Lecture 8 Readings Flashcards

1
Q

federally created political spaces for Indigenous people

A

Canada has created political spaces that facilitate the rights of Indigenous peoples but these spaces are limited, inadequate, and flawed

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2
Q

root of Canadian political processes

A

Political processes in Canada are rooted in European and North American settler notions of Indigeneity

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3
Q

Mi’kmaq Rights Initiative (MRI)

A

an initiative that aims to reroot governance to Indigenous culture by creating just treaty implementation, governance, and shared social and economic development in Nova Scotia

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4
Q

jurisdiction of the MRI

A
  • Unique to Canada
  • This applies only to Nova Scotia
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5
Q

politics in Indigenous cultures

A

Indigenous cultures are inherently political and marked by flexibility

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6
Q

Indigenous people in contemporary politics

A

Indigenous people remain marginalized by political processes and structures in Canada

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7
Q

implementation of the Indian Act

A

In 1927, the Indian Act governed every aspect of the lives of Status Indians, preventing them from forming political organizations

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8
Q

Indigenous leaders’ role in constitutional talks

A

First Nations leaders were excluded from constitutional talks in Canada until the First Ministers Conference on Aboriginal Rights from 1983 to 1987

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9
Q

activism of Indigenous communities

A

Many Indigenous communities are calling to return to Indigenous values which have no longer shaped their governance

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10
Q

Hanrahan on eurocentrism

A

it is politically useful to use the Eurocentric words of one era to counteract the Eurocentric views of the current area

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11
Q

impact of colonialism on the Mi’kmaq

A
  • The Mi’kmaq were among the first Indigenous North Americans to encounter and interact with Europeans
  • The Mi’kmaq endured many horrific consequences of colonialism, including the fatal introduction of foreign diseases, the destruction of their ancient economy and governance systems, the imposition of the reserve system, and more
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12
Q

prevealence of the Mi’kmaq

A

In 1761, Mi’kmaq made up 30-35% of the population of Nova Scotia and in 1996, they made up just 1.19%

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13
Q

indirect impacts of colonialism on the Mi’kmaq

A

The Mi’kmaq were also affected by changes that were not directed at them, but greatly affected them, such as technological change, the increased dominance of the English language, and more

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14
Q

interpretation of treaties

A

Treaties were left up to British interpretation, which privileged the British and marginalized the Mi’kmaq

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15
Q

Hanrahan on Indigenous sovereignity and governance

A

“It might be more useful to view Indigenous sovereignty and governance as rooted but permanently elastic”

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16
Q

Mi’kmaq values include:

A
  • autonomy
  • consensus
  • balance
  • harmony
  • respect
  • sharing
  • generosity
  • inclusion
  • reciprocity
  • the priority of the collective over the individual
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17
Q

culture and resistance

A

Culture is a vital resistance strategy

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18
Q

flexibility of Indigenous cultures

A
  • Indigenous cultures are highly flexible
  • Ex. the Apache ingenious adapted to the introduction of livestock in the 1600s and 1700s
19
Q

interpretation of historical records

A

The Canadian government views historical records as legitimate, but these records cannot explain what Europeans could not understand and do not even know exists

20
Q

Mi’kmaq governance structures

A

were egalitarian and democratic

21
Q

governance of more complex Indigenous societies

A

had a greater ability to exercise governmental authority over their people and extend this to other people

22
Q

is the the Mi’kmaq a complex Indigenous society?

A

yes

23
Q

organization of Mi’kmaq villages

A

stratified into 3 classes

24
Q

3 classes of Mi’kmaq villages

A
  • Chiefs
  • Commoners
  • Slaves/war captives
25
Q

basic social unit of the Mi’kmaq

A

the residential kin group, which was led by a chief

26
Q

kin group size of the Mi’kmaq

A

varied between 30-300 participants

27
Q

patriarchy in the Mi’kmaq

A

The Mi’kmaq were patriarchal and the Chiefs were always male

28
Q

Mi’kmaq chiefs

A
  • Chiefs held their position largely through consensus and consultation
  • This was usually the result of kinship affiliations and superior abilities
  • Mi’kmaq Chiefs had to be confident, competent and intelligent
  • The Chief’s presence and behaviour set the tone for events
  • Chiefs were responsible for the maintenance of the Mi’kmaq economy and the allocation of resources
  • Mi’kmaq Chiefs used a cooperative system to ensure that all material needs were addressed
29
Q

why is reclaiming Indigenous values challenging?

A

The dominance of Candian values and political context

30
Q

function of Indigenous stories and cultural expressions

A

they are useful sources of knowledge for the reclamation project

31
Q

contemporary Indigenous sovereignty

A

Indigenous sovereignty is often a shadow of its former self due to the continuing power imbalance between Indigenous governments and the Canadian state

32
Q

land claims and sovereignity

A

Land claims are a hope for Indigenous sovereignty

33
Q

governance and nationhood

A

Governance is arguably the most important issue in the development of Mi’kmaq nationhood in Nova Scotia

34
Q

The five pillars of Mi’kmaq values:

A
  • To achieve recognition, acceptance, implementation, and protection of treaty title, and other rights
  • To develop systems of Mi’kmaq governance and resource management
  • To revive, promote, and protect a healthy Mi’kmaq identity
  • To obtain the basis for a shared economy and social development
  • To negotiate toward these goals with community involvement and support
35
Q

The twofold vision of Mi’kmaq governance:

A
  • Enhanced governance for the Mi’kmaq
  • A venue to showcase Mi’kmaq culture and arts to residents and visitors
36
Q

the Indian Act and sexism

A
  • The struggles of Indigenous women were exacerbated by the Indian Act of 1868
  • The act was rooted in both colonial and sexist ideologies
37
Q

1876 amendment of the Indian Act

A
  • The Act was amended in 1876 to establish patrilineality as a criterion for determining Indian status
  • This led status Indian men to an expectation of entitlement in band government and property rights over Indian women irrespective of their status
38
Q

1985 amendment of the Indian Act

A
  • In 1983 and 1985, several different Indian women’s constituencies and their allies secured legislative amendments that partly reversed the 1876 criterion
  • These groups were demonized as proponents of excessive individualism and feminism
39
Q

The Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development

A

The Indian Act commissioned the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development (DIAND) to oversee band government operations and remove band officials if they felt they had demonstrated that they were not qualified to carry out their duties (i.e. acted ‘unchristian’)

40
Q

status and the Indian Act

A

Under the Indian Act, status men could never lose status but status women would lose their status if they married a non-status man or if they got divorced

41
Q

the Indian Act and assimilation

A
  • The Indian Act was designed with the explicit intent of assimilating Indigenous people into Canadian society
  • It was based on the assumption that Indigenous governance, beliefs, and gender roles were irrelevant and invalid
42
Q

the Indian Act and the devaluation of Indigenous women

A
  • The Indian Act’s provisions for status represented and perpetuated a long process of the social devaluation of Indian women
  • The adoption of this sexism was highly disconnected from Indigenous culture, which is largely matrilineal
43
Q

result of the Indian Act on Indigenous women

A

The Indian Act led status Indian men to feel entitled to privileges

44
Q

violence against Indigenous women

A
  • There has been a systematic escalation of violence against Indigenous women
  • 60% of Indigenous women have experienced sexual violence
  • Indigenous women between the ages of 25 and 44 are 5 times more likely than all other women of the same age to die as the result of violence