Week 9.2 - Crisis States and Violent Conflicts Flashcards

1
Q

What followed radical neoliberal reforms in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) during the 1990s?

A

Many internecine violent conflicts broke out across the region

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2
Q

What global political shift followed the collapse of the socialist bloc and Western-led globalisation?

A

It led to the rise of religious fundamentalism and identity-based politics worldwide

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3
Q

What are recent examples of asymmetric global power being exercised?

A

The US and allies in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya; Russia in Ukraine; Israel in Palestine

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4
Q

What has been the impact of asymmetric global power being exercised on global order?

A

They have undermined international law and increased global insecurity

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5
Q

What trend has been observed in the arms industry?

A

Massive growth in arms trade and military aid with little international oversight

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6
Q

What are some current major ongoing conflicts?

A

South Sudan, Eastern DRC, Sahelian coups with Russian involvement, and Syria

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7
Q

How did the concept of ‘state fragility’ emerge in development discourse?

A

It evolved from ideas of “failed” and “rogue” states in the 1990s and gained prominence after 9/11

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8
Q

How did institutions like the World Bank and DFID classify fragile states?

A

As LICUS (Low-Income Countries Under Stress) and “problematic partners,” later renamed “fragile states”

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9
Q

What percentage of ODA went to fragile contexts by 2016?

A

67% according to the OECD

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10
Q

What did the World Bank estimate for 2030 regarding poverty and fragility?

A

Over 50% of the extreme poor would reside in countries affected by fragility, conflict, and violence (FCV)

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11
Q

What positive shifts occurred due to focus on fragile states?

A

Aid moved beyond “good performers,” with greater focus on state capacity, legitimacy, and service delivery

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12
Q

What negative developments accompanied the shift of focus on fragile states?

A

Aid became securitised, distinctions between development and military aid were blurred, and neoliberal prescriptions remained dominant

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13
Q

What was problematic about the DAC 2016 update to ODA?

A

It marked a reversal by allowing more military-linked aid to count as official development assistance

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14
Q

What is the OECD’s 2007 definition of a fragile state?

A

A state lacking the political will and/or capacity to provide essential services for development, security, and rights

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15
Q

How did the World Bank define fragile states in 2007?

A

As states with weak institutions, poor governance, instability, and ongoing or past severe conflict

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16
Q

How does the World Bank operationalise fragility?

A

Using the CPIA score, with countries scoring below 3.2 considered fragile

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17
Q

What is the mismatch in how the World Bank defines vs measures fragility?

A

Definitions focus on governance and violence, while operationalisation uses CPIA’s focus on neoliberal reform indicators

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18
Q

What does the CPIA measure under economic management?

A

Macroeconomic management, fiscal policy, and debt policy

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19
Q

What does the CPIA measure under structural policies?

A

Trade openness, financial sector strength, and business regulation

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20
Q

What is covered under social inclusion policies in CPIA?

A

Gender equity, public resource equity, human development, and social protection

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21
Q

What does the CPIA assess under public sector management?

A

Property rights, financial management, tax efficiency, public administration, transparency, and anti-corruption

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22
Q

What was CPIA originally designed for?

A

To allocate IDA grants, not to measure state fragility

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23
Q

How is CPIA used for fragility assessments today?

A

Countries scoring below 3.2 or having no score are deemed fragile, and this forms the basis for the Bank’s harmonised list

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24
Q

What example shows the CPIA’s limitations?

A

Mali scored above 3.2 until its sudden collapse into violence in 2012

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25
Q

How is farmer-herder conflict often mischaracterised?

A

It is often labelled as jihadist when it is rooted in pastoralist grievances

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26
Q

What is the core of the farmer-herder conflict?

A

Tensions between sedentary crop farming and pastoral livestock grazing

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27
Q

How did decentralisation exacerbate state fragility in this context?

A

It was implemented without addressing local conflicts and institutional multiplicity

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28
Q

What is the OECD’s new approach to defining fragility?

A

Based on risks and capacities rather than only governance or conflict

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29
Q

What are political risk vulnerabilities in this model? (OECD’s new approach to defining fragility)

A

Lack of inclusiveness, transparency, or political legitimacy, and inability to accommodate change

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30
Q

What are societal risk vulnerabilities? (OECD’s new approach to defining fragility)

A

Weak social cohesion and horizontal/vertical inequalities

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31
Q

What are economic risk vulnerabilities? (OECD’s new approach to defining fragility)

A

Weak economic foundations and limited human capital

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32
Q

What are environmental risk vulnerabilities?(OECD’s new approach to defining fragility)

A

Risks linked to climate, environment, and public health

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33
Q

What are security risk vulnerabilities?(OECD’s new approach to defining fragility)

A

Prevalence of violence, political instability, and crime

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34
Q

What does FCV stand for?

A

Fragility, Conflict, and Violence

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35
Q

What three conflict types are included under FCV?

A

Governance and institutional fragility, active conflict, and interpersonal or gang violence

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36
Q

What are the four pillars of the FCV strategy?

A

Preventing violence, staying engaged during conflict, supporting transitions out of fragility, and mitigating spillovers

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37
Q

What are the six high-priority issues in the FCV strategy?

A

Human capital, macroeconomic stability, job creation, community resilience (esp. climate), justice and rule of law, and the security sector

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38
Q

What additional cross-cutting priorities are included in the FCV strategy?

A

Gender and promotion of the private sector

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39
Q

What do critics argue about how the OECD and World Bank assess ‘state fragility’?

A

They equate it too closely with low levels of development and fail to distinguish between poor states that experience violence and those that remain peaceful

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40
Q

Why is the OECD and World Bank approach criticised for failing to differentiate between fragile and resilient states?

A

Because it does not account for countries like Tanzania that are peaceful despite poverty, unlike violent yet equally poor states like the DRC

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41
Q

How do persistent neoliberal views shape the OECD and World Bank’s conception of the state?

A

The state is seen as a necessary evil, defined only through formal institutions, and is valued mainly for creating market-friendly conditions

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42
Q

How do Putzel and Di John propose assessing states instead of typologising them?

A

They suggest placing states on a spectrum from fragility to resilience

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43
Q

What conditions indicate state fragility in the spectrum model by Putzel and Di John?

A

Armed challenges to power, limited territorial reach, identity-based spending, non-state taxation, and institutional multiplicity

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44
Q

What conditions signal state resilience according to Putzel and Di John?

A

Monopoly on legitimate violence, broad territorial control, nondiscriminatory taxation, and institutional hegemony

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45
Q

Why is ‘state fragility’ considered a temporal condition in this model?

A

Because states can move along the spectrum, becoming more fragile or more resilient over time

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46
Q

How does Frances Stewart distinguish ‘horizontal’ from ‘vertical’ inequalities in conflict analysis?

A

Horizontal inequalities are between identity-based groups and are more likely to lead to zero-sum conflict than vertical, class-based inequalities

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47
Q

What policy solution does Frances Stewart suggest for mitigating horizontal inequalities?

A

To reduce group-based inequalities and reframe indivisible conflicts as negotiable and divisible

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48
Q

How does Douglass North define the ‘natural state’?

A

A condition where elites control wealth and authority to limit violence and maintain order

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49
Q

What is a ‘limited access order’ in Douglass North’s theory?

A

A system where access to political and economic power is restricted to elites, which helps maintain peace

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50
Q

What is a key limitation of Douglass North’s theory of limited access orders?

A

It cannot explain the stability of peaceful poor states or the success of non-democratic developmental states

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51
Q

How do Khan, Putzel, and Di John define the state in their political settlement model?

A

As institutions and organisations—both formal and informal—that implement rules within any regime type

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52
Q

What is a ‘political settlement’ according to Khan, Putzel, and Di John?

A

A historically rooted configuration of power in society that underpins and shapes state institutions and organisations

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53
Q

Why do Khan, Putzel, and Di John avoid using the term ‘peace agreement’ to describe political settlements?

A

Because political settlements are enduring power arrangements settled through coercion, persuasion, or both—not just single conflict-ending agreements

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54
Q

According to Michael Mann, what makes the state necessary in society?

A

Its ability to make binding rules for internal order, defense, communication, and redistribution over a defined territory

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55
Q

What does Putzel argue happens when a state ceases to function?

A

Society creates or re-creates state structures, as seen in Eastern DRC and Somaliland

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56
Q

What are the four sources of social power in Mann’s framework?

A

Military, economic, ideological, and political power

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57
Q

Which of Mann’s sources of power is unique to the state?

A

Political power, as it comes from the centralised and territorial regulation of society

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58
Q

How can we observe political settlements and their change over time?

A

By examining what powers the state and society exchange and how these powers are distributed within society

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59
Q

Why is ideological power crucial to the state’s legitimacy?

A

It helps legitimise state institutions and actions and shapes how people understand the state’s role

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60
Q

What makes ideology powerful in times of uncertainty?

A

It provides belief systems that offer meaning and certainty even if not scientifically testable

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61
Q

Which actors often hold ideological power in society?

A

Religious, identity-based, and political organisations

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62
Q

How do political organisations use ideological power?

A

By invoking nationalism, justice, or development narratives to gain or challenge state power

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63
Q

How do those in control of the state use ideological power?

A

They try to marginalise rival ideologies and promote the dominant ideology of the state, such as capitalism, socialism, or theocracy

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64
Q

What concern does Matshanda raise drawing on Mamdani?

A

That dominant ideologies falsely promote the idea of a homogenised “nation-state”

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65
Q

How does economic power affect the political settlement?

A

Through the extent to which economic elites cede power to the state and the state’s control over power distribution among them

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66
Q

What forms can economic power take in society?

A

Control of wealth, access to rents, command over livelihoods, influence over local and foreign markets, and informal or shadow economy dominance

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67
Q

Why are economic actors significant to state power and function?

A

Because they influence revenue collection, aid distribution, employment, and market structures within and beyond state oversight

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68
Q

How does military power shape political settlements?

A

It determines whether the state can enforce rules and remain stable or if authority is contested by armed groups

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69
Q

What determines the durability of a political settlement in terms of military power?

A

Whether those who control violence transfer that authority to the state or retain it independently

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70
Q

What do people seek when the state fails to provide security?

A

They turn to non-state armed groups for protection and order

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71
Q

What are political organisations and what is their purpose?

A

Political organisations are formed by individuals and groups to influence or control state power at local, regional, or central levels

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72
Q

What forms can political organisations take?

A

Political organisations can be political parties, clan alliances, populist movements, or military or religious groups

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73
Q

Why are political organisations important to state power?

A

They determine how state power is managed, reinforced, and changed

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74
Q

How do political organisations shape the nature of the state?

A

They are built around different values and seek to implement institutions, rules, and organisational designs based on their vision of the state

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75
Q

Why is understanding political settlements important for analysing violent conflict?

A

Because it helps explain the root causes of violence and informs peacebuilding strategies

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76
Q

Why must peace negotiations and state-building consider political settlements?

A

Because the durability of peace depends on the underlying political configuration that supports the state

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77
Q

What does using the political settlements lens offer to policy?

A

It provides a diagnostic framework to guide effective policy interventions

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78
Q

What are key security priorities when building a political settlement?

A

Ensuring a unified command, ending military abuse, paying security forces well, providing protection, and offering viable livelihoods before demobilisation

79
Q

What economic measures should accompany a political settlement?

A

Gradual formalisation of the economy, strategic distribution of rents, and reducing horizontal inequalities through public spending

80
Q

How should states deal with rival ideological systems in a political settlement?

A

By incorporating or subordinating them to shape the effectiveness of reforms and service delivery mechanisms

81
Q

Why do military interventions rarely succeed in building lasting states?

A

Because external actors cannot create political settlements, which emerge through internal conflict and bargaining

82
Q

What must state organisations show to sustain a political settlement?

A

A credible commitment to enforcing rules and the capacity to punish non-compliance

83
Q

Why are external actors limited in forging settlements?

A

Because international influence cannot substitute for internally negotiated power arrangements, as seen in Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya, and Palestine

84
Q

What triggered the state collapse in Afghanistan post-2001?

A

The US-led invasion led to the Taliban’s flight but failed to establish a stable political settlement

85
Q

Why did the Western-backed Afghan state fail to consolidate power?

A

The early exclusion of the Taliban undermined legitimacy and political cohesion

86
Q

How was military power structured in post-2001 Afghanistan?

A

It was fragmented across society and reliant on foreign funding

87
Q

What was the nature of economic power in Afghanistan between 2002–2021?

A

It was dominated by the poppy economy, illegal trade, and a rentier economy based on foreign aid

88
Q

Who held ideological power in Afghanistan post-2001?

A

The Taliban, tribal, and local religious authorities retained influence, undermining the state

89
Q

What were the conditions leading to the US invasion of Iraq in 2003?

A

A decade of sanctions and the pretext of weapons of mass destruction and Al-Qaeda links

90
Q

What was a major political error post-invasion in Iraq?

A

The exclusion of Ba’athist officials who held essential state expertise

91
Q

How was military power distributed in post-2003 Iraq?

A

It became fragmented and fuelled the rise of ISIS and militia polarisation

92
Q

How was economic power structured in Iraq post-2003?

A

A fractured rentier system with competing elites tied to foreign corporations

93
Q

What defined ideological power in Iraq after 2003?

A

It was highly divided along sectarian and regional lines

94
Q

How is political power currently characterised in Iraq?

A

As fractured and persistently contested

95
Q

What was the basis of Gaddafi’s rise to power in Libya?

A

A 1969 coup that overthrew the monarchy and established a socialist, oil-funded state

96
Q

How was economic power structured under Gaddafi?

A

It was rent-based, tribal, and supported public welfare through oil distribution

97
Q

What was Libya’s human development status by 2009 under Gaddafi?

A

It ranked 55th out of 175 countries in the Human Development Report

98
Q

How did Libya achieve security under Gaddafi?

A

Through a tightly controlled military that suppressed dissent

99
Q

What ideology dominated Libya during Gaddafi’s rule?

A

A mix of Arab nationalism and third-world socialism under the “State of the Masses”

100
Q

What sparked the 2011 Libyan uprising?

A

The Arab Spring protests, beginning in Benghazi, which led to hundreds of deaths by February

101
Q

What followed the international intervention in Libya in March 2011?

A

NATO-led attacks that dismantled state structures and led to Gaddafi’s death in October

102
Q

What has characterised Libya since Gaddafi’s fall?

A

Fragmented political authority, ongoing conflict, and the dispersal of ideological, economic, and military power

103
Q

What regional impact did Libya’s collapse have?

A

It destabilised the Sahel and contributed to regional insecurity

104
Q

How is Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 characterised?

A

As a war of aggression and extreme asymmetric power, violating international law

105
Q

What was Russia’s goal in invading Ukraine?

A

To install a regime more favourable to its interests

106
Q

What effect did the invasion have on Ukraine’s internal politics?

A

It unified the population in defence of the state under Zelensky

107
Q

Why has Ukraine’s state survived the invasion?

A

Due to strong public resistance and substantial Western military support

108
Q

Why is addressing fragility, conflict, and violence important for the World Bank Group?

A

Because it is essential to achieving the World Bank Group’s twin goals of ending extreme poverty and boosting shared prosperity

109
Q

What does the World Bank Group predict about extreme poverty and FCV by 2030?

A

Over half of the world’s extreme poor will live in FCV-affected countries

110
Q

What regions are most affected by fragility, conflict, and violence today?

A

Fragility, conflict, and violence are affecting both low- and middle-income countries, with violent conflicts at their highest levels in 30 years

111
Q

What is one humanitarian consequence of FCV?

A

FCV has caused forced displacement affecting 71 million people

112
Q

What socio-political conditions are driving instability in FCV settings?

A

Rising inequality, discrimination, and exclusion are fuelling grievances

113
Q

What external pressures contribute to instability in fragile states?

A

Climate change, migration, technological changes, and illicit financial flows

114
Q

What could happen if FCV is not addressed urgently?

A

It could reverse development progress and cause long-term damage

115
Q

How has the World Bank Group’s approach to FCV evolved?

A

It shifted from post-conflict reconstruction to addressing the full spectrum of FCV challenges

116
Q

What was the significance of the 2011 World Development Report?

A

It highlighted the importance of linking security, justice, and development

117
Q

What did the 2018 UN-WBG report “Pathways for Peace” call for?

A

A shift toward conflict prevention rather than reaction

118
Q

What does the World Bank Group’s current FCV strategy include?

A

Engaging during conflict, supporting post-conflict transitions, and preventing regional spillovers

119
Q

How much did the World Bank allocate to FCV settings under IDA18?

A

$14 billion, double the previous allocation

120
Q

What financial instruments support fragile settings under IDA?

A

The IDA FCV Envelope and the Private Sector Window

121
Q

What are IFC and MIGA doing in fragile and conflict-affected situations?

A

They are increasing their commitments and investments in fragile states

122
Q

What is IFC’s investment goal for fragile countries by 2030?

A

To increase investment by 40%

123
Q

How much was MIGA’s portfolio in fragile settings in 2019?

A

It reached $2 billion

124
Q

What is the objective of engaging the private sector in fragile settings?

A

To create jobs and promote economic stability

125
Q

What is the principle of differentiation in WBG’s FCV strategy?

A

Tailoring approaches based on specific fragility drivers like state fragility, local conflict, or external stressors

126
Q

What does inclusion mean in the WBG FCV context?

A

Focusing on marginalised groups to foster social cohesion

127
Q

Why are legitimacy, transparency, and accountability important in FCV?

A

To strengthen core institutions for governance, justice, and public services

128
Q

What is the role of private sector solutions in WBG FCV work?

A

To enhance economic resilience through private investment

129
Q

What is the first pillar of WBG engagement in FCV?

A

Preventing violent conflict and interpersonal violence by addressing root causes and investing in peacebuilding

130
Q

What is the second pillar of WBG engagement in FCV?

A

Remaining engaged during crises to support essential services and conflict-sensitive development

131
Q

What is the third pillar of WBG engagement in FCV?

A

Helping countries transition out of fragility by restoring governance, stability, and inclusive systems

132
Q

What is the fourth pillar of WBG engagement in FCV?

A

Mitigating spillovers from FCV by addressing cross-border crises and supporting host communities

133
Q

How is the WBG adapting policies to manage FCV?

A

By updating frameworks for humanitarian crises and improving risk assessments like RRAs

134
Q

How is WBG programming adapted for FCV settings?

A

By making Country Partnership Frameworks more FCV-sensitive and addressing regional cross-border issues

135
Q

How is the WBG strengthening partnerships for FCV?

A

By working with peacebuilding actors, regional organisations, NGOs, and institutions like the UN and IMF

136
Q

How is the WBG improving staff capacity for FCV?

A

By deploying more staff to fragile settings, providing FCV training, and supporting their well-being

137
Q

What financing tools support FCV settings?

A

The IDA FCV Envelope, Private Sector Window (PSW), and Global Risk Financing Facility (GRiF)

138
Q

How does the WBG manage risk in FCV settings?

A

Through conflict-sensitive investments and stronger risk management against corruption, instability, and ESG threats

139
Q

What is the expected country-level impact of the FCV strategy?

A

Reduced conflict risk, improved institutions, economic resilience, job creation, and better crisis preparedness

140
Q

How will the WBG monitor progress in FCV settings?

A

Through annual reports to the WBG Board, a mid-term review in 2022, and a full evaluation in 2024

141
Q

How is the WBG investing in human capital in FCV settings?

A

By strengthening education, healthcare, and nutrition programs

142
Q

What macroeconomic goals does the WBG support in fragile economies?

A

Ensuring debt sustainability and strong fiscal management

143
Q

How is the WBG creating jobs and economic opportunities in FCV contexts?

A

By supporting entrepreneurship, MSMEs, and digital solutions

144
Q

How does the WBG build community resilience in FCV areas?

A

By enhancing climate adaptation, disaster preparedness, and environmental sustainability

145
Q

What is the WBG doing to improve justice in FCV regions?

A

By strengthening legal institutions and conflict resolution mechanisms

146
Q

How is the WBG addressing security sector challenges in FCV states?

A

By working with law enforcement to ensure peace and stability

147
Q

What peace agreement led to the creation of the Bangsamoro Organic Law in 2018?

A

The Bangsamoro Organic Law was enacted following a 2014 peace agreement between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)

148
Q

What did the Bangsamoro Organic Law establish?

A

It created the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM), replacing the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)

149
Q

What long-standing conflict did the Bangsamoro Organic Law aim to resolve?

A

It aimed to end 50 years of armed conflict between the Philippine government and Bangsamoro rebel groups

150
Q

What historical roots contributed to the Bangsamoro conflict?

A

The conflict traces back to Spanish colonisation in the 16th century and was reignited by the formation of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in 1972

151
Q

Why did the MILF take over leadership of the autonomy struggle from the MNLF?

A

The 1996 peace agreement with the MNLF failed to consolidate governance in ARMM, prompting the MILF to assume leadership

152
Q

What does political settlement theory introduced by Khan (1995) examine?

A

It examines the power configurations that underpin formal institutions and organisations of the state

153
Q

What are formal institutions and organisations in political settlement theory?

A

Formal institutions are rules defining rights, while organisations are state branches enforcing those rules

154
Q

What is Michael Mann’s theory of state power?

A

Michael Mann argues that societies require monopolistic rule-making authorities for governance, defense, and economic functions

155
Q

What characterises the historical political settlement of the Philippine state?

A

It is built around elite families, economic liberalism, and democratic ideals, excluding Muslim Mindanao

156
Q

What factors contributed to the Bangsamoro conflict?

A

Historical marginalisation, internal colonisation, Christian settlement programs, and economic displacement

157
Q

How was the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM) established?

A

It was established through referenda in 2019, replacing the ARMM

158
Q

What system of governance does BARMM use?

A

BARMM operates under a parliamentary-democratic system, distinct from the Philippine unitary presidential system

159
Q

How is the Bangsamoro Parliament structured?

A

It has 80 members: 50% elected by proportional representation, 40% district representatives, and 10% reserved for special groups

160
Q

Who leads the executive branch in BARMM?

A

The Chief Minister, elected by Parliament, who also appoints cabinet ministers

161
Q

What judicial system is in place in BARMM?

A

It includes judicial autonomy for Muslims through Shari’ah courts

162
Q

What fiscal powers does BARMM have?

A

BARMM receives 75% of taxes collected in the region, an annual block grant, and a Special Development Fund

163
Q

What limitations exist on BARMM’s autonomy?

A

The Philippine president retains oversight powers, including the ability to suspend the Chief Minister, and the national government controls police and military forces

164
Q

What military element was key to the Bangsamoro peace agreement?

A

The decommissioning of the MILF’s Bangsamoro Islamic Armed Forces (BIAF)

165
Q

What were the phases of BIAF decommissioning?

A

Phase 1: 145 combatants (symbolic), Phase 2: 12,000 (2019), Phase 3: 14,000 targeted (2021–2022)

166
Q

What security challenges remain in BARMM?

A

Many MILF fighters retain personal weapons, private armed groups persist, and MILF integration into the Philippine National Police is slow

167
Q

What is the economic status of BARMM in the Philippines?

A

It contributes only 1.4% to GDP despite having 5% of the population and has a 61.8% poverty rate

168
Q

What economic challenges does BARMM face?

A

Dominance of elite families, 80% informal economy, illicit arms/drug trade, and weak tax enforcement

169
Q

What economic opportunities are available to BARMM?

A

Fiscal powers to impose capital gains taxes, promote Islamic finance, and invest in agriculture reforms

170
Q

How did MILF and MNLF legitimise their struggle?

A

Through Islam and Bangsamoro nationalism

171
Q

How does the Bangsamoro Organic Law reinforce ideological power?

A

It strengthens Islamic education, Shari’ah courts, and recognises indigenous rights like those of Lumad communities

172
Q

What are ideological challenges in BARMM?

A

Radical groups such as ISIS-linked factions oppose BARMM, and Catholic Church influence remains strong nationally

173
Q

What political organisation did the MILF form after the peace agreement?

A

The United Bangsamoro Justice Party (UBJP)

174
Q

How did the 2022 elections test MILF’s political power?

A

The UBJP won Cotabato City but lost Maguindanao, and MILF opposed President Marcos Jr., who won in the region

175
Q

What risks are associated with delaying BARMM parliamentary elections to 2025?

A

It allows MILF time to consolidate power but risks losing political legitimacy

176
Q

What factors threaten political unity in BARMM?

A

Political clan alliances, untested MILF leadership, and national government oversight

177
Q

What security threats persist in the Bangsamoro region?

A

Incomplete demobilisation of armed groups, ISIS-linked factions, and risk of renewed violence

178
Q

What economic development risks exist in BARMM?

A

Continued dependence on subsidies, weak institutions, security concerns, and a large informal economy

179
Q

What conditions could help BARMM succeed as an autonomous region?

A

MILF’s successful political transition, ASEAN trade integration, and international donor support

180
Q

What is military power in Mann’s theory?

A

The capacity for organised violence, held by state or non-state actors

181
Q

What is economic power in Mann’s theory?

A

Control over resources and production, enabling political influence

182
Q

What is ideological power in Mann’s theory?

A

The ability to shape beliefs and legitimise authority via religion, nationalism, or media

183
Q

What is political power in Mann’s theory?

A

Centralised, territorial governance exercised solely by the state

184
Q

Why is institutional change difficult according to political settlement theory?

A

Because major changes require shifts in the political settlement, which depend on conflict and bargaining

185
Q

How has the MILF transitioned under the Bangsamoro political settlement?

A

It became a political party—the United Bangsamoro Justice Party

186
Q

How do clan-based elites affect governance in BARMM?

A

They maintain influence and may undermine reform and MILF leadership

187
Q

What role do religious organisations play in Bangsamoro politics?

A

Ulama networks hold ideological power that can affect the legitimacy of the state

188
Q

What is internal colonisation in the Bangsamoro context?

A

State-led Christian resettlement programs in Mindanao that displaced Muslim and indigenous communities

189
Q

How did internal displacement affect Muslim-majority status in Mindanao?

A

Christian settlers reduced Muslim dominance, fuelling resistance and demands for autonomy

190
Q

What are horizontal inequalities and how do they relate to conflict in Bangsamoro?

A

Economic, political, and social exclusion based on ethnicity or religion that fuel violent conflict

191
Q

Which groups are most affected by horizontal inequalities in BARMM?

A

Muslim and Lumad communities face systemic economic and political disadvantages

192
Q

What are rents in political economy?

A

Surpluses beyond what is needed for a factor of production, often generated by state policies or monopolies