New Public Administration Flashcards

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
*Concerned with social equity, equality, representative bureaucracy, participation, democracy more so than convention and rules.
According to Fry and Raadschelders (2008, Pages 318-320), Dwight Waldo financed the Minnowbrook Conference in 1968. The conference was in reference to the social and political ferment of the late 1960’s and early 1970’s. NPA supported the taking of an activist role by the public administrator in pursuit of social equity. Political participation was viewed as a means to dispersin power (decentralization) and increasing citizen involvement in government.

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

STORY-The bedrock of NPA began being laid down in the 1940’s and 1950’s. Due to WWII many white men went off to fight. Blacks and other minorities were accepted into the workforce because of the shortage of white men. After the war ended, white soldiers returned home and tok the jobs. Blacks and other minorities became disposable-became marginalized. Different high-profile judicial rulings such as Plecey vs. Ferguson and Brown vs. The Board of Education stated “separate but equal.” Blacks developed a social unrest. In 1964, the Civil Rights Act was passed banning discrimination. Dwight Waldo proposed a change in PA. NPA emphasized social equity, democracy, and representativeness.

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3
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Frederickson, H. George (1996)- Comparing the Reinventing Government Movement with the New Public Administration

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Frederickson, H. George (1996)- Comparing the Reinventing Government Movement with the New Public Administration
According to Frederickson (1996), the need for change is the dominant theme in both NPA and NPM. Both NPA and NPM call for decentralization, flatter hierarchies, contracting out. While NPA is more institutional, NPM is more de-institutionalized. Advocates of each paradigm were disappointed with the status quo and called for change.

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4
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Frederickson, H. George (1996)- Comparing the Reinventing Government Movement with the New Public Administration

Q: How and when did NPA emerge?

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Frederickson, H. George (1996)- Comparing the Reinventing Government Movement with the New Public Administration

Q: How and when did NPA emerge?
A: New Public Administration, which sought to dispel the politics-administration dichotomy by arguing that administrators should make policy, traces its origins to the first Minnowbrook Conference held in 1968 under the patronage of Dwight Waldo. The 1960s in the USA was a time of unusual social and political turbulence and upheaval (racism, poverty, Vietnam War). In this context, Waldo concluded that neither the study nor the practice of public administration was responding suitably to the escalating turmoil and the complications that arose from those conditions. Other scholars were Frank Marini, Mathew Crenson, Orion White.

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5
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Frederickson, H. George (1996)- Comparing the Reinventing Government Movement with the New Public Administration

Q: How and when did NPA emerge?

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Frederickson, H. George (1996)- Comparing the Reinventing Government Movement with the New Public Administration 2nd Answer

Q: How and when did NPA emerge?

A: According to Frederickson (1971), NPA adds social equity to the classic objectives of PA- Frederickson (1971) states that the classic objectives and rational of PA is the efficient, economical, and coordinated management of public services with the focus being on top-level managers (e.g. city managers) or auxiliary staff (budgeting, systems analysis planning, personnel, purchasing etc). The rational for PA is always to be more efficient, economical, and better coordinated management. This still holds true within the NPA movement. However, NPA asks whether these Classical PA tenets enhances social equity? To say that a service is is efficient and economical still begs the questions: Well-managed for whom? Efficient for whom? Economical for whom?

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6
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How and when did NPA emerge?

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Q: How and when did NPA emerge?

  • Denhardt (201, 108) states that when it comes to NPA, “public administration must be drawn away from narrow studies of administrative procedures to a broader concern for the way in which policies are shaped, confirmed, and managed in a democratic society.”
  • Denhardt (2011, 109) states that NPA advocates are not antipositivist or antiscientific but merely interested in using scientific and analytical skills to understand the impact of various policies and to explore new ways of satisfying client demands.

A commitment to social equity attempts to find organizational forms which exhibit capacity for continued flexibility or routinized change. Traditional bureaucracy has demonstrated capacity for stability, control, etc. NPA searches for changeable structures and advocates for modified bureaucratic-organizational forms. Decentralization, devolution, projects, contracts, sensitivity training, responsibility expansion, client involvement are all essentially counter-bureaucratic notions that characterize NPA. These concepts are designed to enhance both bureaucratic and policy change and thus to increase possibilities for social equity.

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7
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How are NPA and NPM similar?

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How are NPA and NPM similar?
A: According to Frederickson (1996), both emphasize responsiveness (though in different ways and different words) and empowerment of individuals. NPA emphasizes responsiveness to the social ills of the day, empowerment of minority citizens, and worker/citizen participation in decision making. NPM emphasizes empowerment of citizen customers as well as the empowerment of public administrators.

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8
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How are NPA and NPM similar?

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How are NPA and NPM similar?

-According to Frederickson (1996), values of empowerment in both NPA and NPM were somewhat similar. In NPA, workers/citizens should be empowered to participate in organizational decision making (in NPA). In NPM, customers should be empowered to make choices in the services they desire. Citizen choice in NPA is like customer-driven government in NPM. Both perspectives call for the extensive use of surveys, hearings, customer (citizen) councils, and the use of a range of feedback mechanisms such as suggestion boxes and program evaluations so what agency decisions (with regard to the polity) can be made with regard given to the polity.

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9
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How are NPA and NPM similar?

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How are NPA and NPM similar?

-FOR EXAMPLE, with regards to decentralization, “public managers interested in accountability and high performance began to restructure their bureaucratic agencies, redefine their organizational missions, streamline agency processes, and decentralize decision making” (Denhardt, 2011, 142).

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10
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How are NPA and NPM different?

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How are NPA and NPM different?
A: Firstly, NPA and NPM advocates different objectives. NPA emphasizes social equity and NPM emphasizes business sector values.

According to Frederickson (1996), the fundamental difference between NPA and NPM has to do with the role of citizens versus customers. Much of the NPA literature is tied to the conception of citizenship, or a vision of the informed, active citizen participating beyond the ballot box in a range of public activities with both elected and pointed public servants. It assumes that individuals have more than self-serving interest if government and public administration.

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11
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How are NPA and NPM similar?

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How are NPA and NPM similar?

According to Frederickson (1996), NPM states that the empowered customer makes individual (or family) choices in a competitive market thus breaking bureaucratic monopoly. The public official is to develop choices for empowered choice makers rather than build a community. The reinvention perspective is compatible with both the American commitment to business values and the modern political interest in less government.

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12
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How are NPA and NPM similar?

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: How are NPA and NPM similar?
-NPM seems to want to do away with the red tape and bureaucratic constrains that stifle and frustrate public administrators (Osborne and Gaebler, 1992; Frederickson, 1996; NPR, 1993)

-On the other hand, NPA does not want to do away with bureaucracy structures because according to Frederickson (1996, 264), NPA advocates understand that solutions to bureaucratic problems are often surprisingly bureaucratic or organizational in character.

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13
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: What is meant by NPM’s focus on the customer?

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: What is meant by NPM’s focus on the customer?

A: One way is in the depiction of citizens as customers (Osborne and Gaebler, 1992). Public agencies should provide citizen/customers with information so that they may make choices on the public services that is best for them individually or for their respective families. According to Frederickson (1996), the metaphor borrows from the public choice model where the empowered customer makes individual/family choices in a competitive market. The value of individual satisfaction is deemed to be more important than achieving collective democratic consensus. Osborne and Gaebler states that there should be a preference for government to respond to the short-term self-interests of isolated individuals (customers) rather than one that supports the pursuits of public interests publicly defined through a deliberative process (citizens). Public agencies should provide customers with choices. Because customers pay for government services, they should receive the best services.

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14
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: What is meant by NPM’s focus on the customer?

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q: What is meant by NPM’s focus on the customer?

According to Osborne and Gaebler, customer-driven government must listen carefully to their customers and offer customer resources to use in selecting their own service providers. An EXAMPLE is the voucher system provided by

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15
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Q:What is meant by NPA’s focus on the citizen?

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
Q: What is meant by NPA’s focus on the citizen?

A: According to Frederickson (1996), the fundamental difference between NPA and NPM has to do with the role of citizens versus customers. Much of the NPA literature is tied to the conception of citizenship, or a vision of the informed, active citizen participating beyond the ballot box in a range of public activities with both elected and pointed public servants. It assumes that individuals have more than self-serving interest if government and public administration.

(Groaneveld and Van de Walle (2010)-Civil unrest, a changing political and social landscape, a racial divide, and inner city poverty all gave rise to New Public Administration (NPA) and the belief that public servants should undertake a more active value-driven role on behalf of poor and disadvantaged groups.

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16
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Lowi, Theodore, J. (1969)- The End of Liberalism: The Indictment

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
Lowi, Theodore, J. (1969)- The End of Liberalism: The Indictment
Interest group liberalism trumps true democracy and trumps true democracy, therefore solutions like representative bureaucracy may be needed to offset its effects.
The vast expansion of government in the 1960’s took place due to the political system acquiescing to the interests of organized groups in societies that were able to impose their views on government (Denhardt, 2008). Government in turn created agencies to carry out the interests of those groups that it (government) took responsibility for.

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Lowi, Theodore, J. (1969)- The End of Liberalism: The Indictment

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Lowi, Theodore, J. (1969)- The End of Liberalism: The Indictment

Interest groups are a bad because they operate under the guise of democracy when truthfully they are only pursuing their own interests. Thus they are not a true representation for democratic wants. Being that they possess resources, they are powerful. Interests groups therefore negates true democratic power because they overshadow/overpower the voices of those who do not hold their own views and continually relegates some population group segments as marginalized. Therefore, solutions such as representative bureaucracy might be needed.
*See page 131 of Denhardt (2008) book.

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Lowi, Theodore, J. (1969)- The End of Liberalism: The Indictment

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Lowi, Theodore, J. (1969)- The End of Liberalism: The Indictment

WIKIPEDIA- Interest group liberalism is Theodore Lowi’s term for the clientelism resulting from the broad expansion of public programs in the United States, including those programs which were part of the “Great Society.”
Published in 1969, Lowi’s book was titled The End of Liberalism, and presented a critique of the role of interest groups in American government, arguing that “any group representing anything at all, is dealt with and judged according to the political resources it brings to the table and not for the moral or rationalist strength of its interest.” Lowi’s critique stood out in sharp contrast to theories of pluralism, championed by Robert Dahl and others, which argued that interest groups provide competition and a necessary democratic link between people and government.

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Lowi, Theodore, J. (1969)- The End of Liberalism: The Indictment

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
Lowi, Theodore, J. (1969)- The End of Liberalism: The Indictment

WIKIPEDIA-Classical pluralism is the view that politics and decision making are located mostly in the framework of government, but that many non-governmental groups use their resources to exert influence. The central question for classical pluralism is how power and influence is distributed in a political process. Groups of individuals try to maximize their interests. Lines of conflict are multiple and shifting as power is a continuous bargaining process between competing groups. There may be inequalities but they tend to be distributed and evened out by the various forms and distributions of resources throughout a population. Any change under this view will be slow and incremental, as groups have different interests and may act as “veto groups” to destroy legislation that they do not agree with. The existence of diverse and competing interests is the basis for a democratic equilibrium, and is crucial for the obtaining of goals by individuals

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Kingsley, Donald J. (1944)-Representative Bureaucracy: An Interpretation of the British Civil Service

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Kingsley, Donald J. (1944)-Representative Bureaucracy: An Interpretation of the British Civil Service
	The term representative bureaucracy was coined by Kingsley in a period before the New Public Administration emerged. Kingsley stated that the decisions emerging from bureaucratic agencies will more nearly approximate the wishes of the public if the staffs of those agencies reflect the demographic characteristics of the general population. Kingsley (a British writer) emphasized the reduction of bureaucratic dominance by an elite (upper & middle) class in Britain. When applied to the American experience, representative bureaucracy emphasized race, gender, and ethnic background (Denhardt, 2008).
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Kingsley, Donald J. (1944)-Representative Bureaucracy: An Interpretation of the British Civil Service

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Kingsley, Donald J. (1944)-Representative Bureaucracy: An Interpretation of the British Civil Service

Representative Bureaucracy and Cooptation (Selznick, 1949) is similar in that they both admonish democracy. However, representative bureaucracy differs from cooptation (Selznick, 1949) in that one does not want to gain consent of the entire demographic polity. In addition, cooptation does not make a distinction among demographic segments. Assumes that there is no disparity among demographic segments-indiscriminate.
On the other hand, representative bureaucracy (unlike cooptation) implies advocating on behalf of a particular group.
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Kaufman, Herbert (1969)-Decentralization and Political Power

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Kaufman, Herbert (1969)-Decentralization and Political Power

*Proposes that PA has promoted three incompatible values—representativeness, neutral competence, and executive authority.
The administrative history of government has over time witnessed a shift in emphasis on the three values of representativeness, political neutral competence, and executive leadership. Discontent/frustration among various groups and the feeling that they are inadequately represented by the government machinery drive the pursuit of any one of these values at a particular point in time. Despite any one of these values taking precedence, the other two are never completely disregarded. Additionally, regardless of how rigorously one of these values is enacted, it is never enacted to the extent that it’s most staunch advocate would prefer. Executive institutions of government is still highly fragmented despite efforts to strengthen neutral competence and executive leadership. Moreover, the ubiquity of the bureaucracy in people’s everyday lives create a feeling of helplessness and the inability to have their voices heard and enacted from government.

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Kaufman, Herbert (1969)-Decentralization and Political Power

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
Kaufman, Herbert (1969)-Decentralization and Political Power

Most importantly minority segments of the population feel that that political, economic, and social systems have not delivered to them fair share of the system’s benefits and rewards because they feel that they cannot obtain in a fair share through the way that current political institutions are constituted. The government system in its current configuration results in broad policies being made by elected officials which in turn results in the ability of officials and lower level employees to use discretion in policy enactment. Policies are sometime not enacted as individuals perceive because bureaucracies are stuck in their ways and too stubborn to change or because individuals/groups are often too optimistic.
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Kaufman, Herbert (1969)-Decentralization and Political Power

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
Kaufman, Herbert (1969)-Decentralization and Political Power

Solution 1: Since administrative agencies make a greater number of decisions that directly affects individual citizens, it is important that they increase representativeness by placing advocates of these minority groups in decision-making positions within the agency or on boards/commissions that make decisions that affect these groups

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Kaufman, Herbert (1969)-Decentralization and Political Power

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
Kaufman, Herbert (1969)-Decentralization and Political Power

Solution 2: Another way is to create a centralized complain bureau/agency (staffed by a full-time bureaucrat having adequate support staff) to look into, investigate, and address the grievances of marginalized groups.

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Kaufman, Herbert (1969)-Decentralization and Political Power

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
Kaufman, Herbert (1969)-Decentralization and Political Power

Solution 3: : Institute greater administrative decentralization so that decision making power is closer to where the people are rather than in remote centers. Decentralization is also defended on the grounds that it is more efficient and it facilitates popular participation. It will speed up decisions in the field without needing to refer back to headquarters and without losing coordination among field personnel in different bureaus. Consequently, as decentralization may result in fragmentation and competition among regional agencies for funding etc. and the development of political bases by agencies. As a result the cycle of advocating for more of the three values will once again emerge: Advocates will call for chief executives to be granted more control over these bureaucracies (strong centralized leadership) so as to reduce potential fragmentation. Furthermore, there will be a call for greater neutral competence because agencies having decentralized decision making power will be supported by stronger local political interests and influences thus requiring a greater call for neutral competence.

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Frederickson, George H. (1971)-Toward a New Public Administration

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Frederickson, George H. (1971)-Toward a New Public Administration
Frederickson posits that there is nothing new about NPA. He states that concerns about representativeness (a tenet of NPA) was alluded to be Kaufman (1949) and in the Jacksonian era.
NPA adds social equity to the classic objectives of PA (efficiency, centralization, effectiveness, executive authority etc.) and rationality. Social equity is defined as activities designed to enhance the political power and economic well-being of minorities. NPA posits that public administrators are not neutral and that they should be committed to good management and advocate on behalf of social equity. NPA seeks to enact legislative mandates efficiently and economically and well as improve the quality of life for all. The search for social equity provides Public Administration with a real normative base.

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Krislov, Samuel (1974)- Representative Bureaucracy

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
Krislov, Samuel (1974)- Representative Bureaucracy
*There is a need for more representativeness within the administrative structure.
Representative bureaucracy is where administrative structures is characterized by the presence or absence of representativeness, and the degree to which the structures have in fact been representative agencies. Blacks, Hispanics, and other groups feel continually disenfranchised. The American Republic was founded on the notion of ‘E Pluribus Unum” (out of many one) yet administrative practices did not demonstrate this. The problem first emerged because early attempts at developing were more concerned with developing an elite (well-educated, trained, professional) and respected administrative structure as opposed to a diverse administrative structure. Now that the bureaucracy has gained prestige and status, there is a need to admonish a more prevalent issue (that has usurped class). That is that there are issues of lines of division based on race, ethnicity, and gender. In order to gain credibility and legitimacy, bureaucracies should be representative of the citizenry (Denhardt, 2008).

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Krislov, Samuel (1974)- Representative Bureaucracy

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Krislov, Samuel (1974)- Representative Bureaucracy

Certain minority groups (more prominently Blacks) have continually been disenfranchised. In order to attack this issue and generate social change, government has placed within its positions members of those ethnic groups in order to impact policy outcomes that benefit minority groups.

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom, David H. (1984)-Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom, David H. (1984)-Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers
*Similar to Kaufman (1949) in that it introduces incompatible values within PA. However, unlike Kaufman, who states that the conflicting values of representativeness, neutral competence, and executive leadership are subject to routine conflicts that occur in subsequent phases and that a solution is not likely, Rosenbloom states that there is a chance for a reconciliation of those values.

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom, David H. (1984)-Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom, David H. (1984)-Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers

Public Administration faces a problem in that is has been derived from three differing values which have different traditions, emphasizes different values (managerial, political, legal), requires different organizational structures, and views individuals differently. This has resulted in PA being pulled in three different directions. Nonetheless, there is opportunity to reconcile these values without compromising political values.
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom, David H. (1984)-Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom, David H. (1984)-Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers

The managerial approach to PA emerged during the orthodoxy period and as proposed by Woodrow Wilson was predicated on the idea of the adoption of sound-business-like principles. The core values of this approach is efficiency (can do with the least energy), effectiveness (what government can do properly), and economy (can do with the least possible cost of human and financial resources). Was primarily concerned with efficiency, separating politics from administration, and the use of Scientific Management to attain efficiency and economy-one best way to do things at the least possible cost. Relies on the ideal-bureaucracy structure of hierarchy, specialization of tasks, merit-based promotion, politically-neutral administrator, and efficiency. Individuals are viewed as impersonal or mechanized. Clients i.e. citizens are also depersonalized in order to promote efficiency, economy and effectiveness because attempts to attend to the individual grievances of citizens will result in an impact of efficiency.
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom, David H. (1984)-Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom, David H. (1984)-Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers

The political approach to PA  is concerned with responsiveness of administrative agencies to elected officials particularly in a government where agencies are allotted some degree of autonomy/discretion. Unlike the managerial approach and its politics-administration dichotomy, the political approach is based on empirical reality, and the notion that administration does influence policy (Appleby, 1949). The political approach is concerned with the values of representativeness, political responsiveness, and accountability. The value of the political approach (accountability i.e. red tape, meeting with citizens, time consuming) can come into conflict with value of the managerial approach (efficiency and economy). Organizational structure is not vertical (like the management approach) but instead there are no clear lines of hierarchy/specialization/unity because agencies in a democratic/pluralistic state are accountable to many different actors-elected officials, interest groups, the courts, and the chief executive. In this view the individual is viewed as a member of an aggregate group and does not depersonalize the individual.
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom, David H. (1984)-Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom, David H. (1984)-Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers

The legal approach to PA is derived from three inter-related sources including: (1) administrative law as defined by White (1926) as the context that protects private rights, gives legitimacy to the bureaucracy, determines competencies of the administrator, and dictates the repercussions for violation of private rights; (2) Judicilization which brings administrative decision-making under the purview of administrative law and established procedure to safeguard individual rights; (3) Constitutional law to protect the rights of citizens from administrative decisions. The courts have sought to discourage administrators from violating individual citizen rights might making them less immune from civil suits for violating citizen rights. The legal approach is concerned with the values of due process, individual substantive rights, and equity/fairness. The organization structure is represented in the judicial trial/hearing and the individual is viewed as a unique individual with a unique set of circumstances i.e. every person is entitled to their day in court which allows the individual the opportunity to explain their individual circumstances. Hence the constitution is a means to ensure that the different branches of government does not abuse their prescribed powers.
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom, David H. (1984)-Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom, David H. (1984)-Public Administrative Theory and the Separation of Powers

Because the legitimacy of the three approaches are without question, the three approaches must all me maintained and reconciled so that a theoretical core of PA can be developed which encompasses values (political approach), organizational structure (managerial approach), and a focus on the individual (legal approach).
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

NPA-Mosher

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

NPA-Mosher 1968
Passive and Active Representation in new public administration.

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

CRITIQUE OF NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Frederickson (1979)
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

CRITIQUE OF NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Frederickson (1979) posits that there is nothing new about NPA. He states that concerns about representativeness (a tenet of NPA) was alluded to by Kaufman (1949) and in the Jacksonian era. The tenets of NPA are simply familiar concepts that have been repackaged.
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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

CRITIQUE OF NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom (1983)

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

CRITIQUE OF NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Rosenbloom (1983) presents PA as being derived from three primary approaches (managerial, political, legal). In particular, the political value represents values of representativeness, political responsivenss, and accountability which are all crucial to maintaining constitutional democracy in the contemporary bureaucratic state. While not necessarily critiquing, the political approach, Rosenbloom states that the values of the political approach are often in tension with the values of the managerial approach (efficiency, economy). For instance, consultation with citizen participants and be time consuming and thus less efficient. Additionally, budgeting (a managerial approach practice) may generate an excessive amount of become very costly and inefficient. Additionally, legislative control over agencies may also hamper the effectiveness of agencies.

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

CRITIQUE OF NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Denhardt (2008)

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NEW PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION

Denhardt (2008)
states that previous studies addressing the policy preferences of higher civil service indicate that there is a weak correlation between the back ground of these officials and their attitude (on policy preferences). It is fool-hardy to assume that a person coming from a particular group will represent the interest of that group when in fact they may represent the bureaucracy itself or professional groups of which they are a part of rather than the interests of the demographic group.