Stereotypes III: Controlling stereotypes - research

Question 1

van Ooijen et al. (2016)

Answer 1

Three studies show that product packaging shape serves as a cue that communicates healthiness of food products. Inspired by embodiment accounts, we show that packaging that simulates a slim body shape acts as a symbolic cue for product healthiness (e.g., low in calories), as opposed to packaging that simulates a wide body shape. Furthermore, we show that the effect of slim package shape on consumer behaviour is goal dependent. Whereas simulation of a slim (vs. wide) body shape increases choice likelihood and product attitude when consumers have a health-relevant shopping goal, packaging shape does not affect these outcomes when consumers have a hedonic shopping goal. In Study 3, we adopt a realistic shopping paradigm using a shelf with authentic products, and find that a slim (as opposed to wide) package shape increases on-shelf product recognition and increases product attitude for healthy products. We discuss results and implications regarding product positioning and the packaging design process

Question 2

Carton and Rosette (2011)

Answer 2

Approaches related to inference-based processing (e.g., romance-of-leadership theory) would suggest that black leaders are evaluated positively after success. In contrast, approaches related to recognition-based processing (e.g., leader categorization theory) would suggest that, because of stereotyping, black leaders are evaluated negatively regardless of their performance. To reconcile this discrepancy, we predicted that evaluators would engage in goal-based stereotyping by perceiving that black leaders-and not white leaders-fail because of negative leader-based attributes and succeed because of positive nonleader attributes (i.e., compensatory stereotypes). Multilevel analyses of archival data in the context of college football in the United States supported our predictions.

Question 3

Smith (2006)

Answer 3

This project was designed to examine whether and how achievement goals contribute to the effect of gender stereotypes on women’s low expectancies for success on math tasks. Study 1 confirmed predictions from the Stereotyped Task Engagement Process (STEP) model (Smith, 2004) by demonstrating that, compared to a counter-stereotype situation, women reminded of the gender-stereotype endorsed performance-avoidance goals. Study 2 tested whether performance-goal adoption differed between men and women. Results showed that, compared to men, women in a stereotype salient math situation were more likely to endorse performance-avoidance achievement goals. This performance-avoidance goal adoption in turn, accounted for the negative relationship between participants’ gender and performance expectations for a standardized math test.

Question 4

Ouschan (2017)

Answer 4

The aim of this thesis was to systematically investigate the role of processing goals in prejudice-linked stereotype activation. Across five experiments, the automatic responses to racial targets (Asian and Caucasian faces) of low-and high-prejudiced individuals were measured while processing goals were manipulated. Automatic stereotype activation was linked to prejudice level only when the processing goals required evaluative judgements of the targets. Neither high-nor low-prejudice participants activated stereotypes during target irrelevant judgments. The findings offer substantive evidence for the role of processing goals in mediating prejudice-linked differences in automatic stereotype activation.

Question 5

Axt et al. (2018)

Answer 5

selected applicants based on academic credentials

applicants also differed on irrelevant social categories

asked to avoid bias = showed reduced bias

Social judgment is shaped by multiple biases operating simultaneously, but most bias-reduction interventions target only a single social category. In seven preregistered studies (total N > 7,000), we investigated whether asking participants to avoid one social bias affected that and other social biases. Participants selected honor society applicants based on academic credentials. Applicants also differed on social categories irrelevant for selection: attractiveness and ingroup status. Participants asked to avoid potential bias in one social category showed small but reliable reductions in bias for that category (r = .095), but showed near-zero bias reduction on the unmentioned social category (r = .006). Asking participants to avoid many possible social biases or alerting them to bias without specifically identifying a category did not consistently reduce bias. The effectiveness of interventions for reducing social biases may be highly specific, perhaps even contingent on explicitly and narrowly identifying the potential source of bias.

Question 6

Palma et al. (2019)

Answer 6

how learning of which of 2 dimensions was most relevant influenced encoding and retrieval of task-relevant and irrelevant dimensions

learned which dimension most relevant and became faster at responding

faster responding when gender relevant but not with age - inhibition of age dimension

Question 7

Ma et al. (2018)

Answer 7

greater prototypicality = more stereotypical

average prototypical targets elicited greater stereotyping

negative stereotypes drove the effects

Question 8

Pendry and Macrae (1994)

Answer 8

Two experiments investigated the effects of information-processing goals and attentional capacity on subjects′ impressions of a target. In Study 1, extending previous research in this area, both information-processing goals and a resource depleting task were manipulated simultaneously. It was predicted that, in contrast with outcome-independent subjects, subjects who were made outcome-dependent upon a woman would make individuated evaluations of her. This effect, however, was anticipated to be contingent upon the availability of attentional resources. Under conditions of cognitive busyness, it was predicted that both outcome-independent and -dependent subjects would view the woman in a relatively stereotyped (i.e., less individuating) manner. Our results supported this prediction. Resource depletion appeared to diminish subjects′ ability to individuate the woman, even when they were motivated to view her in such a manner. Study 2 utilized a probe reaction task to investigate the differential demands processing goals impose upon perceivers′ attentional capacity. In line with our predictions, outcome-dependent subjects used more cognitive resources when learning about a woman than comparable outcome-independent subjects. Taken together, these results demonstrate the dynamic interaction between cognitive and motivational factors in the determination of perceivers′ impressions of others. We consider these findings in the wider context of models of stereotyping and social inference.

Question 9

Wells (2017)

Answer 9

This paper seeks to redress a gap in research regarding the effect of contact with accountants (stereotype targets) on the perceptions people have of accounting. Contact with accountants has often been suggested as a strategy for changing the stereotypical perceptions people have of accounting. This study examines how contact with accountants influences these perceptions. The results reveal that while the perceptions do differ between participant groups, contact with accountants creates little awareness of the diverse range of duties performed by accountants. These findings confirm the claims by social psychologists that while contact might assist in changing perceptions, the change will not necessarily have the intended effect. These findings have implications for how accountants, their professional associations and educators represent the image of accounting to their clients, the public and their students.

Question 10

Pendry (1998)

Answer 10

This study investigated the effects of resource depletion on stereotyping. Participants were instructed to form an impression of a target, and whilst performing this task, they overheard a tape‐recorded conversation. The conversation was manipulated so that it was more or less relevant to the participants. Results in general supported the prediction that when participants eavesdrop on a relevant conversation, attentional capacity will be diminished, and target evaluations will be stereotypic in implication. Findings are discussed in terms of contemporary treatments of stereotyping

Question 11

Sherman et al. (2011)

Answer 11

This paper examines the role of attentional capacity in stereotyping processes. We begin with an overview of different theoretical perspectives on this issue. Then we document how recent research has extended our understanding of the relationship between attention and stereotyping. First, we consider how variations in attentional resources influence social categorization, stereotype activation, stereotype application, and stereotype inhibition. Evidence from each of these domains supports the conclusion that stereotype-based impression formation is less resource-consuming than individuation. Second, we examine the role of attentional capacity in the encoding, retrieval, and meta-cognitive processing of stereotypical and counter-stereotypical information. Recent research extends our understanding of exactly how and why stereotype use is relatively efficient.

Finally, we discuss the need to better specify the conditions under which attention is and is not likely to be impaired. New evidence suggests that such considerations have important implications for understanding stereotyping. We conclude that there is now an abundant variety of evidence underscoring the importance of attentional resources in stereotyping.

Question 12

Plaks and Halvorson (2013)

Answer 12

Does accountability (the expectation that one will be called on to justify one’s beliefs or actions to others) attenuate or amplify stereotyping? The authors hypothesized that the effect of accountability on stereotype use in impression formation depends on perceivers’ implicit theory (entity versus incremental). The authors assessed the effects of accountability and implicit theories on participants’ impression of the target (Studies 1 and 2), attention to the target’s stereotype-consistent versus -inconsistent behavior (Study 1), and sense of being entitled to judge the target (Study 2). In both studies, accountability amplified the stereotypicality of entity theorists’ impressions but, if anything, attenuated the stereotypicality of incremental theorists’ impressions. Moreover, in Study 1, the more attention accountable entity (but not incremental) theorists paid to counterstereotypic information, the more stereotype-driven were their impressions. In Study 2, for entity theorists but not incremental theorists, perceived judgeability mediated the relationship between accountability and stereotypicality of judgment.

Question 13

Kurglanski and Freund (1983)

Answer 13

Three experiments were conducted to test the hypothesis that primacy effects, ethnic stereotyping, and numerical anchoring all represent “epistemic freezing” in which the lay-knower becomes less aware of plausible alternative hypotheses and/or inconsistent bits of evidence competing with a given judgment. It was hypothesized that epistemic freezing would increase with an increase in time pressure on the lay-knower to make a judgment and decrease with the layknower’s fear that his/her judgment will be evaluated and possibly be in error. Accordingly, it was predicted that primacy effects, ethnic stereotyping, and anchoring phenomena would increase in magnitude with an increase in time pressure and decrease in magnitude with an increase in evaluation apprehension. Finally, the time-pressure variations were expected to have greater impact upon “freezing” when the evaluation apprehension is high as opposed to low. All hypotheses were supported in each of the presently executed studies.

Question 14

Wyer (2007)

Answer 14

Two experiments investigated differences in compliance with instructions to suppress stereotypes as a function of prejudice-related motivations. In Experiment 1, only participants identified as high in motivation to control prejudice [Dunton, B. C., & Fazio, R. H. (1997). An individual difference measure of motivation to control prejudiced reactions. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 23, 316-326] complied with suppression instructions. These participants experienced post-suppression rebound effects, but only if they were also high in prejudice. In Experiment 2, only participants identified as high in external motivation to respond without prejudice [Plant, E. A., & Devine, P. G. (1998). Internal and external motivation to respond without prejudice. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75, 811-832] complied with instructions to suppress. These participants later experienced stereotype rebound effects, but only if they were also low in internal motivation to respond without prejudice. These findings suggest that motivational factors play an important role in determining not only the outcome of suppression, but also the choice to attempt suppression in the first place. (c) 2006 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

Question 15

Oikawa (2005)

Answer 15

Recent research on goal effects has indicated that conscious and unconscious goals share similar characteristics and functions. However, the extent to which these 2 forms of goal pursuits differ, and under what conditions, is unclear. In the present study, 2 experiments utilizing a suppression paradigm were conducted to demonstrate the difference between suppression that is induced consciously via instructions, and suppression induced unconsciously via egalitarian goal priming. Experiment 1 demonstrated that unconscious suppression did not lead to paradoxical effects, a by-product accompanying conscious suppression. Those participants who were instructed to avoid stereotyping foreigners during a writing task engaged in more stereotyping in a subsequent impression-formation task. This result was not found in the unconscious suppression group. In Experiment 2, based on the assumption that unconscious suppression is more efficient than conscious suppression, it was predicted that unconscious suppression would be less resource-consuming. A self-report measure after the suppression task indicated that only the participants in the conscious suppression condition reported increased fatigue. However, performance on a subsequent anagram task indicated that the performance of both groups Was equally degraded and no difference was observed between the 2 groups in the amount of ego-depletion.

Question 16

Devine (1989)

Answer 16

Three studies tested basic assumptions derived from a theoretical model based on the dissociation of automatic and controlled processes involved in prejudice. Study 1 supported the model’s assumption that high- and low-prejudice persons are equally knowledgeable of the cultural stereotype. The model suggests that the stereotype is automatically activated in the presence of a member (or some symbolic equivalent) of the stereotype group and that low-prejudice responses require controlled inhibition of the automatically activated stereotype. Study 2, which examined the efforts of automatic stereotype activation on the evaluation of ambiguous stereotype-relevant behaviors performed by a race-unspecified person, suggested that when subjects’ ability to consciously monitor stereotype activation is precluded, both high- and low-prejudice subjects produce stereotype-congruent evaluations of ambiguous behaviors. Study 3 examined high- and low-prejudice subjects’ responses in a consciously directed thought-listing task. Consistent with the model, only low-prejudice subjects inhibited the automatically activated stereotype-congruent thoughts and replaced them with thoughts reflecting equality and negations of the stereotype. The relation between stereotypes and prejudice and implications for prejudice reduction are discussed.

Question 17

Casper et al. (2010)

Answer 17

Processes involving an automatic activation of stereotypes in different contexts were investigated using a priming paradigm with the lexical decision task. The names of social categories were combined with background pictures of specific situations to yield a compound prime comprising category and context information. Significant category priming effects for stereotypic attributes (e. g., Bavarians - beer) emerged for fitting contexts (e. g., in combination with a picture of a marquee) but not for nonfitting contexts (e. g., in combination with a picture of a shop). Findings indicate that social stereotypes are organized as specific mental schemas that are triggered by a combination of category and context information.

Question 18

Gawronski et al. (2008)

Answer 18

Previous research has shown that extended training in non-stereotypic responding (i.e., negating stereotypes and affirming counterstereotypes) can reduce automatic stereotype activation. In the present research, we claim that the effects of non-stereotypic association training on automatic stereotype activation are primarily driven by the affirmation of counterstereotypes rather than by the negation of stereotypes. In two experiments, participants received extensive training in either (a) negating stereotype-congruent information or (b) affirming stereotype-incongruent information, and then completed a measure of automatic stereotyping (Experiment 1) or automatic evaluation (Experiment 2). Consistent with our predictions, only training in the affirmation of counterstereotypes led to a reduction in the activation of stereotypes and negative evaluations. In contrast, extended training in the negation of stereotypes enhanced rather than reduced the activation of stereotypes and negative evaluations. Implications for prejudice and stereotype control are discussed.

Question 19

Monteith (1993)

Answer 19

A model suggesting that prejudiced-related discrepancy experiences facilitate prejudice reduction efforts is proposed and tested. Prejudice-related discrepancies concerning gays were activated among low and high prejudiced Ss in 2 experiments. Results indicated that low-prejudiced (LP) Ss’ violations of their LP and well-internalized attitudes produced compunction, self- and discrepancy-focused thoughts, attention to discrepancy-relevant information (Exp 1), and a slowing of responses (Exp 2). These findings indicated that LP Ss’ discrepancies instigated a self-regulatory cycle that, theoretically, should help in achieving control over subsequent prejudiced responses. Evidence of effective self-regulation was found in a task following discrepancy activation. Specifically, LP Ss effectively inhibited prejudiced responses to jokes about gays as a consequence of discrepancy activation (Exp 2).

Question 20

Abicioglu et al. (2019)

Answer 20

Using multilevel models, we examined the relationship between teachers’ prejudice reduction practices and students’ engagement.

Prejudice reduction practices focused on engaging in dialogue about diversity and confronting intergroup bias.

Teachers’ explicit multicultural attitudes and implicit attitudes towards ethnic minorities were possible moderators.

Prejudice reduction predicted increases in student engagement for teachers with above-average positive explicit attitudes.

Our models did not support such an interaction effect for implicit ethnic attitudes.

Question 21

Noon (2017)

Answer 21

The latest fashion of ‘unconscious bias training’ is a diversity intervention based on unproven suppositions and is unlikely to help eliminate racism in the workplace. Knowing about bias does not automatically result in changes in behaviour by managers and employees. Even if ‘unconscious bias training’ has the theoretical potential to change behaviour, it will depend on the type of racism: symbolic/modern/colour-blind, aversive or blatant. In addition, even if those deemed racist are motivated to change behaviour, structural constraints can militate against pro-diversity actions. Agency is overstated by psychology-inspired ‘unconscious bias training’ proponents, leading them to assume the desirability and effectiveness of this type of diversity training intervention, but from a critical diversity perspective (sociologically influenced) the training looks pointless.

Question 22

Johnson et al. (2016)

Answer 22

The present research compared the effectiveness of meaningful negation—“That’s wrong”—and simple negation—“No”—to alter automatic prejudice. Participants were trained to negate prejudice-consistent or prejudice-inconsistent information, using either simple or meaningful negation, and completed an evaluative priming measure of racial prejudice before and after training. No significant changes in automatic prejudice in the simple negation conditions emerged. In contrast, those trained to negate prejudice-consistent information in a more meaningful way showed a significant decrease in automatic prejudice, whereas those trained to negate prejudice-inconsistent information meaningfully showed a significant increase. Study 2 revealed that these effects were driven by participants high in their motivation to control prejudiced reactions (MCPR), as they demonstrated the greatest changes in automatic prejudice following training. Contrary to research suggesting negation training is an ineffective means to reduce automatic racial prejudice, the present research suggests negation can be effective when the negation is meaningful.

Question 23

Blair (2002)

Answer 23

The present article reviews evidence for the malleability of automatic stereotypes and prejudice. In contrast to assumptions that such responses are fixed and inescapable, it is shown that automatic stereotypes and prejudice are influenced by, (a) self- and social motives, (b) specific strategies, (c) the perceiver’s focus of attention, and (d) the configuration of stimulus cues. In addition, group members’ individual characteristics are shown to influence the extent to which (global) stereotypes and prejudice are automatically activated. This evidence has significant implications for conceptions of automaticity, models of stereotyping and prejudice, and attitude representation. The review concludes with the description of an initial model of early social information processing.

Question 24

Wegner (1994)

Answer 24

A theory of ironic processes of mental control is proposed to account for the intentional and counterintentional effects that result from efforts at self-control of mental states. The theory holds that an attempt to control the mind introduces 2 processes: (1) an operating process that promotes the intended change by searching for mental contents consistent with the intended state and (2) a monitoring process that tests whether the operating process is needed by searching for mental contents inconsistent with the intended state. The operating process requires greater cognitive capacity and normally has more pronounced cognitive effects than the monitoring process, and the 2 working together thus promote whatever degree of mental control is enjoyed. Under conditions that reduce capacity, however, the monitoring process may supersede the operating process and thus enhance the person’s sensitivity to mental contents that are the ironic opposite of those that are intended.

Question 25

Kay et al. (2013)

Answer 25

exposure to positive stereotypes –> unlikely to arouse emotional vigilance and causes harmful beliefs towards members of the target group

has opposite affect to intended

Question 26

Macrae et al. (1994)

Answer 26

For a variety of reasons, social perceivers may often attempt to actively inhibit stereotypic thoughts before their effects impinge on judgment and behavior. However, research on the psychology of mental control raises doubts about the efficacy of this strategy. Indeed, this work suggests that when people attempt to suppress unwanted thoughts, these thoughts are likely to subsequently reappear with even greater insistence than if they had never been suppressed (i.e., a “rebound” effect). The
present research comprised an investigation of the extent to which this kind of rebound effect extends to unwanted stereotypic thoughts about others. The results provided strong support for the existence of this effect. Relative to control subjects (i.e., stereotype users), stereotype suppressors responded more pejoratively to a stereotyped target on a range of dependent measures. We discuss
our findings in the wider context of models of mind, thought suppression, and social stereotyping

Question 27

Wenzlaff and Wegner (2000)

Answer 27

Virtually nonexistent fewer than 15 years ago, the study of thought suppression has grown into a significant area of scientific inquiry with a growing database that spans several psychological domains. What has compelled the interest of the scientific and clinical communities is that suppression is not simply an ineffective tactic of mental control; it is counterproductive, helping assure the very state of mind one had hoped to avoid. The problem of thought suppression is aggravated by its intuitive appeal and apparent simplicity, which help mask its false promises. Despite the fact that the accumulated research is impressive in scope and consistency, our knowledge of the intricacies and idiosyncracies of thought suppression is far from complete. Questions remain concerning the potential mediating effects of certain target characteristics, the role of motivational and personality factors, and the clinical and practical implications, including the relative merits of alternative strategies.

Question 28

Geeraert (2013)

Answer 28

A known consequence of stereotype suppression is post-suppressional rebound (PSR), an ironic activation of the suppressed stereotype. This is typically explained as an unintended by-product from a dual-process model of mental control. Relying on this model, stereotype rebound is believed to be conceptual. Alternative accounts predict PSR to be featural or procedural. According to the latter account, stereotype rebound would not be limited to the suppressed social category, but could occur for a target from any social category. The occurrence of procedural stereotype rebound was examined across five experiments. Suppression of one particular stereotype consistently led to rebound for social targets belonging to the same or a different stereotype in an essay-writing task (Experiments 1-3) and led to facilitation in recognition of stereotype-consistent words (Experiment 4). Finally, stereotype suppression was shown to impact on assessments of stereotype use but not on heuristic thinking (Experiment 5).

Question 29

Follenfant and Ric (2010)

Answer 29

Attempts to suppress stereotypes have often been found to result in an increased accessibility of these stereotypes. According to thought suppression literature together with research on prime-to-behavior effects, we hypothesized that suppression of stereotype can lead people to subsequently behave in accordance with its content and that these effects are stronger after suppression (rebound) than after a classical priming condition (i.e., no-suppression condition). Experiment 1 showed that suppression of the stereotype of sportsmen (associated with poor math performance) but not of Italian men (not related to math performance) led participants to subsequently perform worse on a calculus task in comparison to non-suppressors. These effects were replicated in a second experiment with another stereotype (elderly) and another behavior that does not require self regulation (walking speed): Suppressors walked slower than non-suppressors. These findings are considered in the context of mental control and social stereotyping

Question 30

Zhang and Hunt (2008)

Answer 30

Stereotype rebound occurs when people experience an increase in stereotype use following attempts to suppress them. Two studies were conducted to examine cultural variability in the rebound effect. We hypothesized that, due to their experience suppressing unwanted thoughts, people from collectivist cultures would be less likely to experience the rebound effect than would people from individualist cultures. In both studies, U.S. and Chinese participants wrote two stories about gay men that were coded for stereotype use. Participants in the suppression condition were instructed to not to use stereotypes in their first story. As predicted, in both studies, U.S. participants in the suppression condition showed an increase in stereotype use in the second story, but Chinese participants did not. Potential explanations for cultural differences in the stereotype rebound effect are discussed

Question 31

Durguid and Thomas-Hunt (2015)

Answer 31

The deleterious effects of stereotyping on individual and group outcomes have prompted a search for solutions. One approach has been to increase awareness of the prevalence of stereotyping in the hope of motivating individuals to resist natural inclinations. However, it could be that this strategy creates a norm for stereotyping, which paradoxically undermines desired effects. The present research demonstrates that individuals who received a high prevalence of stereotyping message expressed more stereotypes than those who received a low prevalence of stereotyping message (Studies 1a, 1b, 1c, and 2) or no message (Study 2). Furthermore, working professionals who received a high prevalence of stereotyping message were less willing to work with an individual who violated stereotypical norms than those who received no message, a low prevalence of stereotyping message, or a high prevalence of counter-stereotyping effort message (Study 3). Also, in a competitive task, individuals who received a high prevalence of stereotyping message treated their opponents in more stereotype-consistent ways than those who received a low prevalence of stereotyping message or those who received a high prevalence of counter-stereotyping effort message (Study 4).

Question 32

Monteith et al. (1997)

Answer 32

Past findings suggest that attempts to control stereotypic thinking result in a “rebound effect” (i.e., a paradoxical increase in stereotypic thoughts and responses following stereotype suppression attempts). The present research examined boundary conditions to stereotype rebound effects in the context of stereotypes of social groups for which there were personal and social concerns over the use of stereotypes. Two experiments revealed that participants (Ps) with low-prejudice attitudes toward gays were not prone to the rebound effect when it was assessed using an overt measure of stereotype use (Experiment 1) or in terms of stereotype accessibility (Experiment 2). High-prejudice Ps also did not show rebound when it was measured in terms of stereotype application, presumably due to salient social norms censuring stereotype use. However, stereotype suppression did result in a subsequent hyperaccessibility of stereotypes among the high-prejudice Ps.

Question 33

Crandell et al. (2002)

Answer 33

The authors studied social norms and prejudice using M. Sherif and C. W. Sherif’s (1953) group norm theory of attitudes. In 7 studies (N=1, 504), social norms were measured and manipulated to examine their effects on prejudice; both normatively proscribed and normatively prescribed forms of prejudice were included. The public expression of prejudice toward 105 social groups was very highly correlated with social approval of that expression. Participants closely adhere to social norms when expressing prejudice, evaluating scenarios of discrimination, and reacting to hostile jokes. The authors reconceptualized the source of motivation to suppress prejudice in terms of identifying with new reference groups and adapting oneself to fit new norms. Suppression scales seem to measure patterns of concern about group norms rather than personal commitments to reducing prejudice; high suppressors are strong norm followers. Compared with low suppressors, high suppressors follow normative rules more closely and are more strongly influenced by shifts in local social norms. There is much value in continuing the study of normative influence and self-adaptation to social norms, particularly in terms of the group norm theory of attitudes

Question 34

Monteith et al. (2016)

Answer 34

People appear to be able to live comfortably with their prejudices through rationalization, justification, denial, and just plain avoiding outgroups. All of these tactics contribute to the maintenance of prejudice rather than to its change. Another possibility is that people recognize and confront their prejudiced tendencies so that they can work toward prejudice reduction. This pathway to change has been the focus of research on the self-regulation of prejudice. In this chapter, we first discuss motivations that can encourage people to self-regulate prejudice. We then review strategies that involve the self-regulation of stereotyping and prejudice and their consequences for the reduction of bias. These strategies include motivational and learning processes that facilitate vigilance against and inhibition of biases so that egalitarian goals can be achieved, attempts to suppress and banish stereotypic thoughts from the mind, and establishing if-then plans that can be implemented in contexts where biased responses are possible. Next we address the extent to which self-regulation consumes energy (e.g., cognitive resources), and ways in which this adverse side effect might be avoided. In addition, we discuss the consequences of people’s use of self-regulation during inter-racial interactions, including possible costs to regulators but also advantages for the quality of interactions. Finally, we consider how confronting others about their biases in interpersonal context might encourage the self-regulation of prejudice.

Question 35

Ford et al. (2017)

Answer 35

When people high in prejudice censor prejudice in one setting, they can experience a prejudice rebound effect—subsequently responding with more prejudice than otherwise. Disparagement humor fosters the release rather than suppression of prejudice. Thus, two experiments tested the hypothesis that exposure to disparagement humor attenuates rebound effects. Participants suppressed prejudice by writing fewer anti-gay thoughts about same-sex adoption (Experiment 1) or by reporting greater support for same-sex civil rights (Experiment 2) when expecting to share their responses with others (non-prejudice norm condition) but not if others first exchanged anti-gay jokes (prejudice norm condition). High-prejudice participants then exhibited prejudice rebound in the non-prejudice norm condition only. They rated a gay man more stereotypically (Experiment 1) and allocated greater budget cuts to a gay student organization (Experiment 2) in the non-prejudice norm condition.

Question 36

Gordijn et al. (2004)

Answer 36

The present research studied the effects of suppression of stereotypes on subsequent stereotyping. Moreover, the moderating influence of motivation to suppress stereotypes was examined. The first three experiments showed that suppression of stereotypes leads to the experience of engaging in self-control (Study 1), to depleted regulatory resources as indicated by worse performance on an unrelated subsequent task that involves self-regulation (Study 2), and to hyperaccessibility of the suppressed thoughts (Study 3). However, these effects were moderated by internal suppression motivation: Increased self-control, depleted regulatory resources, and hyperaccessibility of suppressed thoughts only occur for people with low internal suppression motivation. Furthermore, in line with the argument that depletion of regulatory resources after suppression also should result in increased stereotyping in general, it was found that suppression of a specific stereotype leads to an increased use of stereotypes in general, but only for people with low internal suppression motivation (Study 4).

Question 37

Wyer et al. (2000)

Answer 37

The present research studied the effects of suppression of stereotypes on subsequent stereotyping. Moreover, the moderating influence of motivation to suppress stereotypes was examined. The first three experiments showed that suppression of stereotypes leads to the experience of engaging in self-control (Study 1), to depleted regulatory resources as indicated by worse performance on an unrelated subsequent task that involves self-regulation (Study 2), and to hyperaccessibility of the suppressed thoughts (Study 3). However, these effects were moderated by internal suppression motivation: Increased self-control, depleted regulatory resources, and hyperaccessibility of suppressed thoughts only occur for people with low internal suppression motivation. Furthermore, in line with the argument that depletion of regulatory resources after suppression also should result in increased stereotyping in general, it was found that suppression of a specific stereotype leads to an increased use of stereotypes in general, but only for people with low internal suppression motivation (Study 4).

Question 38

Kelly and Kahn (1994)

Answer 38

Whether the rebound effect of thought suppression would occur with self-generated intrusive thoughts and whether the rebound would be followed by negative metacognitions concerning one’s ability to control one’s thoughts were explored. In Exp 1, Ss (N = 104) were asked to (1) suppress and then express or (2) express and then suppress their own intrusive thoughts during written stream-of-consciousness tasks. Results revealed the reverse of the rebound effect: Initial suppression was followed by diminished expression of the intrusive thoughts. Exp 2 (N = 116) replicated the original rebound effect (D. M. Wegner, 1989) and showed that the rebound was followed by increased reports of feeling out of control of one’s thoughts. But, once again, the rebound did not occur with Ss’ own intrusive thoughts. Suppressing new thoughts may trigger the synthesis of obsession, but suppressing familiar thoughts in a new context may be less problematic

Question 39

Blair and Banaji (1996)

Answer 39

The experiments in this article were conducted to observe the automatic activation of gender stereotypes and to assess theoretically specified conditions under which such stereotype priming may be moderated. Across 4 experiments, 3 patterns of data were observed: (1) evidence of stereotype priming under baseline conditions of intention and high cognitive constraints; (2) significant reduction of stereotype priming when a counterstereotype intention was formed even though cognitive constraints were high; and (3) complete reversal of stereotype priming when a counterstereotype intention was formed and cognitive constraints were low. These data support proposals that stereotypes may be automatically activated, as well as proposals that perceivers can control and even eliminate such effects

Question 40

Kidder et al. (2017)

Answer 40

Psychological interest in stereotype measurement has spanned nearly a century, with researchers adopting implicit measures in the 1980s to complement explicit measures. One of the most frequently used implicit measures of stereotypes is the sequential priming paradigm. The current meta-analysis examines stereotype priming, focusing specifically on this paradigm. To contribute to ongoing discussions regarding methodological rigor in social psychology, one primary goal was to identify methodological moderators of the stereotype priming effect—whether priming is due to a relation between the prime and target stimuli, the prime and target response, participant task, stereotype dimension, stimulus onset asynchrony (SOA), and stimuli type. Data from 39 studies yielded 87 individual effect sizes from 5,497 participants. Analyses revealed that stereotype priming is significantly moderated by the presence of prime–response relations, participant task, stereotype dimension, target stimulus type, SOA, and prime repetition. These results carry both practical and theoretical implications for future research on stereotype priming.