Stereotypes I: stereotypes as expectancies - research

Question 1

Selimbegovic et al. (2019)

Answer 1

Stereotype endorsement and gender identification separately interacted with gender to predict expectancies for success in STEM‐related professions.

Higher levels of stereotype endorsement and gender identification fostered stereotype‐consistent expectancies for success in STEM fields - higher for boys than girls

Question 2

Cadinu et al. (2003)

Answer 2

The goal of this study, was to investigate to role of expectancy as a potential mediator of performance deficits under stereotype threat. In Experiment 1, female students were assigned to one of three experimental conditions in which they were told that women perform worse (Negative information), equally (Control) or better (Positive information) than men in logical-mathematical tests, Later: they were given a difficult math test and asked to estimate their performance prior to taking the test. Consistent with predictions, participants who considered logical-mathematical abilities important and received negative information regarding the ingroup showed lower levels of expectations and a sharp decrease in performance compared to women in the positive and control conditions. Moreover, expectancy, was found to partially, mediate the effect of stereotype threat on performance. In Experiment 2, we tested the generalizability, of these results to non-stigmatized groups. A group of Black Americans living in Italy were provided with favorable or unfavorable information about either their minority, (Blacks) or their majority (Americans) ingroup. Consistent with predictions, participants both in the minority, and in the majority condition had lower expectations and under-performed after negative information about the ingroup. However the level of expectancy was found to mediate the decrease in performance for participants in the Black but not in the American condition. In the discussion of these results it is suggested that, although comparable performance deficits are found for minority and majority, members, the underlying processes may, be different.

Question 3

Rattan et al. (2017)

Answer 3

evaluations of job candidates can depend on what social group is more salient

more likely to hire woman when race rather than gender is salient

Question 4

Heilman and Caleo (2018)

Answer 4

Gender inequalities in the workplace persist, and scholars point to gender discrimination as a significant contributor. As organizations attempt to address this problem, we argue that theory can help shed light on potential solutions. This paper discusses how the lack of fit model can be used by organizations as a framework to understand the process that facilitates gender discrimination in employment decisions and to identify intervention strategies to combat it. We describe two sets of strategies. The first is aimed at reducing the perception that women are not suited for male-typed positions. The second is aimed at preventing the negative performance expectations that derive from this perception of unsuitability from influencing evaluative judgments. Also included is a discussion of several unintentional consequences that may follow from enacting these strategies. We conclude by arguing for the importance of the interplay between theory and practice in targeting gender discrimination in the workplace.

Question 5

Bargh and Ferguson (2000)

Answer 5

The first 100 years of experimental psychology were dominated by 2 major schools of thought: behaviorism and cognitive science. Here the authors consider the common philosophical commitment to determinism by both schools, and how the radical behaviorists’ thesis of the determined nature of higher mental processes is being pursued today in social cognition research on automaticity. In harmony with “dual process” models in contemporary cognitive science, which equate determined processes with those that are automatic and which require no intervening conscious choice or guidance, as opposed to “controlled” processes which do, the social cognition research on the automaticity of higher mental processes provides compelling evidence for the determinism of those processes. This research has revealed that social interaction, evaluation and judgment, and the operation of internal goal structures can all proceed without the intervention of conscious acts of will and guidance of the process.

Question 6

Cote-Lussier (2016)

Answer 6

The public’s “appetite” for punishment of crime has led some to compare support for harsh criminal justice policies to a practice of excess, much like craving ice cream. But what drives this appetite for punishment? This study investigates the functional relation between social structural factors of competition and social status, the endorsement of criminal stereotypes, and affective, behavioral and punitive responses to criminals. Results suggest, first, that perceiving criminals as competing against society for resources and power and as having a low social status (e.g., in terms of economic and educational attainment) is associated with perceiving criminals as being cold and untrustworthy, but somewhat competent and efficient. These perceptions are associated with feeling more anger and uneasiness, and less compassion toward criminals. Finally, feeling angry toward criminals is associated with supporting harsh criminal justice policies (e.g., giving law breakers stiffer sentences). The findings suggest that perceptions related to increasing social inequality could engender shifts in the endorsement of criminal stereotypes that are associated with public punitiveness

Question 7

Quinn et al. (2004)

Answer 7

We employed the retrieval-practice paradigm to test the hypothesis that stereotypes are organized in a meaningful, valence-based way that promotes evaluative coherence. Replicating previous research, we demonstrated that the rehearsal of traits known to describe a target person produced enhanced recall of those practiced traits and reduced recall of other known but non-practiced traits, relative to baseline. However, both the availability of a group label that united the traits within a stereotype and the evaluative consistency of the practiced and non-practiced traits moderated the nature of these effects: although recall of non-practiced stereotypic traits that were evaluatively inconsistent with the practiced traits showed the typical pattern of inhibition, recall of nonpracticed stereotypic traits that were evaluatively consistent with the practiced traits was facilitated relative to baseline. We conclude by discussing how the modular representation implied by these findings is functional, potentially fostering the momentary experience of evaluative consistency in person perception

Question 8

Rothbart et al. (1978)

Answer 8

When subjects are presented with information about the attributes of individuals and are then asked to make judgments about the characteristics of the group composed of those individuals, the group impression may depend on the way in which data on individuals are organized in memory. Experiment 1 demonstrated that under conditions of low memory load (16 instances of person-trait pairings), subjects organize their perceptions of a group around the characteristics of its individual members, whereas under high memory load (64 instances of person-trait pairings), subjects organize trait information in an undifferentiated way around the group as a whole. Under low memory load, subjects distinguish between repeated occurrences of a trait in the same individual and comparable repeated occurrences of that trait in different individuals; under high memory load, subjects do not make such a differentiation. Subjects’ judgments about the frequency of categories of traits were related to the ease of recall of category instances, as predicted by an availability heuristic. Experiments 2 and 3 demonstrated that group members who are most available in memory will be disproportionately represented in the group impression. Specifically, the proportion of extreme individuals in a group was retro-spectively overestimated; this was true for both physical stimuli (height) and social stimuli (criminal acts).

Question 9

Prati et al. (2015)

Answer 9

One way to promote equality is to encourage people to generate counterstereotypic role models. In two experiments, we demonstrate that such interventions have much broader benefits than previously thoughtreducing a reliance on heuristic thinking and decreasing tendencies to dehumanize outgroups. In Experiment 1, participants who thought about a gender counterstereotype (e.g., a female mechanic) demonstrated a generalized decrease in dehumanization towards a range of unrelated target groups (including asylum seekers and the homeless). In Experiment 2 we replicated these findings using alternative targets and measures of dehumanization. Furthermore, we found the effect was mediated by a reduced reliance on heuristic thinking. The findings suggest educational initiatives that aim to challenge social stereotypes may not only have societal benefits (generalized tolerance), but also tangible benefits for individuals (enhanced cognitive flexibility).

Question 10

Bigler and Clark (2014)

Answer 10

Prior work has detailed the constructivist processes that lead individuals to categorize others along particular dimensions (e. g., gender) and generate the content (e. g., stereotypes) and affect (e. g., prejudices) associated with social groups. The inherence heuristic is a novel mechanism that appears to shape the content and rigidity of children’s social stereotypes and prejudices.

Question 11

Park and Banaji (2000)

Answer 11

The influence of mood states on the propensity to use heuristics as expressed in stereotypes was examined using signal detection statistics. Participants experienced happy, neutral, or sad moods and “remembered” whether names connoting race (African American, European American) belonged to social categories (criminal, politician, basketball player). Positive mood increased reliance on heuristics, indexed by higher false identification of members of stereotyped groups. Positive mood lowered sensitivity (d’), even among relative experts, and shifted bias (beta) or criterion to be more lenient for stereotypical names. in contrast, sad mood did not disrupt sensitivity and, in fact, revealed the use of a stricter criterion compared with baseline mood. Results support theories that characterize happy mood as a mental state that predisposes reliance on heuristics and sad mood as dampening such reliance.

Question 12

Amidu et al. (2019)

Answer 12

Findings
The findings showed that valuers accomplished the valuation task by dividing the overall problem into sub-problems. These sub-problems are thereafter solved by integrating available data with existing knowledge by relying more on forward reasoning than backward reasoning. However, there were effects associated with the level of expertise in the way the processes of forward and backward reasoning are used, with the expert and intermediate valuers being more thorough and comprehensive in their reasoning process than the novices.

Research limitations/implications
This study explores the possibility that forward and backward reasoning play an important role in commercial valuation problem solving using a limited sample of valuers. Given this, data cannot be generalised to all valuation practice settings but may motivate future research that examines the effectiveness of forward and backward reasoning in diverse valuation practice settings and develops a holistic model of valuation reasoning

Question 13

Bodenhausen and Wyer (1985)

Answer 13

Investigated the effects of stereotyping on reactions to a behavioral transgression and the recall of information bearing on it in 2 experiments with 112 undergraduates. Ss read a case file describing a transgression (a job-related infraction in Exp I, a criminal act in Exp II) committed by a target. In some cases, the target’s transgression was stereotypic of the target’s ethnic group (conveyed through his name), and in other cases it was not. After reading the case file, Ss judged the likelihood that the transgression would recur and recommended punishment for the offense. These judgment data supported the hypothesis that stereotypes function as judgmental heuristics. Ss used a stereotype of the target to infer the reasons for the transgression and based their punishment decisions on the implications of these inferences, considering other relevant information only when a stereotype-based explanation of the behavior was not available. However, recall data suggest that, once a stereotype-based impression of the crime and its determinants was formed, Ss reviewed other available information to confirm the implications of this impression. This led to differential recall of presented information, depending on whether its implications were consistent with, inconsistent with, or irrelevant to those of the stereotype.

Question 14

Falben et al. (2019)

Answer 14

Stereotypes facilitate the processing of expectancy-consistent (vs expectancy-inconsistent) information, yet the underlying origin of this congruency effect remains unknown. As such, here we sought to identify the cognitive operations through which stereotypes influence decisional processing. In six experiments, participants responded to stimuli that were consistent or inconsistent with respect to prevailing gender stereotypes. To identify the processes underpinning task performance, responses were submitted to a hierarchical drift diffusion model (HDDM) analysis. A consistent pattern of results emerged. Whether manipulated at the level of occupational (Expts. 1, 3, and 5) or trait-based (Expts. 2, 4, and 6) expectancies, stereotypes facilitated task performance and influenced decisional processing via a combination of response and stimulus biases. Specifically, (1) stereotype-consistent stimuli were classified more rapidly than stereotype-inconsistent stimuli; (2) stereotypic responses were favoured over counter-stereotypic responses (i.e., starting-point shift towards stereotypic responses); (3) less evidence was required when responding to stereotypic than counter-stereotypic stimuli (i.e., narrower threshold separation for stereotypic stimuli); and (4) decisional evidence was accumulated more efficiently for stereotype-inconsistent than stereotype-consistent stimuli and when targets had a typical than atypical facial appearance. Collectively, these findings elucidate how stereotypes influence person construal.

Question 15

Stuart et al. (2016)

Answer 15

Research has consistently shown that jurors are influenced by multiple schemas in cases of alleged sexual assault, including offense stereotypes and victim stereotypes. These schemas appear to be organized in a hierarchy, as victim stereotypicality seems to matter most in acquaintance assaults (counter-stereotypical offense). However, despite numerous studies demonstrating the impact of defendant stereotypes on juror perceptions of guilt for other crimes, to date, the impact of stereotypes about defendants (perpetrators) in cases involving sexual violence have been overlooked. As such, the current research aimed to build on the existing hierarchical schema model by systematically examining the influence of perpetrator stereotypes. Following pilot work, mock jurors’ (N = 163) read a rape scenario that varied in terms of offense stereotypicality (stereotypical, counter-stereotypical), victim stereotypicality (stereotypical, counter-stereotypical), and perpetrator stereotypicality (stereotypical, counter-stereotypical). Broadly consistent effects of offense stereotypicality and victim stereotypicality were observed across the outcome measures, such that the victim was perceived more positively and the perpetrator more negatively when the victim was described as being stereotypical and when the offense was described as stereotypical. However, contrary to past findings, the effect of victim stereotypicality did not differ as a function of offense stereotypicality. Furthermore, perpetrator stereotypicality did not influence perceptions in the stereotypical offense scenario. These findings suggest that contrary to the assertions of previous research, there is not a series of specific, individual stereotypes that impact attributions of blame, rather, there may be one underlying schema about consent that influences perceptions. These findings have important implications for how we address the effect of juror-held schemas on attributions of blame in cases of sexual assault.

Question 16

Bodenhausen and Lichtenstein (1987)

Answer 16

Subjects read information about a defendant in a criminal trial with initial instructions to judge either his guilt (guilt judgment objective) or his aggressiveness (trait judgment objective). The defendant was either Hispanic or ethnically nondescript. After considering the evidence, subjects made both guilt and aggressiveness judgments (regardless of which type of judgment they were instructed to make at the time they read the information) and then recalled as much of the information they read as they could. Results favored the hypothesis that when subjects face a complex judgmental situation, they use stereotypes (when available and relevant) as a way of simplifying the judgment. Specifically, they use the stereotype as a central theme around which they organize presented evidence that is consistent with it, and they neglect inconsistent information. Subjects with a (complex) guilt judgment objective judged the defendant to be relatively more guilty and aggressive and recalled more negative information about him if he was Hispanic than if he was ethnically nondescript. In contrast, subjects with a (simple) trait judgment objective did not perceive either the guilt or aggressiveness of the two defendants to be appreciably different, and did not display any significant bias in their recall of the evidence. These and other results are discussed in terms of the information-processing strategies subjects are likely to use when they expect to make different types of judgments

Question 17

Lewis (2019)

Answer 17

The purposes of this study were (a) to develop a model of cognitive task complexity and (b) to test the extent to which four content characteristics in the model represent the complexity of decision-making tasks in the domain of nursing. A model of the defining characteristics of cognitive task complexity constitutes a first step toward understanding the relationship between the task itself and the decision maker’s information processing, and offers direction for the teaching of clinical decision making-skills. The Cognitive Task Complexity Model has its roots in Newell and Simon’s (1972) Information Processing Theory. The Cognitive Task Complexity Model includes two components, content and context, along with characteristics derived from the literature in a number of disciplines. The content component of the model was tested using a single sample repeated measures 2 x 2 x 2 x 2 completely crossed design. The design resulted in sixteen case study examples of a weaning task in critical care. These cases represent all combinations of the four independent variables: irrelevance, ambiguity, conflict, and change. The dependent measure was a seven-point task complexity rating. Subjects included forty-one registered nurses practicing in critical care units in a large metropolitan health care facility. These raters were asked to read the case studies and rate each on a scale from 1 (least complex) to 7 (most complex). The research question was tested using repeated measures ANOVA’s to test for separate effects of content characteristics, level of manipulation, and interaction. Results indicated that when conflict was manipulated the ratings were consistently higher for complexity. Cases with two or more characteristics manipulated were rated higher on the complexity rating scale than cases with only one characteristic manipulated. The development of the model of cognitive task complexity contributes to the understanding of the cognitive task environment. The implications for education include the use of the characteristics to assess the complexity of cognitive tasks presented to students. Educators could facilitate the development of decision-making skills by presenting simple tasks first and adding characteristics from the model of cognitive task complexity to increase the level of complexity.

Question 18

Read et al. (2018)

Answer 18

The present study investigated how task demand (cognitive load and interactivity) and avatar sexualization in a video game influenced rape myth acceptance (RMA), hostile sexism, and self-objectification. In a between-subjects design, 300 U.S. college students either played or watched someone else play a videogame as either a sexualized or non-sexualized female avatar under high (memorize 7 symbols) or low (memorize 2 symbols) cognitive load. Hypotheses were derived from the limited capacity model of motivated mediated message processing (LC4MP) and perspectives on stereotype processing. Results contradicted hypotheses that greater task demands and sexualization would produce greater RMA, hostile sexism, and self-objectification. Instead, we found that sexualization did not affect these variables. Greater cognitive load reduced rape myth acceptance and hostile sexism for those in the sexualized avatar condition, but it did not affect self-objectification. We discuss these results with respect to the LC4MP and suggest that the processing of stereotype-inconsistent information might be the underlying cause of these unexpected findings. These results provide tentative evidence that cognitively demanding video game environments may prompt players to focus on stereotype-inconsistent, rather than stereotype-consistent, social information.

Question 19

Hadjimarcou and Hu (1999)

Answer 19

This study examines consumer information processing heuristics in the context of ambient task complexity. Individual consumers are often called upon to make evaluations of product and advertising stimuli while ambient events not directly related to the purchase at hand may enter the evaluative process and influence the way evaluations are made. Subjects facing a more complex task due to ambient events were found to evaluate the target stimulus in a way that was more consistent with category‐based rather than piecemeal processing. Additionally, the findings provide considerable evidence for stereotype‐driven evaluations and processing of attribute information. The theoretical and practical implications of this research are discussed

Question 20

Macrae et al. (1994)

Answer 20

Three studies (with a total of 92 female undergraduates) investigated the contention that stereotypes function as resource-preserving devices in mental life, using a dual-task paradigm. In Study 1, Ss formed impressions of targets while simultaneously monitoring a prose passage. The results demonstrated a significant enhancement in Ss’ prose-monitoring performance when stereotype labels were present on the impression-formation task. To investigate the intentionality of this effect, in Study 2, the procedures used in Study 1 were repeated using a subliminal priming procedure to activate stereotypes. Subliminal activation of stereotypes produced the same resource-preserving effects as supraliminal activation did. This effect, moreover, was replicated in Study 3 when a probe reaction task was used to measure resource preservation. These findings, which generalized across a range of social stereotypes, are discussed in terms of their implications for contemporary models of stereotyping and social inference.

Question 21

Johns et al. (2008)

Answer 21

Research shows that stereotype threat reduces performance by diminishing executive resources, but less is known about the psychological processes responsible for these impairments. The authors tested the idea that targets of stereotype threat try to regulate their emotions and that this regulation depletes executive resources, resulting in underperformance. Across 4 experiments, they provide converging evidence that targets of stereotype threat spontaneously attempt to control their expression of anxiety and that such emotion regulation depletes executive resources needed to perform well on tests of cognitive ability. They also demonstrate that providing threatened individuals with a means to effectively cope with negative emotions–by reappraising the situation or the meaning of their anxiety–can restore executive resources and improve test performance. They discuss these results within the framework of an integrated process model of stereotype threat, in which affective and cognitive processes interact to undermine performance

Question 22

Tyler et al. (2016)

Answer 22

Women are sexually objectified when viewed and treated by others as mere objects. Abundant research has examined the negative consequences of being the target of sexual objectification; however, limited attention has focused on the person doing the objectification. Our focus is on the agent and how self‐regulatory resources influence sexual objectification. Consistent with prior evidence, we reasoned that people have a well‐learned automatic response to objectify sexualized women, and as such, we expected objectifying a sexualized (vs. personalized) woman would deplete fewer regulatory resources than not objectifying her. Findings across three studies confirmed our expectations, demonstrating the extent to which people objectify a sexualized woman or not is influenced by the availability of regulatory resources, a case that heretofore has been absent from the literature. These patterns are discussed in the context of the sexual objectification and self‐regulation literature.

Question 23

Pendry (1998)

Answer 23

This study investigated the effects of resource depletion on stereotyping. Participants were instructed to form an impression of a target, and whilst performing this task, they overheard a tape‐recorded conversation. The conversation was manipulated so that it was more or less relevant to the participants. Results in general supported the prediction that when participants eavesdrop on a relevant conversation, attentional capacity will be diminished, and target evaluations will be stereotypic in implication. Findings are discussed in terms of contemporary treatments of stereotyping

Question 24

Sherman et al. (2011)

Answer 24

This paper examines the role of attentional capacity in stereotyping processes. We begin with an overview of different theoretical perspectives on this issue. Then we document how recent research has extended our understanding of the relationship between attention and stereotyping. First, we consider how variations in attentional resources influence social categorization, stereotype activation, stereotype application, and stereotype inhibition. Evidence from each of these domains supports the conclusion that stereotype-based impression formation is less resource-consuming than individuation. Second, we examine the role of attentional capacity in the encoding, retrieval, and meta-cognitive processing of stereotypical and counter-stereotypical information. Recent research extends our understanding of exactly how and why stereotype use is relatively efficient.

Finally, we discuss the need to better specify the conditions under which attention is and is not likely to be impaired. New evidence suggests that such considerations have important implications for understanding stereotyping. We conclude that there is now an abundant variety of evidence underscoring the importance of attentional resources in stereotyping

Question 25

Lee (2008)

Answer 25

Two experiments extended the computers are social actors paradigm by examining when and why people are more likely to evince gender-typed responses to computers. In both experiments, participants played a trivia game with a computer, which they thought generated random answers. When the computer gender was manifested in cartoon characters, participants attributed greater competence and exhibited greater conformity to the male than female computers, but such differences emerged only when they were simultaneously engaged in multiple tasks (Experiment l). To elucidate what accounts for gender stereotyping of computers, Experiment 2 tested 2 competing explanations, depletion of cognitive resources and reduced attention, by varying the modality of computer output (speech vs. text). The advantages of the male computer observed in Experiment 1 dissipated when the computer provided speech output, demanding greater processing attention.

Question 26

Miarmi and DeBono (2007)

Answer 26

This experiment investigated the effects of Internet advertisements on use of stereotypes during a judgment task. Participants read a crime scenario on a computer screen and were asked to sentence the defendant. For some, the defendant was Caucasian; while for others, the defendant was African American. Moreover, in some conditions, Internet ads appeared periodically throughout the task. For others, no such ads appeared. Results revealed a significant interaction between the presence of Internet ads and defendant race such that the African American, but not the Caucasian, defendant received a significantly longer sentence when ads were present than when they were not. These findings indicate that the presence of Internet ads might have triggered participants to rely more on heuristic processing.

Question 27

Pendry and Macrae (1994)

Answer 27

Two experiments investigated the effects of information-processing goals and attentional capacity on subjects′ impressions of a target. In Study 1, extending previous research in this area, both information-processing goals and a resource depleting task were manipulated simultaneously. It was predicted that, in contrast with outcome-independent subjects, subjects who were made outcome-dependent upon a woman would make individuated evaluations of her. This effect, however, was anticipated to be contingent upon the availability of attentional resources. Under conditions of cognitive busyness, it was predicted that both outcome-independent and -dependent subjects would view the woman in a relatively stereotyped (i.e., less individuating) manner. Our results supported this prediction. Resource depletion appeared to diminish subjects′ ability to individuate the woman, even when they were motivated to view her in such a manner. Study 2 utilized a probe reaction task to investigate the differential demands processing goals impose upon perceivers′ attentional capacity. In line with our predictions, outcome-dependent subjects used more cognitive resources when learning about a woman than comparable outcome-independent subjects. Taken together, these results demonstrate the dynamic interaction between cognitive and motivational factors in the determination of perceivers′ impressions of others. We consider these findings in the wider context of models of stereotyping and social inference.

Question 28

Mittman and Williams (2019)

Answer 28

When faced withuncertainty, human observersmaximize performance byefficiently integrating sensory cues with learned task-relevant regularities. However, less attention has been paid tothis behaviorin social settings.Here, byprovidingparticipants with repeated exposure to a decision-making task involving social information, we characterized their ability to learn task-relevant regularities and explored how social information interacted with learned regularities under varying conditions of uncertainty. Across three experiments, we show that observerslearnedandutilizedtask-relevantregularitiesto informtheir decisionsand maximize rewards. Notably, socialinformation was utilized onlywhen doing soconferredrewardgains.Furthermore, learning about the utility of social information had a long-term influence on observers’ ability to subsequently utilize other sources of information.Our findingsdemonstratethe influence of uncertainty on human behavior in an intergroup contextand highlight the criticalrole of learning in resolving such uncertainty

Question 29

Barclay et al. (2017)

Answer 29

How do individuals form fairness perceptions? This question has been central to the fairness literature since its inception, sparking a plethora of theories and a burgeoning volume of research. To date, the answer to this question has been predicated on the assumption that fairness perceptions are subjective (i.e., “in the eye of the beholder”). This assumption is shared with motivated cognition approaches, which highlight the subjective nature of perceptions and the importance of viewing individuals arriving at those perceptions as active and motivated processors of information. Further, the motivated cognition literature has other key insights that have been less explicitly paralleled in the fairness literature, including how different goals (e.g., accuracy, directional) can influence how individuals process information and arrive at their perceptions. In this integrative conceptual review, we demonstrate how interpreting extant theory and research related to the formation of fairness perceptions through the lens of motivated cognition can deepen our understanding of fairness, including how individuals’ goals and motivations can influence their subjective perceptions of fairness. We show how this approach can provide integration as well as generate new insights into fairness processes. We conclude by highlighting the implications that applying a motivated cognition perspective can have for the fairness literature and by providing a research agenda to guide the literature moving forward.

Question 30

Hess et al. (2019)

Answer 30

The impact of aging stereotypes on task engagement was examined. Older adults (N = 144, ages 65 to 85) were exposed to primes designed to activate positive or negative stereotypes about aging, with half of the individuals in each stereotype group also assigned to a high-accountability condition to enhance motivation. Participants performed a memory-scan task comprising 2 levels of demands (memory sets of 4 or 7 items), with 2 blocks (5 min each) at each level. Systolic blood pressure recorded throughout the task was used to monitor engagement levels. High accountability was associated with greater engagement at the highest level of task demands. Negative stereotype activation also resulted in elevated engagement levels, but only during the initial trial blocks in the high-accountability condition. Lowest levels of engagement were associated with low accountability, with no difference between stereotype conditions. An analogous differential analysis on these same data using need for cognition and attitudes toward aging as measures of motivation and stereotypes revealed similar trends. Specifically, negative aging attitudes were associated with elevated levels of engagement only in individuals who were high in intrinsic motivation, with the effects greatest at the highest levels of task demands. The results provide a more nuanced perspective on the impact of negative aging stereotypes than suggested in previous research, with the impact on behavior moderated by situational and personal factors associated with motivation. Although potentially negative in the long run, elevated cardiovascular responses indicative of task engagement may represent an adaptive response to support performance.

Question 31

Moreno and Bodenhausen (1999)

Answer 31

We hypothesized that, by default, perceivers work to defend their social beliefs when counter stereotypic information is encountered. This process was expected to be circumvented when perceivers (a) adopt an accuracy orientation, or (b) lack the cognitive resources required for protecting their stereotypic beliefs. We examined this issue by manipulating perceivers’ motivation and attentional capacity. Participants formed impressions of several targets displaying stereotype-consistent, -inconsistent, or -irrelevant behavior. Stereotypicality of participants’ subsequent group perceptions was assessed via trait ratings. As predicted, following exposure to counter stereotypic information, participants maintained relatively greater levels of stereotyping when accuracy motivation was low and processing resources were high. We conclude that, although perceivers are typically motivated to defend their stereotypes, this process is effortful and can be disrupted by the imposition of a cognitive load or superseded by the induction of accuracy motivation

Question 32

Bodenhausen (1990)

Answer 32

The question of when people rely on stereotypic preconceptions in judging others was investigated in two
studies. As a person’s motivation or ability to process information systematically is diminished, the person may rely to an increasing extent on stereotypes, when
available, as a way of simplifying the task ofgenerating a response. It was hypothesizedthat circadian variations in
arousal levels would be related to social perceivers’ propensity to stereotype others by virtue of their effects on motivation and processing capacity. In support ofthis hypothesis, subjects exhibited stereotypic biases in their judgments to a much greater extent when the judgments·
were rendered at a nonoptimal time of day (i.e., in the morning for “night people” and in the eveningfor “morning
people”). In Study One, this pattern was found in probability judgments concerning personal characteristics; in Study Two, the pattern was obtained in perceptions of guilt in allegations of student misbehavior. Results generalized over a range ofdifferent types ofsocial stereotypes and suggest that biological processes should be considered in attempts to conceptualize the determinants ofstereotyping.

Question 33

Zhang et al, (2019)

Answer 33

This research seeks to bridge two findings—on the one hand, top-down controlled processes inhibit display of intergroup bias; on the other one hand, sleep deprivation impairs cognitive control processes. Connecting these two proven statements, begs the question: would sleep deprivation also influence intergroup bias? This intriguing link has hardly been explored in extant literature. To fill this gap, we theorize through the lens of social identity. Previous research has shown that individuals who share a common identity with an outgroup are more motivated to inhibit biases toward the outgroup than do their counterparts who do not endorse such common identity. We predicted that this motivated inhibition would be compromised by sleep deprivation. Across two studies, as predicted, we found that only when an individual has adequate sleep did common ingroup identity attenuate the display of intergroup bias, whereas individuals with short habitual sleep (study 1) or after one-night sleep deprivation (study 2) displayed equally high levels of intergroup bias regardless of their high or low levels of common ingroup identity. In the global context of incessant intergroup bias and diminishing sleep time, our findings offer new insights for understanding and handling intergroup bias.

Question 34

MacClelland (2016)

Answer 34

Stereotype-based decisions are formed as the result of employing various heuristics and biases, and they serve as a way to assess ambiguous situations and compensate for
limited information processing. Research has demonstrated that during circadian mismatched
(non-optimal) periods of the day cognitive resource availability is diminished. This study examined the influence of circadian arousal levels (particularly in mismatched conditions) on the tendency to use stereotypes in decision-making tasks. It was predicted that mismatch between chronotype (individual circadian preference) and time of day would correlate
negatively with cognitive resource availability, thus increasing vulnerability to stereotype reliance. Participants were 59 Appalachian State undergraduates. The participants were administered an online survey consisting of the validated reduced Morningness-Eveningness
Questionnaire, the Karolinska Sleepiness Scale, the Epworth Sleep Scale, and a stereotyping task. Each subject participated in sessions at two different times of the day, with the sessions occurring approximately one week apart. Though the stereotype priming manipulation
failed, results suggest that participants in adverse sleep or circadian states may have still relied on biases or heuristics when assessing guilt.