Migration Flashcards

1
Q

Hur har migrationen i Europa sett ut historiskt?

A

Migration och befolkningsförändringar

  • 1800-talets Europa svält gjorde att många emigrerade, fram till första världskriget hade 55 miljoner emigrerat
  • Efter det genomgick Europa ekonomisk utveckling och Nordamerika blev mindre attraktivt i och med migrationskontroll 1924 och finanskris 1929.
  • Babyboom efter andra världskriget men hängde inte med behovet av arbetskraft och började då uppmuntra immigration, invandring.
  • Tidigare koloniserade länder kunde då bistå framför allt i UK och samtidigt gjorde USA invandring svårare.
  • Inhemsk migration stimulerades av att Indien blev självständigt och många bröts upp från sina regioner. Inte fattiga regioner utan de med tradition inom internationell handel.
  • Bildandet av diasporas (grupp migranter) var också en pull-faktor.
  • Invandringen till UK nådde sin topp 1960-2 då hårdare regler för invandring trädde i kraft.
  • Mycket rasism och svårt att hitta arbete
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2
Q

Hur många migranter?

A

2010 beräknade FN att antalet internationella migranter låg på 213 miljoner. I mer utvecklade länder är 10% av befolkningen invandrare och det är ett netto-flöde på 2 miljoner människor mellan mer och mindre utvecklade länder.

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3
Q

Why migration?

A

Historically – has drastically changed the world
Global trend – the shear number 232 million migrants 2015
Driver of social change – has large implications ex. population size, western nations dependent on migrations for population growth,

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4
Q

2 Types of migration

A
  1. Forced – political instability, famine, civil conflict, environmental factors
  2. Voluntary – economic, safety/stability, education, family, lifestyle
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5
Q

Push-faktorer

A

Lack of jobs/poverty: Economic factors provide the main motivation behind migration. In fact, according to the International Labour Organization, approximately half of the total population of current international migrants, or about 100 million migrant workers, have left home to find better job and lifestyle opportunities for their families abroad (International Labour Office of the Director-General, 2008). In some countries, jobs simply do not exist for a great deal of the population. In other instances, the income gap between sending and receiving countries is great enough to warrant a move. India, for example, has recently experienced a surge in emigration due to a combination of these factors (Index Mundi 2012).

Environmental Problems: In recent years, the concept of “environmental refugees” has gained new importance, as global climate change and desertification have threatened the livelihoods of millions of people, causing many to leave home in search of new opportunities. “Environmental refugee”, a term coined by Essam El-Hinnawi, describes “people who have been forced to leave their traditional habitat, temporarily or permanently, because of a marked environmental disruption (natural and/or triggered by people) that jeopardizes their existence and/or seriously effects the quality of their life”
Desertification currently affects between 100 and 200 million people worldwide. In northern Africa, the region arguably most affected by this environmental trend, desertification threatens an additional 50 million inhabitants of land at risk of becoming uninhabitable due to climate change and poor farming techniques. This trend has led to a wave of North African migrants fleeing to Western Europe in order to escape crop failure and water shortage. Although many environmental refugees would like to make it to Western Europe, the vast majority end up migrating to neighboring countries, which tend to be some of the poorest in the world. In many of these places, refugees are seen as unwelcome guests, putting further strain on already scarce water and land supplies. This social mistrust and competition may escalate to further conflict and violence (Re-thinking Policies to Cope with Desertification, 2006).
According to Oxford-based environmental migration expert Norman Myers, when global climate change takes hold, “there could be as many as 200 million people overtaken by disruptions of monsoon systems and other rainfall regimes, by droughts of unprecedented severity and duration, and by sea-level rise and coastal flooding” (2008). Exposure to the negative effects of global climate change will, in many cases, lead to massive waves of migration. A striking example of this is the small island of Kiribati, whose 94,000 inhabitants risk being totally submerged in water by 2070, as sea levels continue to rise. In preparation for this outcome, the President of Kiribati, Anote Tong, has proposed a gradual resettlement program, which would see the population of Kiribati slowly relocated to neighboring islands such as New Zealand (Bedford, 2009).
Environmental refugees are a particularly difficult problem for governments and policy-makers to cope with due to the variety of environmental disasters that can have dramatic impacts on the forced migration of people. For example in Bangladesh, rising sea-levels and resulting floods have caused many people to flee across the border to India. On the other hand, in the Sudan, droughts have reduced sources of water for consumption and traditional agriculture, leaving many people without sufficient access to food or water and increasing conflict over these resources. Governments must be able to foresee and respond to these environmental issues, requiring time, money and organization. Additionally, as noted above, many of the states most gravely affected by environmental disasters and resulting migration are in the developing world, meaning they may lack resources to adequately address the detrimental effects of these crises.Environmental problems and natural disasters often cause the loss of money, homes, and jobs. In the middle of the 19th century, for example, Ireland experienced a famine never before seen in the country’s history. By late fall 1845, the main staple of the Irish diet, the potato, was practically wiped out. With the government not clear on how to respond, many people died of starvation. The famine killed hundreds of thousands and forced millions of Irish to flee. Between 1841 and 1851, the Irish population decreased by 1.6 million people, or approximately 17% of the total population, due to starvation and emigration (Daniels 2002).

Civil Strife/War/Political and Religious Persecution:
The Syrian Civil War, which began in the spring of 2011, provides an extreme example of the relationship between internal violence and the emigration of refugees. The war has included horrific violence between government forces and rebel groups attempting to overthrow the Assad regime, resulting in more than 80,000 deaths as well as extensive human rights atrocities (Abedine et al, 2013). As a result of the deteriorating conditions in Syria, which include the alleged use of chemical weapons, torture, civilian massacres and so on, Syrian citizens have fled in mass numbers. As of May 2013, more than four million Syrians were internally displaced and over 1.5 million had vacated the country to neighboring states as refugees.
Despite the existence of real conflicts such as the Syrian Civil War, however, the governments of many developed countries continue to treat would-be refugees and asylum-seekers as economic migrants looking for an easier way to escape poverty in the developing world. For example, the U.S. has declared that most Haitian emigrants are fleeing because of widespread impoverishment rather than the social and political strife that plague Haiti. As a result, the U.S. government does not afford certain privileges allocated to refugees to all Haitians arriving in the U.S. If Haitian immigrants come to the U.S. through unauthorized channels, which many do, they must pass a rigorous examination of their qualifications as refugees or asylum-seekers and if they fail, they are returned to Haiti.

Other push factors include “primitive” conditions, natural disasters, poor medical care, as well as slavery and political fear.

Framtida migrationsproblem: Miljöflyktingar

  1. 200 miljoner kan tvångsflyttas tom 2050, 150 miljoner klimatflyktingar
    - De som tvångsflyttas pga
    - naturkatastrofer
    - local miljö är hälsofarlig
    - grupper som måste flyttas på grund av minskning i markkvalitén så som ökenspridning
    - havsnivåförändring
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6
Q

Pull-faktorer

A

Higher standards of living/Higher wages:
Economic incentives provide both the biggest push and pull factors for potential migrants. People moving to more developed countries will often find that the same work they were doing at home is rewarded abroad with higher wages. They will also find a greater safety net of welfare benefits should they be unable to work. Migrants are drawn to those countries where they can maximize benefits.
For example, Mexican migrants coming to America do not move strictly to escape unemployment at home. In fact, during recent years the unemployment rate in Mexico has remained significantly lower than that of the U.S; in 2011, for example, the unemployment rate in Mexico was 5.2 percent, while in the U.S. it was 9 percent (Index Mundi). Even so, a sizeable wage gap exists between the U.S. and Mexico. In 1994, the North American Free Trade Agreement was implemented in the hopes of increasing wages in Mexico, among other goals. However, since this time there has been little evidence of wage convergence between the economies of the U.S. and Mexico, meaning that wages remain significantly higher in the U.S. for a large portion of the population (Hanson, 2003). Thus, Mexican migrants may come to the U.S. because they are attracted by the higher hourly wages, rather than the opportunity to find employment in general.

Labor Demand:
Almost all developed countries have found that they need migrants’ low skill labor to support their growing economies. While most manufacturing is now outsourced to developing nations, low skill employment opportunities are available in wealthy countries due to growing service sectors. These economies create millions of jobs that domestic workers may refuse to fill because of their low wages and minimal opportunity for professional advancement. Canada is an example of this trend; the country’s migrant population has nearly doubled over the past couple of years (Geddes, 2012).
It was the worst imaginable way to jolt Canadians toward noticing that low-wage foreign workers are an increasingly important segment of the country’s labour force. Ten workers, nine from Peru and one from Nicaragua, recruited to fill jobs vaccinating chickens, were killed, and three others badly injured, when their van ran a stop sign and collided with a truck at a rural crossroads in southwestern Ontario… When Stephen Harper’s Conservatives won power in 2006, 255,440 foreign temporary workers lived in Canada. By 2010, their ranks had expanded to 432,682 (Geddes, 2012).

Political and Religious Freedom:
Much like discrimination and persecution provide strong push factors for people to leave their home countries, the existence of tolerant government policies with regards to religion, race, political views and so on may make certain countries more attractive to potential migrants. This pull factor is especially relevant to those migrants who are escaping situations of persecution (and may be considered refugees, as noted above) though it can apply to other migrants as well.
With the expansion of telecommunications technology that has accompanied globalization, migrants have found it drastically easier to stay connected with the religious community that they left behind in their home country, thus making the decision to move away from home an easier one. In places where this “transnational religion” is promoted through financial institutions, sister congregations, community organizations, telecommunications infrastructure, and governmental tolerance, migration by religiously devout persons has followed. For example, a large Muslim community with strong ties to religious leaders and congregations in Pakistan and Bangladesh has sprung up in Britain; they have used their freedom of religious association to press local authorities for changes in religious rights and education.

Other pull factors include superior medical care or education, family links or simply a personal fondness of a certain place, whether it may be linked to culture, language, weather conditions or other influencing factors.

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7
Q

What are the impacts of migration:

A

Population (gains and losses)
-brain drain (the loss of trained and educated individuals to emigration. For example, there are currently more African scientists and engineers working in the U.S. than there are in all of Africa, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM).)

Economic – remittances (sending money back to developing countries)

In providing primarily for household livelihoods, remittances are spent on general consumption items in local communities that contribute to local economies by supporting small businesses. A fair share of these expenditures is directed to the construction of homes, health care and education, alongside savings in financial institutions, thereby generating employment in these critical services sectors. Moreover, in contributing to foreign exchange earnings, remittances can spur economic growth by improving sending countries’ creditworthiness and expanding their access to international capital markets (UNCTAD, 2011).

In Tajikistan, remittances from its cheap, unskilled labor force working abroad in countries like Russia, Kazakhstan, and Uzbekistan have helped the country rebound from the failures of a planned economy and government instability; remittances have accounted for around 50 percent of Tajikistan’s GDP in recent years (IMF Working Paper, 2006). Although the impact of remittances on developing countries is difficult to measure, one World Bank study has concluded that a one per cent increase in the share of remittances in a country’s GDP leads to a 0.4 per cent decline in poverty (UNFPA State of the World, 2008).

  • purchasing power, more jobs and higher costs
    Meanwhile, for developed countries, which are often on the receiving end of migration streams, the positive economic gains from immigration are largely the result of the infusion of inexpensive and eager laborers into the economy. In the U.S. and Canada, for example, migrant workers often fill low-wage jobs for which there is not enough local supply of labor, such as in the agricultural and service sectors. Just as cheap imports of industrial goods benefit the American economy, so too does the import of low-cost labor. Economists who support the notion of these positive gains claim that immigration has little impact on wages or job availability for domestic workers and that there is no correlation between immigration and U.S. income distribution and unemployment rates (Davies, 2011).
  • Family structure?

Political/social conflict –
integration, forming of Diasporas = segregation
Countries like the U.S, Argentina, and Brazil have always included large immigrant populations. Citizenship in those countries is based not on ethnic grounds but on a different sort of national identity in which commitment to certain values and ideas is paramount. But for many European countries, the nation is often defined in a cultural way—by a common language, heritage, and ethnicity. This raises important questions for countries that do not have long traditions of immigration. How long does an immigrant have to live in Germany to become a German? Can a person be French without speaking French? Should immigrants be forced to take citizenship classes that teach them “how to be Dutch”?

Indeed, cultural issues are a significant factor in the response of Europeans to global migration. In recent years, the European public has questioned the effect of immigration on culture and national identity. Fear and distrust of immigrants has fueled the creation and success of anti-immigrant political parties in several European countries. Many of these parties have linked social ills, such as unemployment and crime, to immigration.
The incorporation of many European countries into the European Union (E.U.) starting in the 1980’s (and continuing today) has streamlined internal migration policy in member states, so that citizens of these states may move relatively freely across national borders within the E.U. Some of these national boundaries lack any border security whatsoever. However, even within the E.U, states have maintained relatively inconsistent policies concerning “third-country nationals,” or citizens of non-E.U. nations (Givens and Luedtke, 2004). The amount of immigrants from outside the E.U. varies widely by nation, as do the laws that secure those migrants rights. In many cases, legal status is tied to employment in E.U. member states. This means that high unemployment rates resulting from the economic crisis have had the effect of stripping migrants of their authorized immigration status (Jonjic and Mavrodi, 2012).

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8
Q

What is the gravity model of migration?

A

The gravity model of migration is a model in urban geography derived from Newton’s law of gravity, and used to predict the degree of interaction between two places

When used geographically, the words ‘bodies’ and ‘masses’ are replaced by ‘locations’ and ‘importance’ respectively, where importance can be measured in terms of population numbers, gross domestic product, or other appropriate variables. The gravity model of migration is therefore based upon the idea that as the importance of one or both of the location increases, there will also be an increase in movement between them. The farther apart the two locations are, however, the movement between them will be less. This phenomenon is known as distance decay.
The gravity model can be used to estimate:
• Traffic flow
• Migration between two areas
• The number of people likely to use one central place

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9
Q

What are the 4 trends of migration?

A

The 4 trends of migration
Castles and Miller menar att de olika formerna av migration förändras och att vi träder in i en ”age of migration” – migrationen ändras på 4 olika sätt:

  1. Migration blir mer global. Fler länder påverkas och ökad mångfald.
  2. Migration ökar. Antal flytt ökar i volym i alla länder.
  3. Migration blir mer differentierad, och inte bara 1 typ av migration dominerar länders flöden men det är istället en kombination av migration pga arbete, familj, pension, tvångsäktenskap, studenter, permanenta, asylsökande
  4. Migration blir mer feminiserad med kvinnor som inte bara flyttar för deras familjer utan för att vara sina egna och arbeta, och även utgör större delen flyktingar (pga män i krig).

Efter sovjetunionens fall 1991 kunde flera röra sig, men det var först under 2004-2005 som EU expanderar västerut vilket innebär 75 miljoner fler EU-medborgare. Många andra EU länder försökte begränsa inflödet och hade speciella lagar för före detta sovjetiska migranter. Bara UK, Irland och Sverige införde ingen sådan lagstiftning.

Många högerextrema menar att det sätter press på välfärdssystemet och att invandring innebär arbetslöshet men det är snarare tvärt om. Majoriteten av invandrare är i arbetsför ålder.

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10
Q

Positiva och negativa konsekvenser av migration

A

Migration medför positiva liksom negativa följder. Immigration kan bli ett stort problem då människor med olika ursprung, kultur och värderingar möts i ett nytt samhälle. Ska samhället kräva anpassning och acklimatisering av de invandrade eller ska istället samhället anpassas för de invandrade? Integrationsprocessen kräver en del av inte bara invandrarna, utan av hela landets befolkning. Vilka förändringar är bra och vilka är dåliga, och vem bestämmer det? Kommer alla länder till slut se likadana ut? Många anser såklart att deras kultur och deras värderingar är de rätta; vilket lätt orsakar problem. Immigration kan lätt orsaka främlingsfientlighet.

De positiva effekterna är att vi får fler perspektiv på saker och ting, vi får med hjälp av varandra fler synvinklar och lösningar på olika problem. Vi lär oss att det finns fler än ett rätt svar och vi bildar därför lättare en egen uppfattning. Vi tar vara på andra människor och lär oss av varandra, vilket utvecklar inte bara individen, utan hela samhället.

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11
Q

Migration till Sverige under 2000-talet

A

Hela 1990- och 2000-talen har präglats av skarpa svängningar vad gäller migration till Sverige. Efter en stark nedgång 1996 har emel- lertid inflyttningen ökat stadigt, och 2007 uppgick den till den hög- sta noteringen i svensk migrationshistoria – 100 000 personer (Figur 2). Samtidigt har utflyttningen från Sverige minskat i takt med att migrationen har ändrat karaktär från arbetskrafts- till flykting- och anhörigmigration (Nilsson 2004). Det genomsnittliga antalet inflyt- tare till Sverige per år under 2000-talet var således 71 000 personer, inklusive svenska återflyttare. Antalet utflyttare var 37 000, vilket ger ett överskott på 34 000 personer per år.
Den stora ökningen av inflyttare till Sverige under 2006 och 2007 förklaras huvudsakligen av en tillfällig utlänningslag, som fick effekt för inflyttningen 2006, samt ett fördubblat antal asylsök- ande från Irak 2007 (Migrationsverket 2007). Utlänningslagen var i kraft under november 2005–mars 2006 och fick till följd att 17 000 personer fick uppehållstillstånd i Sverige. Lagen kom tillstånd efter att antalet asylsökande under perioden 2000–2004 hade ökat kraftigt, och ett stort antal ansökningar avslogs.
Thai migration to Sweden:
• 80% of migrants are women. 1/6 of foreign wives are Thai.
• Stigma/discourse around being subserviant – The Other.
• Often lives in rural areas unlike most immigrants.
• Most have a low level of education -> but this is a changing trend – now many have higher levels of education than their partners.
• 50% are married, 85% has partner, 15% single mothers
• Generally older women - Selfemployed
• Main driving force is marriage
• Rurality: 23% of Thai women compared to 17% of other foreigners. 1,7 times as likely to have a partner (with lower level of education usually)
• Power relations: active participants, changing the countryside, strategic marriages, transnational links

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12
Q

Svensk migration ur ett historiskt perspektiv

A

Sveriges migrationshistoria följer de allmänna dragen i den inter- nationella migrationshistorien. Under 1800-talet, och ända fram till första världskriget, präglades landet av stor utflyttning (Figur 2). Stora skaror lämnade den överbefolkade landsbygden för att söka lyckan på andra sidan Atlanten. Mellan 1850 och 1930 flyttade hela 1,5 miljoner svenskar till Nordamerika, och bland de yngre ålders- grupperna var utflyttningen hela 20 procent bland männen och 15 procent bland kvinnorna (Nilsson 2004). Toppåren inföll mot slutet av 1800-talet, när en kris i det svenska jordbruket sammanföll med högkonjunktur i USA. Bygder som Småland, Öland, Halland, Väs- tergötland, Östergötland, Dalsland, Värmland och Bergslagen, med särskilt hög utflyttning, måste ha präglats av uppbrottsstämning bland den unga befolkningen. Inflyttningen till Sverige var betyd- ligt mindre och bestod främst av återflyttande svenskar.

När levnadsförhållandena förbättrades i Sverige avtog emigra- tionen och sedan år 1930 har Sverige haft ett positivt flyttningsnetto. Direkt efter andra världskriget bestod invandringen av flyktingar från de krigsdrabbade, närmast omgivande länderna (Nilsson 2004). Från Norden kom ett stort antal flyktingar, som emellertid åter- vände ganska snart. Många av dem folkbokfördes aldrig och något exakt antal kan inte anges. Från Baltikum registrerades ett flertal flyktingar 1944–1947, varav många sedan fortsatte sin resa till USA av rädsla för att sändas tillbaka till Sovjetunionen i samband med den s.k. Baltutlämningen. Även från Polen och Tyskland kom flyktingar till Sverige. I samband med efterkrigstidens inflyttning började också en allt större del av emigrationen att bestå av åter- flyttande invandrare, snarare än svenskar.

Parallellt med detta började efterfrågan på arbetskraft göra sig gäl- lande i Sverige. Arbetskraftsinvandringen inleddes i liten skala 1945 och expanderade sedan kontinuerligt fram till 1970 (Nilsson 2004). Spontan inflyttning påbörjades från de nordiska länderna, men detta var inte tillräckligt och år 1947 inleddes ett organiserat rekryterings- arbete från svenska företag i Italien, Ungern och Österrike. Sam- manlagt flyttade 625 000 personer till Sverige 1950–1970, och anta- let utrikesfödda i Sverige tredubblades. Hela tiden skedde också en samtidig återflyttning. Den dominerande inflyttningen stod de finländska migranterna för. Mellan 1945 och 1976 flyttade sammanlagt 400 000 finländare till Sverige, varav cirka hälften stannade kvar (Reinans 1996). Vid sidan av detta kom även många inflyttare från f.d. Jugoslavien (Nilsson 2004). Ett fåtal svenska kommuner, bruks- och industriorter blev starkt präglade av arbetskraftsinvandringen. I Surahammar, som hade högst andelsmässig inflyttning, hade 22 procent av invånarna utländsk bakgrund år 1970.

Arbetskraftsmigrationen nådde sin kulmen 1970. Därefter föll den kraftigt, i samband med den ändrade efterfrågan på svensk arbetsmarknad. Istället har svensk migration, i likhet med andra traditionella immigrationsländer, främst präglats av flykting- och anhörigmigration (Nilsson 2004). Jämfört med tidigare decennier företogs under 1970- och 1980-talen endast liten inflyttning till Sver- ige. Samtidigt utvidgades det geografiska fältet av sändarländer, och medan den nordiska migrationen avtog flyttade man till Sverige från Asien och Sydamerika. Politiska oroligheter i Turkiet, Iran, Libanon och Syrien ledde till att många tvingades lämna sina länder, och militärkuppen i Chile 1973 utgjorde skälet till stora chilenska mi- grationsströmmar. Från Europa uppstod Polen som stort sändarland, efter politiska oroligheter 1982.

Under 1980- och 1990-talen förstärktes inslagen av flykting- och anhöriginflyttning till Sverige från Asien och Balkan (Nilsson 2004). 1985–2000 hade Sverige en nettoökning på 350 000 personer, vilket var en lika stor ökningstakt som på 1960-talet. Antalet asylsökande ökade under slutet av 1980-talet, och kulminerade 1989, då inträdes- reglerna tillfälligt förenklades. Därefter sjönk antalet asylsöknin- gar åter kraftigt. Invandring från Iran, Chile, Libanon, Polen och Turkiet fortsatte under slutet av 1980-talet, för att under 1990-talet överskuggas av den starka flyktingströmmen från konflikten på Bal- kan. Den enorma flyktingvågen gjorde att Sverige skärpte invandrin- gen därifrån 1993. Trots detta nådde inflyttningen en kulmen 1994 som översteg toppen 1970. Detta berodde på en ökning av familje- inflyttning, som består av både anhöriga till tidigare inflyttare samt av personer som gifter sig med svenskar. Sammantaget utgjorde den familjerelaterade migrationen till Sverige cirka hälften av all inflytt- ning till Sverige 2000–2006 (SCB).

Sammantaget mellan åren 1985 och 2000 har flyktinginvandring endast utgjort en tredjedel av all invandring till Sverige (Nilsson 2004). Anhöriginvandring, från personer utanför Norden, har istället utgjort dryga 40 procent och denna form av migration har ökat se- dan mitten av 1990-talet. Destinationen för migranter har i och med flykting- och anhöriginvandringen förändrats och är nu storstadsori- enterad istället för att rikta sig till industriorter. Vid sidan av gräns- kommunerna i Haparanda och Övertorneå, dit många finländare flyttar, hade år 2003 Botkyrka (33 procent), Södertälje (25 procent) och Malmö (25 procent) de högsta andelarna utrikesfödd befolkning.

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13
Q

Why Do People Migrate?

A

For economical, environmental, sociocultural or political reasons.

Migration can be voluntary or forced, temporary or permanent, national or international.

Population movements are driven and sustained by potential push and pull forces due to an imbalance in economic activities and opportunities.

Push factors are features of the home area which creates pressure and so causes people to move away. e.g. persecution, unemployment & poverty.

Pull factors operate at places outside of the migrant’s home area to attract individuals to a new location. e.g. political asylum, a promotion, high living standards in another area.

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