PSY331 - Studies 2 Flashcards

1
Q

Butler, E. A., Egloff, B., Wlhelm, F. H., Smith, N. C., Erickson, E. A., & Gross, J. J. (2003). The social consequences of expressive suppression.

A

Study 1, one member of each pair was randomly assigned to (a) suppress her emotional behavior, (b) respond naturally, or (c) cognitively reappraise in a way that reduced emotional responding

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2
Q

Butler, E. A., Egloff, B., Wlhelm, F. H., Smith, N. C., Erickson, E. A., & Gross, J. J. (2003). The social consequences of expressive suppression.

A

Suppression alone disrupted communication + magnified blood pressure responses in the suppressors’ partners.

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3
Q

Butler, E. A., Egloff, B., Wlhelm, F. H., Smith, N. C., Erickson, E. A., & Gross, J. J. (2003). The social consequences of expressive suppression.

A

In Study 2, suppression had a negative impact on regulators’ emotional experience + increased blood pressure in both regulators and their partners. Suppression also reduced rapport and inhibited relationship formation.

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4
Q

Butler, E. A., Egloff, B., Wlhelm, F. H., Smith, N. C., Erickson, E. A., & Gross, J. J. (2003). The social consequences of expressive suppression.

A

suppressing emotion disrupts communication, hinders the development of social bonds, and is physiologically taxing for both the suppressor and her social partner

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5
Q

Butler, E. A., Egloff, B., Wlhelm, F. H., Smith, N. C., Erickson, E. A., & Gross, J. J. (2003). The social consequences of expressive suppression.

A

implications for the regulator’s social functioning, both because suppression may limit access to new relationships and because it may hinder maintenance + growth of existing relationships

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6
Q

Butler, E. A., Egloff, B., Wlhelm, F. H., Smith, N. C., Erickson, E. A., & Gross, J. J. (2003). The social consequences of expressive suppression.

A

suppression distracted the regulators from the conversation, reduced responsiveness => partners experiencing heightened blood pressure increases

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7
Q

Butler, E. A., Egloff, B., Wlhelm, F. H., Smith, N. C., Erickson, E. A., & Gross, J. J. (2003). The social consequences of expressive suppression.

A

cardiovascular impact could not be accounted for by factors such as task difficulty, general activity levels, or speaking times

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8
Q

Butler, E. A., Egloff, B., Wlhelm, F. H., Smith, N. C., Erickson, E. A., & Gross, J. J. (2003). The social consequences of expressive suppression.

A

women who were asked to suppress experienced less positive + more negative emotion about their partners + had larger blood pressure responses
reduced responsiveness mediated their partners’ reduced rapport

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9
Q

Butler, E. A., Egloff, B., Wlhelm, F. H., Smith, N. C., Erickson, E. A., & Gross, J. J. (2003). The social consequences of expressive suppression.

A

responsiveness and expression of strong negative emotions about the film predicted her partner’s willingness to establish a friendship

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10
Q

Ford, B. Q., & Tamir, M. (2012). When getting angry is smart: Emotional preferences and emotional intelligence

A

measuring emotional intelligence + preferences to feel pleasant and unpleasant emotions in contexts in which they are likely to be useful or not.
significant positive associations between emotional intelligence and preferences for useful emotions, even when controlling for trait emotional experiences and cognitive intelligence.

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11
Q

Ford, B. Q., & Tamir, M. (2012). When getting angry is smart: Emotional preferences and emotional intelligence

A

refer to feel anger when confronting others tend to be higher in emotional intelligence,
wanting to feel bad may be good at times, and vice versa.
wanting to feel good at all times may not necessarily be an intelligent choice.

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12
Q

Ford, B. Q., & Tamir, M. (2012). When getting angry is smart: Emotional preferences and emotional intelligence

A

higher in EI are not only more skilled in making themselves feel better, also be more skilled in using their emotions flexibly to attain instrumental goals. When unpleasant emotions might be useful, people who are higher in EI are more likely to be motivated to experience such unpleasant emotions, despite their hedonic cost.

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13
Q

Ortner, C. N., M., Zelazo, P. D., & Anderson, A. K. (2013). Effects of emotion regulation on concurrent attentional performance.

A

Participants received instructions to view, reappraise, or suppress their emotional experience to unpleasant and neutral pictures, while performing a concurrent auditory discrimination task, both during and after the picture presentation period.

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14
Q

Ortner, C. N., M., Zelazo, P. D., & Anderson, A. K. (2013). Effects of emotion regulation on concurrent attentional performance.

A

Reaction times (RTs) were slower during unpleasant than neutral pictures, which persisted into the post-picture period. RTs were also slower during reappraisal and suppression than viewing and for earlier than later tones following picture onset. An enduring effect of negative emotion was found in the picture and post picture period for suppression but not reappraisal.

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15
Q

Ortner, C. N., M., Zelazo, P. D., & Anderson, A. K. (2013). Effects of emotion regulation on concurrent attentional performance.

A

both viewing emotional stimuli + regulating one’s emotions using either reappraisal or suppression draw upon common attentional resources, but with suppression resulting in the distinct cost of maintaining the effects of negative emotion.

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16
Q

Ortner, C. N., M., Zelazo, P. D., & Anderson, A. K. (2013). Effects of emotion regulation on concurrent attentional performance.

A

During reappraisal, attention must be directed at the emotion-eliciting stimulus in order to furnish an alternative appraisal that is relevant to the stimulus. Because attention is directed at the stimulus, encoding of stimulus contents should still be possible.

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17
Q

Ortner, C. N., M., Zelazo, P. D., & Anderson, A. K. (2013). Effects of emotion regulation on concurrent attentional performance.

A

ability to direct attentional resources elsewhere should be impaired, because the act of reappraisal itself is attentionally demanding
reappraisal involves processes of working memory, selective attention, response inhibition, and monitoring of control processes

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18
Q

Ortner, C. N., M., Zelazo, P. D., & Anderson, A. K. (2013). Effects of emotion regulation on concurrent attentional performance.

A

Suppression involves shifting attention away from stimulus in order to monitor and change facial expressions and feelings in an ongoing manner, potentially reducing encoding of stimulus contents. Ongoing monitoring of facial expressions and feelings would also draw on limited attentional resources and hence slow performance on a cognitive task.
cognitive costs for this modified suppression instruction appeared to be no greater than that of reapprasial.

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19
Q

Cottrell, C. A., & Neuberg, S. L. (2005). Different emotional reactions to different groups: A sociofunctional threat-based approach to “prejudice”.

A

different groups elicited different profiles of emotion and threat reactions, and this diversity was often masked by general measures of prejudice and threat. Moreover, threat and emotion profiles were associated with one another in the manner predicted: Specific classes of threat were linked to specific, functionally relevant emotions, and groups similar in the threat profiles they elicited were also similar in the emotion profiles they elicited.

20
Q

Cottrell, C. A., & Neuberg, S. L. (2005). Different emotional reactions to different groups: A sociofunctional threat-based approach to “prejudice”.

A

(a) different groups can evoke different profiles of emotions; (b) prejudice can obscure the rich texture of these emotional experiences; (c) different groups are often believed to pose different profiles of threat to one’s in-group; and (d) measures of general threat can mask the rich texture of these threat perceptions.

21
Q

Cottrell, C. A., & Neuberg, S. L. (2005). Different emotional reactions to different groups: A sociofunctional threat-based approach to “prejudice”.

A

emotional experience arises systematically from threat perception: (a) The perception of particular threats predicted experience of functionally associated emotions, and (b) groups that elicited similar threat profiles also elicited similar emotion profiles.
Threat to group => fear

22
Q

Levenson, R. W., & Gottman, J. M. (1983). Marital interaction: Physiological linkage and affective exchange.

A

distressed couples’ interactions show greater physiological interrelatedness or “linkage,” more negative affect, and more reciprocity of negative affect and (b) these differences would be more pronounced when the interaction was high in conflict (discussing a marital problem) as opposed to low in conflict (discussing the events of the day).

23
Q

Levenson, R. W., & Gottman, J. M. (1983). Marital interaction: Physiological linkage and affective exchange.

A

Heart rate, skin conductance, pulse transmission time, and somatic activity. Self-report affective data (obtained using a video-recall procedure) were analyzed using sequential analyses to derive a measure of affect reciprocity.

24
Q

Levenson, R. W., & Gottman, J. M. (1983). Marital interaction: Physiological linkage and affective exchange.

A

60% of the variance in marital satisfaction was accounted for using measures of physiological linkage alone.
subjects’ own self-ratings of these interactions, less positive affect and more negative affect in dissatisfied marriages, especially when the topic turned to a problem area in the marriage.

25
Q

Levenson, R. W., & Gottman, J. M. (1983). Marital interaction: Physiological linkage and affective exchange.

A

husband being the nonresponsive partner in dissatisfied marriages. Compared to satisfied marriages, he was less likely to reciprocate the wife’s positive affect action.

26
Q

Levenson, R. W., & Gottman, J. M. (1983). Marital interaction: Physiological linkage and affective exchange.

A

physiological linkage reflects the ebb and flow of negative affect, the escalation and de-escalation of conflict, and the sense of being “locked into” the interaction and unable to “step back” that can occur when spouses in dissatisfied marriages attempt to solve problems and when this kind of patterned conflict occurs in other dyadic interactions.

27
Q

Levenson, R. W., & Gottman, J. M. (1983). Marital interaction: Physiological linkage and affective exchange.

A

physiological linkage, intra-individual physiological measures, and self-reported patterns of affect exchange have the potential to account for much of the variance in marital satisfaction

28
Q

Elfenbein, H. A., Beaupré, M., Lévesque, M., & Hess, U. (2007). Toward a dialect theory: Cultural differences in the expression and recognition of posed facial expressions.

A

Dialects, in the form of activating different muscles for the same expressions, emerged most clearly for serenity, shame, and contempt and also for anger, sadness, surprise, and happiness, but not for fear, disgust, or embarrassment.

29
Q

Elfenbein, H. A., Beaupré, M., Lévesque, M., & Hess, U. (2007). Toward a dialect theory: Cultural differences in the expression and recognition of posed facial expressions.

A

Quebecois and Gabonese participants judged these stimuli and stimuli standardized to erase cultural dialects. As predicted, an in-group advantage emerged for nonstandardized expressions only and most strongly for expressions with greater regional dialects,

30
Q

Elfenbein, H. A., Beaupré, M., Lévesque, M., & Hess, U. (2007). Toward a dialect theory: Cultural differences in the expression and recognition of posed facial expressions.

A

participants from each group appeared to share culturally distinct expressions. systematic differences appeared to be stronger for emotions that are more frequently used as signals for a social audience, such as contempt and anger, and least likely for expressions typically invoked by nonsocial elicitors that have strong reflex components, such as disgust and surprise, or that are very similar in appearance across mammals, such as fear

31
Q

Elfenbein, H. A., Beaupré, M., Lévesque, M., & Hess, U. (2007). Toward a dialect theory: Cultural differences in the expression and recognition of posed facial expressions.

A

cultural differences create a potential for decoding errors among those who are less familiar with these regional differences in style.

32
Q

Elfenbein, H. A., Beaupré, M., Lévesque, M., & Hess, U. (2007). Toward a dialect theory: Cultural differences in the expression and recognition of posed facial expressions.

A

relative advantage for perceivers in judging expressions originating from their own cultural group was greater for those expressions in which reliable regional differences had been identified. no evidence for a same-ethnicity advantage in judging prototypical expressions that contained identical facial muscle activation. in-group advantage resulted from cultural differences in expressive style rather than factors such as ethnic bias or decoding rules

33
Q

Gard, M. G., & Kring, A. M. (2007). Sex differences in the time course of emotion.

A

findings indicated that women were more experientially reactive to negative, but not positive, emotional pictures compared to men, and that women scored higher than men on measure of aversive motivational system sensitivity

34
Q

Gard, M. G., & Kring, A. M. (2007). Sex differences in the time course of emotion.

A

only women continued to show this relative potentiation during the recovery period, indicating that women were continuing to engage the aversive motivational system after the offset of negative emotional pictures
more robust and prolonged responsivity to negative emotional stimuli for women compared to men.
women were more experientially reactive to negative, but not positive emotional pictures compared to men

35
Q

Gard, M. G., & Kring, A. M. (2007). Sex differences in the time course of emotion.

A

women scored higher than men on the BIS scale, suggesting that they experience greater sensitivity of the aversive motivational system.
women and men both exhibited potentiation of the startle response during the presentation of negative pictures rela- tive to the presentation of neutral pictures, only women continued to show this relative potentiation during the recovery period, as we hypothesized

36
Q

Gard, M. G., & Kring, A. M. (2007). Sex differences in the time course of emotion.

A

women’s prolonged response to negative emotional material after stimulus offset reflects an effort to cope with the negative emotional experience. Indeed, women use different strategies than men to cope with negative emotional events

37
Q

Gard, M. G., & Kring, A. M. (2007). Sex differences in the time course of emotion.

A

women are more prone than men to rumination, and this sex difference in rumination is seen both in adult and young adolescent samples. Thus, women’s prolonged responding during the recovery period may reflect an attempt to cope with or regulate their responses to the stimuli themselves.

38
Q

Gard, M. G., & Kring, A. M. (2007). Sex differences in the time course of emotion.

A

men were continuing to engage the aversive motivational system after negative stimulus offset and were not simply “shutting off” this response

39
Q

Kring, A. M., & Gordon, A. H. (1998). Sex differences in emotion: Expression, experience, and physiology.

A

Study 1, undergraduates viewed emotional films. Compared with men, women were more expressive, did not differ in reports of experienced emotion, and demonstrated different patterns of skin conductance responding.

40
Q

Kring, A. M., & Gordon, A. H. (1998). Sex differences in emotion: Expression, experience, and physiology.

A

In Study 2, undergraduate men and women viewed emotional films and completed self-report scales of expressivity, gender role characteristics, and family expressiveness. Results replicated those from Study 1, and gender role characteristics + family expressiveness moderated the relationship between sex and expressivity.

41
Q

Kring, A. M., & Gordon, A. H. (1998). Sex differences in emotion: Expression, experience, and physiology.

A

women were more expressive than men. women exhibited more positive expressions in response to happy films and more negative expressions in response to sad and fear films. expressive differences, however, were not accounted for by differences in reports of experienced emotion.

42
Q

Kring, A. M., & Gordon, A. H. (1998). Sex differences in emotion: Expression, experience, and physiology.

A

they did not report experiencing more emotion than men. Men and women did differ, however, in their skin conductance reactivity. Men were more reactive than women in response to the fear films. In addition, the present data lend some support to the internalizer-externalizer distinction.

43
Q

Kring, A. M., & Gordon, A. H. (1998). Sex differences in emotion: Expression, experience, and physiology.

A

More men than women were internalizers, and more women than men were externalizers. However, women also tended to be high responders and men tended to be low responders.
measure of experienced emotion included only target emotion adjectives consistent with the emotion the films were intended to elicit. Although the predominant emotion elicited by the films was indeed their target emotion

44
Q

Kring, A. M., & Gordon, A. H. (1998). Sex differences in emotion: Expression, experience, and physiology.

A

Women who ascribe to a number of feminine traits and men who ascribe to a number of masculine traits are often referred to as sex-typed. Women and men who ascribe to a number of both feminine and masculine characteristics are often referred to as androgynous (or non-sex-typed).

45
Q

Kring, A. M., & Gordon, A. H. (1998). Sex differences in emotion: Expression, experience, and physiology.

A

femininity or expressiveness is more closely related to nurturance and warmth

46
Q

Kring, A. M., & Gordon, A. H. (1998). Sex differences in emotion: Expression, experience, and physiology.

A

androgynous individuals are less likely to modify their behavior so that it conforms to societal notions about sex-appropriate behavior. androgynous persons’ expressive be- havior may be less constrained than the behavior of other indi- viduals by socially and culturally learned display rules