Lecture 4: Political Leadership Flashcards

1
Q

Samara Study findings

A
  • The backgrounds, family histories, cultures, levels of education, and careers represented by the MPs were amazingly varied
  • Average age: 46.8/ median age: 48
  • 22% women; 11% immigrants
  • 41% urban ridings; 23% suburban ridings, 36% rural or remote ridings
  • 86% at least one college or university degree
  • Most came from a middle-class background
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2
Q

Samara reports

A
  • Conducts Democracy 360 reports
  • The most recent have been in 2015, 2017, and 2019
  • A made-in-Canada report card on the state of Canada’s democracy
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3
Q

what do Samara Reports measure?

A

communication, participation, and political leadership

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4
Q

Samara Report findings on communication

A

A significantly greater number of Canadians are discussing politics and reaching out to their elected representatives, but they report a lower MP response rate

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5
Q

Samara Report findings on participation

A

Canadians are participating slightly more in formal politics and engaging in activism at rates similar to previous years, but rates of broader civic and community engagement have dropped significantly

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6
Q

Samara Report findings on political leadership

A

Little change in the public’s opinion of how well MPs and political parties are doing their jobs, although trust in MPs is growing; MPs and political parties are viewed much more favourably than in 2015, but representation is still an issue

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7
Q

the Accidental Citizen key observations

A
  • There is no established political class
  • Desire to be seen as an outsider despite significant community involvement
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8
Q

the nomination process as a Black Box

A
  • Report: Samara, Party Favours: How federal election candidates are chosen (Toronto: Samara, 2019)
  • Over 99% of MPs elected to Canada’s Parliament over the last 30 years were elected as representatives of a political party; how parties pick nominees is important
  • Argues that contests have become increasingly under the control of the central party
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9
Q

6 steps of nomination contests

A
  1. Opening nominations
  2. Candidate search
  3. Candidate vetting
  4. Closing off nominations
  5. Membership cut off
  6. Nomination meeting
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10
Q

nomination contests key findings

A
  • 6,600 federal candidates in the study who ran for one of the five major parties in general elections from 2004 to 2015
  • Only 17% of candidates arrived there through a competitive nomination race; more than 2,700 election candidates were appointed with no nomination process and over 3,900 nomination contests had just one nominee running
  • Women are just as likely to win as men, but only 28% of nomination contestants
  • Candidates appointed were no more reflective of Canada’s gender, ethnic, or Indigenous diversity than those chosen through nomination contests
  • Contests were short and unpredictable; most three weeks or less and over 450 closed in five days or less; no standardized start or end dates
  • Rules allow for central parties to decide when contests open and close, who can and can’t run, and whether an incumbent MP can stand again as a candidate without facing a contest
  • Contests lack transparency; no requirement to release information on votes or how many contestants were prevented from running
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11
Q

recommendations for improving nomination contests

A
  • Set standard dates for contests
  • Hold contests even when a constituency has a sitting MP
  • Report how many members cast ballots in each contest and how many votes each contestant receives
  • Reveal the total number of people “vetted out” from running
  • Ensure their candidate slate reflects the diversity of the country
  • “If parties don’t adopt these changes voluntarily, Parliament should consider increased regulation over the nomination process.”
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12
Q

key conclusions of the Samara Report

A
  • No political class, but an archetype exists for MPs, and representation remains an issue in Canadian political leadership
  • Nomination contests lack transparency and exhibit increasing control of the central party
  • Nominations are important for strengthening engagement, accountability, legitimacy, and diversity in our democratic system -> “followers” must feel like they have a say in their “leaders”
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13
Q

Keohane on gender in politics

A
  • There is a pervasive linkage between leadership and masculinity
  • Women leaders across history stand out as visible exceptions, not the norm
  • Historically, certain situations have allowed more women to be leaders
  • Women often had ample power in the sense of influence rather than authority -> influence vs. formal authority
  • Very few women have exercised authority in institutional settings over men and women of comparable social and economic status
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14
Q

why aren’t there more women leaders today?

A
  • Gender stereotypes (and the internalization of them)
  • Gendered roles and responsibilities (impact on careers)
  • Association of leadership and masculinity
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15
Q

do women lead differently?

A
  • Be wary of generalizations (more collaborative, nurturing, empathetic
  • Institutional context
  • Standpoint theory and situated knowledge
  • Pressures of socialization lead women to behave in stereotypically female ways
  • Differences stem from socialization and cultural expectations
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16
Q

gender parity introduction

A
  • What do we already know about recruitment, integration, and impact of women in institutions of representative society
  • Why should we care about women’s continued underrepresentation in positions of political authority?
17
Q

gender parity first period

A

Role of socialization and female gender roles

18
Q

gender parity second period

A
  • Identity-based representation and substantive representation
  • Barriers research
19
Q

gender parity third period

A
  • Opportunities for enhancing women’s representation in politcal life
  • Challenge the totalizing category of “woman”
  • Do words translate into actions?
20
Q

gender parity conclusions

A
  • Importance of candidacy; crucial role of recruitment
  • Differences between political parties; overall parties on the left are more likely to nominate women
  • Historically, women tended to win the leadership roles of parties in decline (glass cliff phenomenon)
  • Women are far better in appointed positions because of the power of the prime minister or premier to correct women’s underrepresentation in elected office through strategies and appointments
  • Representatives of the Crown are important symbols of the state and are constitutionally powerful, but by convention, they act on the advice of the first minister (ceremonial)
  • Individual chapters show a modest tendency to over-represent women in cabinet positions (women have held a higher percentage of cabinet posts than of legislative seats), but women are much more likely to be appointed to junior portfolios such as community and social services and status of women than to senior ministries such as finance or economic development
  • Processes of socialization and acculturation are significant; family responsibilities top the list but needs nuance (doesn’t explain why women who are not mothers do not enter politics)
  • Socio-economic explanations: as education and occupational attainment increases, so should the number of women in electoral politics (but still gender-based educational segregation and employment exists); money remains a serious challenge
  • Political explanations: influence of the voting system; party selection committees
  • Argues that a concerted and systematic effort to recruit women can produce dramatic results. Gender composition of legislatures is a significant measure of the health of democracy and the effectiveness of representational practices; important indicators of women’s empowerment and closing gender gaps
21
Q

glass cliff phenomenon

A

women are chosen for leadership positions that are risky or precarious

22
Q

Women in Parliament

A
  • Since 1921, women’s representation in the Parliament of Canada has gradually increased, reaching a record proportion in 2021
  • As of November 22, 2021, women represented 49% of all senators (13 seats were vacant) and 30.5% of all members of the House of Commons
  • Update: As of July 2023, 97 senators are serving; 48 are women
  • Women’s representation has historically been higher in the Senate of Canada than in the House of Commons
  • Senators, unlike members of the House of Commons, are appointed; current considerations for the appointment process include achieving gender balance
  • While gender parity has already been achieved in the Senate (December 2020), women remain underrepresented in the House of Commons (31% in March 2023)
23
Q

14 recommendations for improving the representation of women in politics

A
  1. Increase data collection about participation
  2. Develop and implement a public education campaign to positively shift how women are perceived
  3. Encourage all jurisdictions to incorporate topics of gender equality gender stereotypes and women’s participation in politics in education curricula
  4. Continue to strengthen the application of the Gender-Based Analysis Plan (GBA+) in departments and agencies
  5. Increase funding to organizations that support political engagement and empowerment of women
  6. Encourage elected officials to engage women in their communities
  7. Consult and collaborate with diverse groups of women, including Indigenous women, to develop strategies to encourage women from diverse backgrounds to participate in electoral politics and report findings on an annual basis
  8. Ensure more transparency and consistency in nomination processes
  9. Encourage EDAs to set goals and report on efforts to nominate female candidates and achieve gender parity on their boards and in positions of leadership
  10. Create financial incentives for all registered parties to nominate more candidates who are women in general elections and by-elections
  11. With permission, collect more intersectional data on candidates in nomination races
  12. Encourage all jurisdictions to discuss ways to make legislatures more gender-diverse at Federal-Provincial-Territorial Status of Women Forums
  13. Develop and fund awareness campaigns and programs to counter the negative effects of gender-biased treatment and harassment of female politicians, both in traditional and social media
  14. Support data collection on barriers faced by minority women and women from diverse backgrounds in electoral politics and make data available
24
Q

observations made in the gender parity report

A
  1. The Chair of the Committee, on behalf of the Committee, will send a letter to the House of Commons Standing Committee on Procedures and House Affairs (PROC) to ask that PROC consider studying initiatives that could eliminate any potential gender bias linked to the design of voting ballots
  2. The Committee encourages registered parties to set voluntary quotas for the percentage of female candidates they field in federal elections and to publicly report on their efforts to meet these quotas after every federal general election
  3. The Committee asks that its Chair send a letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons to ask the Speaker to consider studying initiatives that could prevent and discourage the use of gender-based heckling in the House of Commons
  4. The Committee believes that services and initiatives such as parental leave for parliamentarians; the possibility of voting and participating remotely in parliamentary work; access to full- and part-time childcare services; and the undertaking of gender-sensitive audits of legislatures could help foster inclusive, family-friendly and gender-sensitive political workplaces
25
Q

gender equality and political leadership

A
  • The foundation of gender equality can be found in the Canadian Human Rights Act and the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms
  • At the federal level, these rights are further defined and protected through laws and regulations including the Employment Equity Act; the Pay Equity Act;
    the Canadian Gender Budgeting Act; the Canada Labour Code
  • Issues of representation in political leadership reflect more complex barriers than laws and regulations
26
Q

gender parity key conclusions

A
  • Socialization and cultural expectations and biases play important roles in the under-representation of women as political leaders
  • Canadian policymakers encouraged to continue practices of affirmative action, dialogue, and educational campaigns and programs to help women combat structural barriers
  • Representation matters if democratic leaders are to be considered legitimate
  • Institutional context more important in leadership style than gender or other personal traits
27
Q

standpoint theory and situated knowledge

A

social location systematically shapes and limits what we know -> not genes but the situation (our socialization)