Chapter 10 Flashcards

1
Q

Edward Jones and colleagues (1984) have identified five dimensions that are particularly helpful in differentiating between harmful and benign stigmas:

A

course, concealability, aesthetic qualities, origin, and danger.

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2
Q

Contrast refers to

A

the polarization or exaggeration of differences between the token and the dominant group.

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3
Q

Assimilation occurs when

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the token’s personal characteristics are distorted to be in line with expectations based on the stereotypes of that person’s group.

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4
Q

Men in female-dominated professions may also find themselves on the fast track to promotion (Williams, 1992; Woodhams et al., 2015), an outcome called

A

the glass escalator effect.

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5
Q

discrim effects on health pg 443 chart

A

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6
Q

There are three reasons it is important to consider how racist events can lead to trauma.

A

First, evidence supports the idea that knowledge of a discriminatory attack on a person who shares one’s identity—for example, someone of the same race, religion, or sexual orientation—is sufficient to produce a trauma response, even in people who do not directly experience the traumatic event. Second, viewing a racist incident online or through social media also may result in a trauma response for members of the victim’s group, even if they do not personally know the people in the videos. Finally, the trauma associated with racist attacks can be ongoing and repeated.

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7
Q

Similar to the secondary victimization from hate crimes described in Chapter 9, these findings suggest that witnessing violence against a member of one’s group produces a

A

spillover effect that extends to the mental health of one’s community at large

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8
Q

One of the things stigmatized group members have to deal with is

A

their knowledge of the stereotypic beliefs other people have about their group.

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9
Q

Stereotype threat occurs when

A

members of a stigmatized group find themselves in a situation where negative stereotypes provide a possible framework for interpreting their behavior, the risk of being judged in light of those stereotypes can elicit a disruptive state that undermines performance and aspirations in that domain.

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10
Q

Belief-based interventions involve

A

changing one’s beliefs about the negative stereotype.

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11
Q

We begin by exploring a paradox: People often recognize discrimination against their group, but don’t believe

A

it has happened to them.

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12
Q

Crosby’s (1984) surprising finding has led to a great deal of research on what is now known as the personal/group discrimination discrepancy (PGDD)—

A

people’s belief that their group, as a whole, is more likely to be discriminated against than they, themselves, are as individuals

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13
Q

To decide to confront the prejudiced act, people must:

A

-recognize the behavior as prejudiced
-perceive it as an emergency that requires an immediate response
-feel a sense of personal responsibility for intervening
-decide on a course of action
-see the benefits of confronting as outweighing the costs (p. 30)

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14
Q

stype lift

A

But research also suggests that this same information can provide a performance boost, or stereotype lift, for members of nonstereotyped groups (Walton & Cohen, 2003). This lift occurs when members of nonstereotyped groups engage in downward social comparisons; that is, when they evaluate their abilities by comparing themselves to others who perform worse than they do (

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15
Q

Crosby’s (1984) surprising finding has led to a great deal of research on what is now known as the personal/group discrimination discrepancy (PGDD)—

A

people’s belief that their group, as a whole, is more likely to be discriminated against than they, themselves, are as individuals

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16
Q

To decide to confront the prejudiced act, people must:

A

recognize the behavior as prejudiced
perceive it as an emergency that requires an immediate response
feel a sense of personal responsibility for intervening
decide on a course of action
see the benefits of confronting as outweighing the costs (p. 30)

17
Q

One coping strategy employed by stigmatized group members is psychological disengagement,

A

“a defensive detachment of self-esteem from outcomes in a particular domain, such that feelings of self-worth are not dependent on successes or failures in that domain”

18
Q

One way to manage this is through disidentification;

A

that is, by devaluing the domain (Schmader et al., 2001; Steele, 2010). When people disidentify with a domain, they redefine their self-concept to exclude that aspect from their self-image.

19
Q

One such strategy, behavioral compensation,

A

concerns how people behave when they expect to encounter discrimination. In such situations, people may try to counteract potential discrimination by changing their behavior in ways that disconfirm the stereotype

20
Q

carol miller study pg 470

A

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21
Q

This chapter examined the experience of people who are stigmatized group members—

A

people who are not members of the dominant or privileged group, who are thus deemed to be different from the dominant group. Individuals can experience prejudice as a result of their stigmatized status in terms of race, gender, gender identity, sexual orientation, age, ability, appearance, socioeconomic status, religion, or immigration status.

22
Q

Five factors influence whether a stigma is benign or harmful:

A

course (the amount of time a stigma lasts, e.g., temporary versus permanent), concealability (whether a stigma can be hidden or is always apparent to others), aesthetic qualities (whether the stigma is related to physical attractiveness), origin (the cause of the stigma and whether it was under the control of the person or it was something that simply happened to them), and danger (whether the stigmatized group member is considered dangerous to others).

23
Q

Stigmas can be acquired by association:

A

People associate negative characteristics with dominant group members who socialize with or support stigmatized others.

24
Q

tokens

A

are individuals whose characteristics make them minorities in the context of a larger group; tokens stand out from the group because of the perceptual tendencies of visibility, contrast, and assimilation. Tokenism and the chilly climate that often accompanies it can have negative effects on the individuals who experience them.

25
Q

The minority stress model proposes that

A

both external and internal stressors affect the experience of discrimination. External stressors are objective events, such as microaggressions or bullying; internal stressors come from the learned expectation that one will be rejected because of a stigmatized group membership. These stressors affect physical health, producing hypertension, headaches, and other ailments, and mental health, producing effects such as depression and anxiety. Although strategies are available that reduce these effects, some strategies are dysfunctional and many put the burden on the stigmatized group member.

26
Q

Prejudice can result in trauma. Although the formal diagnosis of PTSD is reserved for violent acts of prejudice, symptoms of trauma can result from

A

witnessing prejudice acts, either close to home or in the media. When violent acts occur repeatedly over multiple generations, historical trauma can occur. Healing from prejudice-based trauma may include therapeutic techniques applied at an individual, group, or community level.

27
Q

Stereotype threat occurs when

A

stigmatized group members are aware that they are stereotyped and, especially in achievement settings, they fear confirming those stereotypes. This fear can then undermine performance by creating deficits in the way people process information. Stereotype threat affects both advantaged and disadvantaged groups and is part of people’s ongoing experience. Stereotype threat interventions include belief-based, identity-based, and resilience-based strategies.

28
Q

Nonstereotyped group members sometimes experience

A

stereotype lift, a gain that emerges from the same situations that produce stereotype threat for the stereotyped group.

29
Q

People do not always recognize discrimination against their group when it occurs. The personal/group discrimination discrepancy (PGDD) reflects

A

people’s beliefs that their group is more likely to experience discrimination than they are as individual group members. The PGDD has been demonstrated in a number of contexts and may result from cognitive factors, such as differences in how information about individuals and groups is processed, or by motivational factors, such as the desire to deny personal discrimination as a justification for not taking action against it.

30
Q

Several factors affect the decision to confront prejudice, including

A

first needing to recognize that behavior was prejudiced. Even when faced with obvious discrimination, people can be reluctant to confront discrimination, in part because there are social costs for doing so. Benefits to confronting discrimination also occur, although these are sometimes underestimated.

31
Q

People’s expectations determine whether they believe another’s behavior constitutes prejudice. Attributions to discrimination are more likely when

A

the perpetrator is an outgroup member, when the act can be attributed to an uncontrollable characteristic, such as race, or when the action occurs in a context linked to negative stereotypes about a group. People react especially negatively to being confronted by members of stigmatized groups. When people have their discriminatory actions pointed out to them, they sometimes try to repair their relationship with the confronter and the experience can result in their exhibiting less bias in the future.

32
Q

Even ingroup members who confront discrimination can be viewed negatively, especially if

A

the discriminatory act was not blatant. However, there are effective ways of responding to prejudice, including being assertive (but non-hostile) and appealing to the person’s sense of fairness and egalitarianism.

33
Q

Individuals can cope with discrimination by

A

psychologically disengaging or putting a psychological separation between themselves and the arena in which they might fail. This separation can be created by disidentification, or devaluing the domain. Doing so often has the unfortunate effect of lowering academic achievement.

34
Q

Individuals may also use behavioral compensation to cope with prejudice and discrimination. That is, they

A

change their behavior in ways that disconfirm the stereotypes others may hold of their group. However, people are not always able to judge how or when to effectively compensate for prejudice.

35
Q

Individuals can also confront stigma by reframing or self-labeling. These reappropriation strategies can sometimes work to

A

change the stigma itself, especially if accompanied by institutional changes such as in the legal system.

36
Q

It is important that dominant group members listen to people who have experienced

A

discrimination and recognize the cumulative effect that even seemingly small incidents of discrimination can have. It is this cumulative impact that is often most detrimental to those who experience discrimination.