Political Communication Flashcards

1
Q

what are rhetorical devices [Atkinson (1984)]

A
  • features of constructed speech which indicates when applause is appropriate
  • is the project of a completion point
  • close synchrony between speech and applause (fairly smooth interchangeably)
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2
Q

What two particular devices did Atkinson (1984) discover?

A

contrasts and three-part lists

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3
Q

what are criticism of Atkinson’s research?

A

Atkinson’s research is based on selected extracts which may not be representative of political speech-making as a whole.

It’s also not generalisable so there is a need for comprehensive sampling

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4
Q

Heritage and Greatbatch (1986) studied 476 speeches from the 1981 conferences of three main UK political parties (Conservative, Labour and Liberal). What did they find?

A

Contrasts were associated with 33.2% of collective applause and lists 12.6%
* means almost half of applause was associated with Atkinson’s two rhetorical devices

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5
Q

Heritage and Greatbatch (1986) identified 5 other rhetorical devices, what were they?

A
  • puzzle-solution
  • headline-punchline
  • position taking
  • combination
  • pursuit
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6
Q

what did they find?

A

2/3 of collective applause were associated with these seven rhetorical devices. Although, most effective were contrasts and lists

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7
Q

A critique of Atkinson’s Analysis is that if 2/3 of applause in political speeches are associated about Rhetorical Devices, there is still 1/3 to explain; we need a more comprehensive analysis:

A
  1. Synchrony (Extent applause occurs at completion point?)
  2. Speech content (How important? E.g., any 3-part list?)
  3. Uninvited applause (How much applause not via RDs?)
  4. Delivery (E.g., speech rate, loudness, emphasis, body mvmt, hand gestures)
  5. Culture (Beyond UK, same RDs used? Etc.)
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8
Q
  1. Synchrony
A

Atkinson (1984, p.33): “displays of approval are seldom delayed for more than a split second after a completion point, and frequently start just before one is reached”

Bull & Wells (2002) analysed all applause in 15 party leader speeches (1996-2000)
Finding: Only 65% of applause instances synchronised with speech in the way Atkinson described (level of synchrony only occur in 65% of cases)

**Might be an Overestimation of synchrony by Atkinson? So, not quite so orchestrated

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9
Q
  1. Content
A

Bull (2000) analysed 15 instances of applause not associated with the 7 RDs (1996 conferences):
* Applause typically asynchronous with speech (i.e., not at completion point, often interruptive)
Speech content:
* All 15 examples were statements of policy
* cf. Atkinson: applause occurs in response to statements praising the politician’s own party, or attacking the opposition (recognise content is important but it isn’t always the case
* So, w/o RDs, not just about group membership

Importance of RDs can be overestimated
Content can also be very important

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10
Q

Atkinson acknowledges the role of speech content in evoking applause:

A

Audience or more likely to applaud content if used with appropriate RDs

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11
Q
A
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12
Q

What is Bull’s Alternative position about the role of speech content evoking applause?

A

some content may be so significant that applause occurs whether or not rhetorical devices are used

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13
Q

Atkinson (1984, p.45-46): “Professional politicians would no doubt prefer us to think of displays of approval as wholly spontaneous responses to the depth and wisdom of their words. Unfortunately, however, the available evidence provides few grounds for so doing” (spontaneous applaud can occur in the absence of speech devices). What does this mean?

A

There’s essentially, an orchestrated phenomenon / by invitation. but, spontaneous applause can occur in the absence of RDs in response to speech content

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14
Q
  1. Invited and Uninvited Applause.

While uninvited applause is not discussed by Atkinson. But Applause can also occur uninvited. Bull & Well (2002) found 86% of applause instances invited and 14% uninvited. What are the main two reasons for uninvited applause:

A
  1. Direct response to speech content
  2. Misreading of RDs
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15
Q
  1. Delivery i.e. body movement, various vocalisation

Atkinson suggests delivery increases the chance of rhetorical devices receiving applause. Bull and Wells (2002) looked at whether or not a RD is to be taken as an applause invitation. What was found?

A

When delivery indicates applause invitations -> synchronous applause was 98% but similarly when delivery did not indicate applause invitations -> asynchronous applause was 98%

This suggests that delivery is just as important as RDs for synchrony
* (even if delivery doesn’t indicate applause, applause may follow asynchronous)

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16
Q
  1. Culture (Atkinson and Heritage & Greatbatch studies were based in the UK)

Bull and Feldman (2011) analysed of 36 speeches from the 2005 Japanese general election. It was found that:

A

Common use of explicit invitations (i.e. ‘let hear it for them now, the new generation of the conservative parliament’)
* 68% of applause instances (explicit invitations associated with this)
* 71% of all affiliative responses were

17
Q

What does this suggest about explicit and implicit devices in order to invite applause?

A

the use of implicit devices may be more common in UK speech-making but not all cultures

18
Q

Bull and Miskinis (2015) analysed the audience responses in the 2012 US presidential election speeches. What did they find?

A
  • applause accounted for only 8%
  • cheering the most common – 66%
  • chanting, booing, etc.

There ma be large cultural variations in affiliative audience responses

19
Q

Ken Livingstone (former Mayor of London) was asked in a radio interview what he thought of Atkinson’s analysis:
Public speakers are born, not made. People shouldn’t worry about all these techniques, they should just be themselves.”

But how many RDs did Atkinson find in this speech?

A

2! Consecutive Contrasts so even in denying the importance of rhetorical devices, Livingstone was using the exact kind of technique identified by Atkinson

20
Q

Equivocation in Political Interviews. What is this?

A

use of ambiguous language to conceal the truth or to avoid committing oneself

21
Q

Bull (1994) analysed 33 interviews with 3 main UK political parties, assessing the reply rate to see if politicians equivocate:

A
  • The proportion of questions that receive an explicit answer: 46% of questions (only half the questions received an explicit reply)
  • Harris (1991) – different set of interviews: 39%
  • Waddle & Bull (2020) 26 recent interviews with UK party leaders: 38%
  • Bull & Waddle (2023) typology of equivocation:
    43 ways of not replying to a question
22
Q

Describe some ways that equivocation might be seen as?

A
  • an aspect of politicans’ personality
  • response to questions in political interviews i.e. if posed a high proportion of conflictual questions (CC)
  • CC questions create pressure to equivocate
23
Q

Equivocation Theory (Bavelas et al., 1990)

A

Qs in political interviews can often create communicative conflicts

23
Q

What is communicative conflict?

A

CC can be understood in terms of threats to face (potential to make TB look bad):
* “Yes” – TB & the government look incompetent
* “No” – lacks credibility; TB may be seen as unsympathetic
* Equivocation – looks evasive (but arguably, it’s the response that avoids yes and no)

24
Q

Face-threats in Question; Bull et al. (1996):
Questions in interviews pose “threats to face”: Make the politician and/or their political allies appear in a bad light

A
  • CCs occur if all principal responses present threats to face
  • Threats to face regarded as a prime cause of CCs in political interviews
25
Q

Bull et al. (1996) analysed face-threats in interviews from 1992 General Election:
New typology of questions
* 19 types of face-threat distinguished, grouped into 3 superordinate categories:
▪ Personal face
▪ Face of the party they represent
▪ Face of significant others
* Assessing two types of question:
▪ CC questions
▪ Non-conflictual questions

What was found?

A

Interviewers’ questions: 41% – CC
▪ Equivocation the modal response to 64% of these questions
59% – non-conflictual
▪ Replies the modal response to 60% of these questions

Note how the CC% contrasts with everyday conversation
Re. the stereotype (they never answer a straight Q):
* Need to consider the nature of the Qs

26
Q

Bull (2003) during the 2001 GE campaign, some voters had the opportunity to question party leaders on both major TB channels.
They hypothesised that:
* CC questions are more complex
* Voters wil pose fewer such questions than professional political interviewers
* Voters will receive more replies

It was found that:

A
  • Politicians answered sig. more voter questions – 73% (cf. 47% for interviewer Qs)
  • Interviewers asked sig. more CC questions – 58% (cf. 19% from voters)
  • Correlation between CC questions & equivocation:
  • Sig. for interviewers (φ = .76) ∴ CC questions strongly associated with equivocation
  • So, interviewers asked sig. more CC questions & received sig. fewer answers
  • Again, highlights the nature of the Qs

Face of interviewers may also be at stake

27
Q

What are some wider implications of CC?

A

Concept of face can be used to explain:
* Why CCs occur in political interviews
* Prevalence of equivocation by politicians
* Why politicians do answer questions:
* e.g., if asked to justify a specific policy, equivocation more face-threatening than a reply

Face-threatening structure of questions (Bull, 2008)

28
Q

what are some types (and examples) of interrogative syntaxes?

A

Yes-no/polar – Did you go to the cinema?

Alternative/disjunctive – Did you watch Oppenheimer or was it Barbie?

Wh-/interrogative word – (Who, why, when, which, what, where, or how) – Which cinema did you go to?

29
Q

What are some types (and examples) of non-interrogative syntaxes?

A

Declarative – You went to the cinema last night? (searching clarity)

“Moodless” – The Everyman cinema? (don’t contain verbs)

Indirect – Sharon was asking why you decided against the Barbie movie. (asking for the words of someone else)

30
Q

So modification in terms of face…

A

*CCs can be understood in terms of threats to face
*CCs occur if all principal responses present threats to face
*Politicians want to save face

THIS CREATES PRESSURE TO EQUIVOCATE