Believed aggression couldn’t be explained using traditional learning theory where only direct experience was seen as responsible for acquisition of new behaviours. Social learning theory suggests we also learn by observing others. We learn the specifics of aggressive behaviour (eg the form it takes, how often it is enacted, the situations that produce it and the targets towards which it is directed

82
Q

What are the key parts of social learning theory?

A

Observation (+ vicarious reinforcement), mental representation, production of behaviour

83
Q

What is the observation part of social learning theory?

A

Children primarily learn their aggressive responses through observation-watching behaviour of role models and then imitating that behaviour. Whereas Skinner’s operant conditioning theory claimed learning takes place through direct reinforcement, Bandura suggested children also learn by observing role models with whom they identify

84
Q

What is vicarious reinforcement?

A

Children observe and learn about consequences of aggressive behaviour by watching others being reinforced or punished (vicarious reinforcement). Chidlren witness many examples of aggressive behaviour at home/school/on TV/in films. By observing the consequences of aggressive behaviour for those who use it, a child gradually learns something that is considered appropriate and effective conduct in the world around them. They learn the behaviours and learn whether and when such behaviours are worth repeating

85
Q

What is mental representation in social learning theory?

A

Bandura claimed that for social learning to take place, child must form mental representations of events in their social environment. Child must also represent possible rewards/punishments for their aggressive behaviour in terms of expectancies of future outcomes. When appropriate opportunities arise in future, child will display learned behaviour as long as expectation of reward is greater than expectation of punishment. To accommodate this focus on mental representation, social learning theory extended to include cognitive schema-the script. The script then become internalised. Once established in childhood, this pattern of aggression can become a way of life

86
Q

What is production of behaviour in social learning theory?

A

It is split into maintenance through direct experience, and self-efficacy expectancies

87
Q

What is maintenance through direct experience?

A

If a child is rewarded for a behaviour, they are likely to repeat the same action in similar situations in the future. A child who has a history of successfully bullying children will therefore come to attach considerable value to aggression

88
Q

What is self-efficacy expectancies?

A

In addition to forming expectancies of likely outcomes of their aggression, children also develop confidence in their ability to carry out necessary aggressive actions. Children for whom this form of behaviour has been particularly disastrous in the past (eg weren’t very good at it) have less confidence (lower sense of self-efficacy) in their ability to use aggression successfully to resolve conflicts, and therefore may turn to other means

89
Q

What is the key study into social learning theory of aggression?

A

Bandura et al

90
Q

What was the procedure for Bandura et al’s study

A

Participants were male and female children (3-5 years old). Half exposed to adult models interacting aggressively with life-sized inflatable Bobo doll and half exposed to models that were non-aggressive to the doll. Model displayed distinctive physically aggressive acts towards the doll eg kicking it about the room, accompanied by verbal aggression. Following exposure to the mode, children were frustrate by being shown attractive toys which they were not allowed to play with. Then they were taken to a room with other toys and a Bobo doll

91
Q

What were the findings from Bandura et al’s study?

A

Children in aggression condition reproduced good deal of physically and verbally aggressive behaviour resembling that of the model. Children in non-aggressive condition exhibited virtually no aggression to the doll. Approximately one-third of children in aggressive group repeated model’s verbal responses while non of the non-aggressive group made such remarks. Boys reproduced more imitative physical aggression than girls, but they did not differ in their imitation of verbal aggression

92
Q

What are the evaluation points for social learning theory?

A

Lack of realism in research, research support for social learning theory, explaining inconsistencies in aggressive behaviour, cultural differences in aggression, and the consequences of social learning

93
Q

How is ‘lack of realism in research’ an evaluation point for social learning theory?

A

Early research on social learning relied heavily on experimental study such as Bandura et al. However, significant methodological issues with Bobo doll studies. A doll is not a living person, and does not retaliate when hit. Raises questions about whether these studies tell much about imitation of aggression to human beings. However, Bandura responded to this by having children watch film of adult model hitting live clown. When children were then let into room with the clown, they proceeded to imitate the same aggressive behaviours seen in the film

94
Q

How is ‘research support for social learning theory’ an evaluation point for social learning theory?

A

Gee and Leith carried out study of ice hockey players that supports social learning theory explanation of aggression. Analysed penalty records from 200 games of National Hockey League in North America. NHL is main professional ice hockey league in North America, and includes top players from many countries. Gee and Leith believed that, when they were young, players born in North America were more likely to have been exposed to aggressive models of aggression and less likely to have been punished for their aggressive play compared to players born in Europe. In line with this, and predictions of social learning theory, Gee and Leith found players born in North American were much more likely to be penalised for aggressive play/fighting than players born in other countries

95
Q

How is ‘explaining inconsistencies in aggressive behaviour’ an evaluation point for social learning theory?

A

Strength of this theory is it can explain inconsistencies in individual’s use of aggressive behaviour. Eg young male may be aggressive when out with friends but does not respond in same way when at school/work. Social learning theory would explain this difference in terms of consequences of aggression in each situation. When with friends there is more likely to be positive consequences than at school/work. Therefore, expectation of consequences determines likelihood of aggression being used. As a result it means we can predict whether or not aggression is likely in particular situations by knowing likely consequences

96
Q

How is ‘cultural differences in aggression’ an evaluation point for social learning theory?

A

Social learning theory can explain cultural differences in aggression. Among !Kung San of the Kalahari Desert, aggression is comparatively rare. This is because of child rearing practices of the !Kung San. When two children argue/fight, parents neither reward nor punish them, but physically separate them and try to distract their attention on to other things. Also parents do not use physical punishment, and aggressive postures are avoided and devalued by society as a whole. Absence of direct reinforcement of aggressive behaviour as well as absence of aggressive models means there is little opportunity of motivation for !Kung San children to acquire aggressive behaviours

97
Q

How is ‘the consequences of social learning ‘ an evaluation point for social learning theory?

A

Belief that aggressive behaviour can be learned through social learning, and can remain persistent though life, has raised concerns about widespread availability of aggressive models in young people’s lives. APA belies if aggression can be learned in this way, then it can also be modified. ACT Against Violence is an intervention programme sponsored by APA that aims to educate parents and others about dangers of providing aggressive role models and to encourage parents to provide more positive role models instead. Eg Weymouth and Howe found that, after completing the programme, parents demonstrated increases in positive parenting and discontinuation of physical punishment, showing power of social learning can be used to decrease aggressive behaviour

98
Q

What is de-individuation theory?

A

It is based to a large extent on the classic crowd theory of Gustave Le Bon who described how an individual was transformed when part of a crowd. In a crowd, the combination of anonymity, suggestibility and contagion means that a ‘collective mind’ takes possession of the individual. As a consequence, the individual loses self-control and becomes capable of acting in a way that goes against personal or social norms

99
Q

What is the nature of de-individuation?

A

Festinger et al described de-individuation as a psychological state in which inner restraints are lost when ‘individuals are not seen or paid attention to as people’. However, it was Zimbardo who developed the concept more fully. The psychological state of de-individuation is aroused when individuals join crowds or large groups. Zimbardo believed that being in a large group gave people a ‘cloak of anonymity’ that diminished any personal consequences for their actions. Factors that contribute to this state of de-individuation includes anonymity (eg wearing uniform) and altered consciousness due to drugs/alcohol

100
Q

What is the process of de-individuation?

A

People normally refrain from acting in aggressive manner partly due to social norms inhibiting such ‘uncivilised’ behaviour and partly because they are easily identifiable. Being anonymous in a crowd has psychological consequence of reducing inner restraints and increasing behaviours that are usually inhibited. Although Zimbardo has stressed that these same conditions may also lead to increase in prosocial behaviours, the focus of de-individuation theory has been almost exclusively on anti-social behaviour

101
Q

What does Zimbardo say about the process of de-individuation?

A

According to Zimbardo, being part of a crowd can diminish awareness of our own individuality. In large crowd, each person is faceless/anonymous-the larger the group, the greater the anonymity. There is diminished fear of negative evaluation of actions and reduced sense of guilt. Conditions that increase anonymity also minimise concerns about evaluation by others, and so weaken the normal barriers to anti-social behaviour that are based on guilt/shame. Research has demonstrated that individuals who believe their identities are unknown are more likely to behave in an aggressive manner

102
Q

What is research on de-individuation?

A

Zimbardo’s Standord prison study. Participants who played role of guards (de-individuated state) acted aggressively towards other participants who were in role of prisoners. In addition, guards wore mirrored sunglasses to accentuate their de-individuated state. Other researchers have found that wearing mirrored sunglasses makes people feel greater anonymity, which in turn increases the experience of de-individuation (Zhong)

103
Q

What is the key study into de-individuation?

A

Zimbardo’s classic study on de-individuation which led to the suggestion that anonymity, a key component of de-individuation process, increased aggressiveness

104
Q

What was the procedure for Zimbardo’s classic study of de-individuation?

A

Groups of four female undergraduates were required to deliver electric shocks to another student to ‘aid learning’. Half participants wore bulky lab coats and hoods that hid their faces, sat in separate cubicles and were never referred to by name. The other participants wore their normal clothes, were given large name tags to wear and were introduced to each other by name. They were also able to see each other when seated at the shock machines

105
Q

What were the findings of Zimbardo’s classic study of de-individuation?

A

Participants in de-individuation condition were more likely to press a button they believed would give shocks to a ‘victim’ in another room. They held the shock button down for twice as long as did identifiable participants

106
Q

What are the evaluation points for de-individuation?

A

Gender differences, anonymity and de-individuation, inconclusive support for de-individuation, real-world application: the baiting crowd, and cultural differences

107
Q

How is ‘gender differences’ an evaluation point for de-individuation?

A

Cannavale et al found male and female groups responded differently under de-individuation conditions. An increase in aggression was obtained only in all-male groups and not in all-female groups. This was also finding of Diener et al, who found greater disinhibition of aggression in de-individuated males than de-individuated females. One possible reason for these gender differences is that males tend to respond to provocation in more extreme ways than do females and that these tendencies are magnified under de-individuation conditions (Eagly)

108
Q

How is ‘anonymity and de-individuation’ an evaluation point for de-individuation?

A

Rehm et al found support for Zimbardo’s de-individuation concept through an investigation of effect of increased anonymity on aggressive behaviour in sport. They observed 30 games of handball in three German schools. One team in each game wore same bright orange shirt, while other team worse their own different coloured shirts. Researchers found the uniformed teams showed significantly more aggressive acts during the game than did the teams without uniforms. The results support the claim that de-individuation through increased anonymity leads to more aggressive acts

109
Q

How is ‘inconclusive support for de-individuation’ an evaluation point for de-individuation?

A

Evidence for de-individuation theory is mixed. Meta analysis of 60 studies of de-individuation (Postmes and Spears) concludes there is insufficient support for major claims of de-individuation theory. Eg Postmes and Spears found disinhibition and anti-social behaviour are not more common in large groups and anonymous setting. Rather, they found de-individuation increases people’s responsive to situational norms. (what most people regard as appropriate behaviour in given situation). This may lead to aggressive, anti-normative behaviour, but it could also lead to increased pro-social behaviour. Eg Spivey and Prentice-Dunn found de-individuation could lead to prosocial or antisocial behaviour depending on situational factors. When prosocial environmental cues present there were fewer antisocial acts compared to a control group

110
Q

How is ‘real-world application: the baiting crowd’ an evaluation point for de-individuation?

A

Mann used concept of de-individuation to explain the ‘baiting crowd’ and suicide jumpers. Baiting crowd lends support to notion of the crowd as a de-individuated ‘mob’. Mann analysed 21 suicide leaps reported in US newspapers in 1960s and 70s and found that in 10/21 cases were a crowd gathered o watch, baiting had occurred (crowd urged potential suicide jumper to jump). These incidents tended to occur at night, when crowd was large and some distance from person being taunted. All these features were likely to produce de-individuated state in members of the crowd. The power of the baiting mob was also evident in Mullen’s analysis of newspaper cuttings of 60 lynchings in USA between 1899 and 1946, finding more people there weer in the mob, the greater the savagery with which the perpetrators killed their victims

111
Q

How is ‘cultural differences’ an evaluation point for de-individuation?

A

Dramatic support for deadly influence of de-individuation comes from study by anthropologist Watson. He collected data on extent to which warriors in 23 societies changed their appearance prior to going to war and extent to which they killed/tortured/mutilated their victims. Those societies where warriors changed their appearance eg though war paint/tribal costumes etc, were more destructive towards their victims compared to those who did not change their appearance

112
Q

What is institutional aggression?

A

Refers to aggressive acts that are found in particular violent institutions, such as prisons

113
Q

What are two theories of institutional aggression?

A

The deprivation model (situational explanation), and the importation model (dispositional explanation)

114
Q

What are situational explanations?

A

Emphasise the causes of a particular behaviour as being due to the context in which it occurs rather than any enduring characteristics of the individuals involved

115
Q

What are dispositional explanations?

A

Emphasise the causes of a particular behaviour as being due to the enduring characteristics of the individuals rather than any aspect of the situation they are in

116
Q

What is the deprivation model of institutional aggression?

A

Institutional aggression, according to deprivation model, is product of stressful and oppressive conditions of the prison itself (Paterline and Peterson). The deprivation model argues that in response to these oppressive conditions, inmates may act more aggressively

117
Q

What does Sykes explain about the deprivation model?

A

Described the specific deprivation that inmates experience within prisons and which might be linked to an increase in violence. These included loss of liberty, loss of autonomy and loss of security. Inmates may cope with pains of imprisonment in several ways. Some may choose to withdraw through seclusion in cell or living sphere, whereas others choose to revel in form of violence against other prisoners or staff

118
Q

What does the deprivation model suggest about institutional aggression?

A

From this perspective, institutional aggression is influenced and determined solely by prison-specific variables, rather than inmate characteristics (importation model). A study of over 200 prison inmates (Kimmet and Martin) discovered that violence in prison is frequently a way of surviving risk of exploitation (by appearing weak), an ever present threat within prison culture. They found most violent situations in prisons were more to do with non-material interests such as need for respect/fairness or as a way of expressing loyalty/honour

119
Q

What is the role of prison characteristics in the deprivation model of institutional aggression?

A

Cooke et al claim that in order to understand institutional aggression, we have to consider situational context where violence takes place. Argue ‘violent prisoners are only violent in certain circumstances’: overcrowding (Yuma found prison population density had significant effect on inmate-inmate violence rates, even after controlling for other possible contributing factors), heat and noise (Griffitt and Veitch found combination of high temp and high population density produced more negative emotions in students than in more comfortable temp/population density), and job burnout (Job burnout among prison staff is linked to development of violence in prison setting due to deterioration in relationships with inmates due to exhaustion and gradual loss of caring)

120
Q

What are the evaluation points for the situational explanation of institutional aggression?

A

Research support for deprivation model, challenges to deprivation model, and real-world application: HMP Woodhill and the deprivation model

121
Q

How is ‘research support for deprivation model’ an evaluation point for the situational explanation of institutional aggression?

A

Substantial research evidence supporting claim that peer violence is used to relieve deprivation experienced in institutional cultures, such as prisons. McCorkle et al in major study of 371 US prisons, found that situational factors such as overcrowding, lack of privacy and lack of meaningful activity all significantly influenced inmate-on-inmate assaults and inmate-on-staff assaults. Franklin et al also found relationship between age of inmates and crowding. Their meta analysis found that crowded prison conditions increased aggressive behaviour in younger unmates (aged 18-25) more so than in other age groups

122
Q

How is ‘challenges to deprivation model’ an evaluation point for the situational explanation of institutional aggression?

A

Link between situational factors and institutional aggression is challenged by findings of one of the most exhaustive studies of prison violence (Harer and Steffensmeier). Collected data from over 24000 inmates from 58 US prisons. Included importation variables (race/criminal history) and deprivation variables (staff-to-prisoner ratio and security level) and tested which one of these variables predicted the individual likelihood of aggressive behaviour while in prison. Harer and Steffensmeier concluded that race/age/criminal history were only significant predictors of prison violence, and none of the deprivation variables were significant

123
Q

How is ‘real-world application: HMP Woodhill and the deprivation model’ an evaluation point for the situational explanation of institutional aggression?

A

Real world application of deprivation model occurred at HMP Woodhill in early 1990s. Prison Governor David Wilson reasons that if most violence occurred in environments that are hot, loud and overcrowded, then this could be avoided by reducing these three factors. Wilson set up two units for violent prisoners that were less claustrophobic and ‘prison like’ and gave a view to outside. The typical noise associated with prison life was reduced and masked by music from local radio station. Temp was lowered so it was no longer too hot. These changes virtually eradicated assaults on prison staff and other inmates, providing powerful support for claim that situational variables are main cause of prison violence

124
Q

What is the importation model?

A

Irwin and Cressey claim inmates bring with them to prison their violent pasts and draw on their experiences in an environment where toughness/physical exploitation are important survival skills. Prisoners are not ‘blank slates’ when entering prison, and many of the normative systems developed on outside would be imported into prison. In many cities, street culture has evolved what may be called a ‘code of the streets’, a set of informal rules governing interpersonal public behaviour, including violence. At the heart of this code is issue of respect. Cultural belief systems such as ‘code of the street’ define how some individuals behave once in prison, particularly when this code relates to gang membership

125
Q

How is gang membership a part of the importation model?

A

Within prison environments, gang membership is consistently related to violence and other forms of antisocial behaviour. Pre-prison gang membership appears to be important determinant of prison misconduct. Several studies (Allender and Marcell) have found that gang members disproportionately engage in acts of prison violence. Members of street gangs offend at higher levels while in prison than their non-gang counterparts and account for disproportionate amount of serious and violent crime. A study of over 1000 inmates in prisons in south west USA (Drury and DeLisi) found individuals who had been gang members prior to imprisonment were significantly more likely to commit various types of misconduct in prison, including murder, hostage taking and assault with a deadly weapon

126
Q

What is the role of dispositional characteristics?

A

Other dispositional characteristics that have been found to relate to aggressive behaviour in prison include: Anger, anti-social personality style and impulsivity (Wang and Diamond found these three individual characteristics were stronger predictors of institutional aggression than ethnicity or type of offence committed. Anger was the best predictor of violent behaviour while in prison ), and low self control (DeLisi et al found low self-control, particularly the tendency to lose one’s temper easily, was a significant predictor of aggressive behaviour both before and during incarceration)

127
Q

What are the evaluation points for the dispositional explanation of institutional aggression?

A

Research support for the importation model, and challenges to the importation model

128
Q

How is ‘research support for the importation model’ an evaluation point for the dispositional explanation of institutional aggression?

A

Model has received some research support. Mears et al tested the view that inmate behaviour stems in part from cultural belief systems that they import with them into prison. They measured street code belief system and prison experiences of inmates. Their results supported argument that a ‘code of the street’ belief system affects inmate violence. This effect is particularly pronounced among inmates who lack family support/are involved in gangs prior to incarceration. Other research support from importation model comes from Poole and Regoli who found best indicator of violence among juvenile offenders was pre-institutional violence regardless of any situational factors in the institution

129
Q

How is ‘challenges to the importation model’ an evaluation point for the dispositional explanation of institutional aggression?

A

Evidence from DeLisi et al challenges claim that pre-prison gang membership predicts violence whilst in prison. Found that inmates with prior street gang involvement were no more likely than other inmates to engage in prison violence. The lack of an association found in this study however, can be explained by fact that violent gang members tend to be isolated from general inmate population, therefore greatly restricting their opportunities for violence. Eg Fischer found that isolating known gang members in a special management unit reduced rates of serious assault by 50%

130
Q

What are media influences?

A

Changes in behaviour that are attributed to exposure to media such as TV or computer games

131
Q

What are media influences on aggression?

A

Violent films and TV, and violent computer games

132
Q

What is a typical example of an experimental study into violent films and TV?

A

Researchers randomly assign participants to either an experimental condition, where they view violent film scenes, or a control condition where they watch non-violent scenes. They are then observed to see how they interact with other people after viewing the film

133
Q

What are typical findings in lab and field experiments for the influence of violent films and TV on aggression?

A

A consistent finding from both lab and field experiments is that those who watch violent scenes subsequently display more aggressive behaviour and have more aggressive thoughts/aggressive emotions than those who do not

134
Q

What research looks at violent films and tv in an experiment?

A

Bjorkqvist exposed 5-6 year old Finnish children to either violent or non-violent films. Compared with the children who had viewed the non-violent film, those who had watched the violent film were subsequently rated much higher on measures of physical aggression (eg hitting other children)

135
Q

What are longitudinal studies?

A

They allow researchers to track individuals over time in order to assess the impact of early experiences on behaviour later in life

136
Q

What is an example of a longitudinal study into violent films and tv?

A

Huesmann et al studied 557 children between the ages of 6 and 10, growing up in Chicago in 1977, and then 329 of these 15 years later. They found that habitual early exposure to TV violence was predictive of adult aggression later in life and this applied to both boys and girls. This relationship persisted even when the possible effects of socioeconomic status, intelligence and any differences in parenting styles were controlled

137
Q

What are meta analyses?

A

They allow researchers to aggregate the findings of many different individual studies of the effects of media violence

138
Q

What is an example of a meta analysis on violent films and TV?

A

Vushman and Husemann carried out a mea analysis of 431 studies, involving over 68000 participants. Of these, 264 studies involved children and 167 involved adults. Most of the studies had looked at the impact of violent TV, but others had also looked at the effect of video games, music and comic books. Overall, they found modest but significant effect sizes for exposure to media violence on aggressive behaviours, aggressive thoughts, angry feelings and arousal levels. The short term effects of violent media were greater for adults than for children, whereas the long term effects were greater for children than for adults

139
Q

What is research into violent computer games like?

A

Research on the impact of violent computer games is till in its relative infancy, yet, as Porter and Starcevic suggest, interactive violent in video games has the potential to exert even more influence than TV violence, where the viewer plays a more passive role. In addition, during violent game play, aggression is rewarded and is portrayed as being both appropriate and effective

140
Q

What have experimental studies found about violent computer games and aggression?

A

Lab experiments have found short term increases in levels of physiological arousal, hostile feelings and aggressive behaviour following violent game play compared to non-violent game play (Gentile and Stone). Aggressive behaviour cannot be studied directly, as this is not permitted on ethical grounds, so other forms of behaviour must be used instead. Eg Anderson and Dill found participants blasted their opponents with white noise for longer and rated themselves higher on the State Hostility Scale after playing Wolfenstein 3D (first person shooter game) compared to those who played Myst (slow-paced puzzle game)

141
Q

What is an example of a longitudinal study into violent computer games?

A

Anderson et al surveyed 430 children aged 7-9 at two points during the school year. Children who had high exposure to violent video games became more verbally and physically aggressive and less prosocial (as rated by themselves, their peers and their teachers)

142
Q

What do Adachi and Willoughby suggest about longitudinal studies and violent computer games?

A

They suggest that the longitudinal link found between violent video games and aggression may be due to the competitive nature of the games, rather than the violence, as violent video games tend to be more competitive than non-violent games

143
Q

What is the key study for media influences on aggression?

A

Greitemeyer and Mügge

144
Q

What was the procedure for Greitemeyer and Mügge’s study?

A

Carried out a meta analysis of 98 studies carried out since 2009. This involved nearly 37000 participants. They were testing effects of violent video games in which the goal is to harm another game character and also prosocial games where the goal is to benefit another character. Researchers were interested in how playing these games influenced aggressive and prosocial behaviour as well as aggressive and prosocial cognitions and emotions

145
Q

What were the findings of Greitemeyer and Mügge’s study?

A

Researchers found a small average effect size in these studies (violent video game use linked to increase in aggressive outcomes and decrease in prosocial outcomes. Prosocial games showed the opposite effect) These effects were evident regardless of the type of study (experimental/correlational/longitudinal)

146
Q

What are the evaluation points for media influences on aggression?

A

Media violence research: overstating the case, simple questions but complex answers, failure to consider other casual variables, problems with research on the effects of computer games, game difficulty rather than content my lead to aggression

147
Q

How is ‘media violence research: overstating the case’ an evaluation point for media influences on aggression?

A

Some critics point that although many studies claim ‘statistically significant’ relationship between media violence and violent behaviour, this is an overstatement of the case. Studies that found effect attributable to violent media have typically reported only small-to-medium effect sizes. However, very few have actually measured aggression against another person. Ferguson and Kilburn note that when aggression against another person or violent crime is the measure of aggression used in research, the relationship between exposure to media violence and aggressive behaviour is actually close to zero

148
Q

How is ‘simple questions but complex answers’ an evaluation point for media influences on aggression?

A

Livingstone claims asking questions such as ‘does violent media increase aggressive behaviour in viewers’ appears to be a simple question, but answers are much more complex. As most studies are American, generality of findings to countries with different media and cultural histories is problematic. Effects research also mostly tended to use unrepresentative samples (eg male students) and then made generalisations about all viewers. Livingstone argues there is need for better methodologies in more natural viewing conditions and suggests field experiments conducted with better experimental controls and longer follow up period would provide most convincing evidence

149
Q

How is ‘failure to consider other casual variables’ an evaluation point for media influences on aggression?

A

Many studies in this area fail to account for other variable that explain why some people display aggressive behaviour and why the same people may choose to play violent games. Eg Ferguson et al claim much research on effects of computer game violence failed to control for other variables known to influence aggressive behaviour. Their meta analysis showed effects of violent media content on aggressive behaviour disappears when other potential influences such as trait aggression, family violence and mental health are taken into consideration. Researchers suggest these risk factors are the primary cause of aggressive/violent behaviour

150
Q

How is ‘problems with research on the effects of computer games’ an evaluation point for media influences on aggression?

A

Major weakness of lab experiments in this area is researchers cannot measure ‘real-life’ aggression. Therefore must use measures of aggressive behaviour that have no relationship to real-life aggression, and can only measure short term effects. These alternative ‘measures’ of aggressive behaviour include administering noise blasts or hot chilli sauce to another participant, neither of which have much to do with actual aggressive behaviour. Longitudinal studies are able to observe real life patterns of behaviour and documents short and long term effects however participants may be exposed to other forms of media violence during course of study so effect from violent fame exposure alone is uncertain

151
Q

How is ‘game difficulty rather than content my lead to aggression’ an evaluation point for media influences on aggression?

A

Frequently claimed that violent content of games create feelings of aggression in players, which moved to aggressive behaviour in own life. However study by Przybylski et al suggest aggressive behaviour may be linked to player’s experiences of failure/frustration during a game rather than the violent storyline. Found it was not storyline or imagery, but lack of mastery and difficulty that led to frustration/aggression. Evident across both violent/non-violent fames. Researchers suggest we tend to have fairly simplistic views when comes to link between video games and aggression, as even non-violent gams can lead to aggressive feelings if they are poorly designed or too difficult

152
Q

What are explanations of media influences on aggression?

A

Desensitisation, disinhibition and cognitive priming

153
Q

What is desensitisation?

A

Explanations based on desensitisation assume that, under normal conditions, anxiety about violence inhibits use. Media violence, however, may lead to aggressive behaviour by removing this anxiety. More televised violence a child watches, the more acceptable aggressive behaviour becomes for them. Frequent viewing of tv violence may cause children to be less anxious about violence. Someone who has become desensitised to violence may perceive it as more ‘norma’ and be more likely to engage in it themselves. Desensitisation to media violence typically takes a long time-a result of numerous repeated exposures

154
Q

What are indications that desensitisation has occurred?

A

Reduction in physiological arousal (eg heart rate and skin conductance rate) when individuals are exposed to real violence after repeated exposure to media violence (Linz et al). Other indicators are change in cognitive and affective reactions that would otherwise have occurred in absence of desensitisation eg less likely to notice violence in real life, feel less sympathy for victims of violence, have less negative attitudes toward violence (Mullin and Linz)

155
Q

What are the evaluation points for desensitisation?

A

Research support for desensitisation, and the good and bad of desensitisation

156
Q

How is ‘research support for desensitisation’ an evaluation point for desensitisation as an explanation of media influences on aggression?

A

Carnagey et al tested claim that playing violent computer games produces physiological desensitisation (showing less physiological arousal to violence in real world after exposure to computer game violence). Participants played either a violent or non-violent video game for 20 mins then watched 10 min film clip containing scenes of real life violence while their hear rate and skin conductance response were monitored. Participants in violent game condition had lower heart rate and skin conductance response when viewing real life violence, demonstrating physiological desensitisation to violence, as predicted

157
Q

How is ‘the good and bad of desensitisation’ an evaluation point for desensitisation as an explanation of media influences on aggression?

A

Desensitisation can be adaptive for individuals. Eg for troops, desensitisation to horrors of combat makes them more effective in their role. However desensitisation to violent stimuli may be detrimental for individual and society. Bushman and Anderson suggest worrying consequences when individuals are desensitised to violence after exposure to violent media. Found that violent media exposure can reduce helping behaviour that might otherwise be offered to others in distress. Claim people exposed to media violence become ‘comfortable numb’ to pain and suffering of others and are consequentially less helpful

158
Q

What is disinhibition?

A

According to this explanation, watching or playing violent media may change our standards of acceptable behaviour. Exposure to violent media can legitimise use of violence by the individual in their own lives as it undermines the social sanctions that usually inhibit such behaviour

159
Q

What sort of effects does disinhibition have?

A

Immediate and long term effect. Violence on TV or computer game triggers physiological arousal, which leads to greater probability of behaving aggressively. In this aroused state, inhibitions are temporarily suppressed by the drive to act. In longer term, prolonged exposure to media violence gives message that violence is normal part of everyday life. When violence is justified or left unpunished on tv, viewer’s guilt or concern about consequences is also reduced. Child then feels less inhibited about being aggressive again

160
Q

What are the evaluation points for disinhibition?

A

The disinhibition effect depends on other factors, and negative consequences make disinhibition more likely

161
Q

How is ‘the disinhibition effect depends on other factors’ an evaluation point for disinhibition as an explanation of media influences on aggression?

A

Likelihood of disinhibition taking place determined by number of factors, some relate to viewer themselves, and some to context in which media is viewed. Eg younger children more likely affected as they are more likely to be drawn into high-action violence episodes without considering motives/consequences of violence (Collins). Children growing up in households with strong norms against violence are unlikely to experience sufficient disinhibition for them to exhibit aggressive behaviour, whereas the effect is stronger in families where children receive physical punishment from parents and when identify more with violent heroes (Heath et al). Demonstrates relationship between media violence and disinhibition is not simple and mediated by individual/social characteristics

162
Q

How is ‘negative consequences make disinhibition more likely’ an evaluation point for disinhibition as an explanation of media influences on aggression?

A

Research suggests disinhibition is more likely in situations where viewers are also exposed to negative consequences of violent behaviour. Eg Goranson showed film of boxing match with one of two alternate endings.In one, there were no apparent consequences, but in the other, the lose of the fight was seen to take a bad beating and ended up dying. Participants who did not see the negative consequences were more likely to behave aggressively after viewing the fight, supporting suggestion that disinhibition may be far more likely in violent media where negative consequences are not made apparent to or understood by viewers

163
Q

What is cognitive priming?

A

Berkowitz proposed idea of cognitive priming to explain short term effects of media violence. Term ‘priming’ refers to temporary increase in accessibility of thoughts and ideas. Proposed that, when people are constantly exposed to violent media, this activates thoughts/ideas about violence, which, in turn, activate (prime) other aggressive thoughts through association in memory pathways. Eg playing a computer game where player ‘kills’ other characters may prime thoughts of physical fighting, which may lead to feelings of anger and motivation to harm others. Violent film can, according to this, temporarily lower threshold for activation of these thoughts, making them accessible for short time

164
Q

How can cognitive priming lead to aggression?

A

More accessible a though or idea, the more likely it is to be used to interpret social information. Frequent activation though prolonged exposure to violent media may result in lowered activation threshold for these aggressive thoughts, allowing them to be accessed more readily, and so used to process/interpret information. Eg Zelli et al found that priming by aggressive stimuli influenced individuals to make hostile attributions about behaviour of other people. These hostile attributions, in turn, increase likelihood of aggressive behaviour

165
Q

What are the evaluation points for cognitive priming?

A

Research support for cognitive priming, and priming is less likely with less realistic media

166
Q

How is ‘research support for cognitive priming’ an evaluation point for cognitive priming as an explanation of media influences on aggression?

A

Bushman tested hypothesis that exposure to violent media makes aggressive thoughts more accessible to viewers. In the study, undergraduate participants watched 15 min clip of violent or non-violent film. Participants who watched violent film then had faster reaction times to aggressive words that those who saw non-violent film. Video content did not, however, influence reaction times to nonaggressive words. Suggests exposure to violent media primes memories related to aggression. It has also been supported in research on computer game play. Anderson and Dill found individuals who played violent computer games then had more cognitively accessible aggressive thoughts than those who played non-violent games. Concluded single incident of violent game play had primed aggressive thoughts in participants

167
Q

How is ‘priming is less likely with less realistic media’ an evaluation point for cognitive priming as an explanation of media influences on aggression?

A

Atkin suggests film or game realism is important factor in relationship between exposure to violent media and priming of aggressive thoughts/behaviours. Found higher levels of aggression resulted from viewing more realistic or realistically perceived violence. Fictional violence in some computer games, eg, may not have same priming effects as in games with more realistic violence. Suggests exposure to more realistic/intense forms of aggression vs cartoon/animated forms of aggression may influence types and intensity of activated thoughts and ideas, which may manifest themselves in different ways