Week 5 Readings Flashcards

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1
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): What percentage of women married for the first time lived with their husbands before the wedding in the early 1960s?

A

Fewer than 3 percent.

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2
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): What societal reaction occurred in 1968 regarding a college student living with her boyfriend?

A

It touched off a national scandal.

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3
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): By the end of the 1970s, what percentage of first marriages began after premarital cohabitation?

A

Fewer than one-third.

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4
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): What was the trend in premarital cohabitation rates from the mid-1990s onwards?

A

Cohabiting before marriage became the norm, with around 70 percent of women marrying for the first time having lived with their husbands before marriage between 2011 and 2015.

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5
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): According to a 2015 national poll, what percentage of U.S. adults believed living together outside of marriage was unacceptable?

A

Only 17 percent.

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6
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): What does the forthcoming article in the journal Marriage & Family Review analyze?

A

It analyzes national data on over 13,000 women who married between 1956 and 2015, focusing on changes in characteristics of couples who live together before marriage.

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7
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): How did the characteristics of couples who cohabited before marriage change over time?

A

There has been a growing divide between Americans with a college degree and those with some or no college education regarding premarital cohabitation.

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8
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): What percentage of early cohabitors had less than a high school education between 1956 and 1985?

A

27 percent.

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9
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): What factors influenced the decision to cohabit before marriage among less educated and more educated women?

A

Less educated women may have delayed marriage for financial stability, while more educated women were likely participating in a countercultural trend from the sexual revolution.

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10
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): When did premarital cohabitation begin to grow most rapidly among the least educated Americans?

A

In the late 1980s, particularly between 1986 and 2000.

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11
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): What trend emerged regarding cohabitation rates among college-educated couples since 2000?

A

Cohabitation rates among the most educated couples have grown more slowly compared to less-educated groups.

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12
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): What was the relationship between educational background and cohabitation rates for women marrying directly without cohabiting?

A

More than 40 percent of women with a bachelor’s degree married without cohabiting, while fewer than 20 percent of women without a college education did so.

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13
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): How does religiosity correlate with direct marriages versus premarital cohabitation?

A

In 2011-2015, 73 percent of women who married without cohabiting attended religious services at least once a month, compared to only 46 percent of premarital cohabitors.

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14
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): What does research suggest about working-class couples compared to college-educated couples regarding cohabitation?

A

Working-class couples tend to move in together earlier in their relationships due to financial difficulties, while financial issues seldom influence college-educated couples’ decisions.

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15
Q

(Kuperberg: From Countercultural Trend to Strategy for the Financially Insecure): How has the relationship between premarital cohabitation and divorce changed over time?

A

From the 1950s to 1970s, cohabitators were more likely to divorce, but since 2000, premarital cohabitation has been associated with a lower divorce rate when controlling for factors like education and age.

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16
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): What has been reported for over 20 years regarding premarital cohabitation?

A

It is associated with an elevated risk of divorce.

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17
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): By how much has cohabitation increased in the past 50 years?

A

By more than 900 percent.

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18
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): What percentage of women aged 30 to 34 have cohabited with a male partner?

A

70 percent.

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19
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): What does Arielle Kuperberg’s research suggest about the age of moving in together?

A

The age when people move in together is a more important factor than whether they have a marriage license.

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20
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): What did Kuperberg find regarding divorce rates between cohabiting couples and those who did not cohabit before marriage?

A

There is no difference in divorce rates when compared by the age at which they move in together.

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21
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): What is the critical risk factor for divorce according to Kuperberg?

A

Early entry into marriage or cohabitation, especially before age 23.

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22
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): What does Sharon Sassler emphasize about moving in together?

A

The duration of involvement with a partner before moving in together may be more important than cohabitation itself.

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23
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): How do financial needs impact the cohabitation timeline for couples with less education?

A

They tend to move in together in less than half the time that college-educated couples take, potentially leading to poorer matches.

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24
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): What effect does an unintended pregnancy have on relationships?

A

It may lead couples to move in together or marry, increasing the likelihood of dissolution.

25
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): What do Kuperberg and Kristi Williams suggest about access to contraceptives and family planning?

A

Access is vital for healthy marriages and can reduce the risk of unintended pregnancies.

26
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): What findings did Evelyn Lehrer present regarding delaying marriage?

A

Delaying marriage until after age 23 decreases the chance of divorce, and delaying well past the average age does not increase divorce risk.

27
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): How has the average time couples dated before marriage changed since the 1950s?

A

In the 1950s, it was just six months, while now it varies significantly.

28
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): What trend did Stephanie Coontz highlight about the relationship between education and marriage?

A

The correlation between a woman’s educational level and her chance of being married has changed over the past 40 years.

29
Q

(Rutter: Cohabitation No Longer Predicts Divorce): How did the dynamics of relationships change in Australia regarding premarital cohabitation?

A

The added divorce risk from premarital cohabitation declined over time, and it has reduced the risk of separation in recent years.

30
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): What is the primary focus of the article?

A

The article examines how gender influences cohabitation experiences and perceptions among individuals.

31
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): How do the authors define cohabitation in the context of their study?

A

Cohabitation is defined as a living arrangement where an unmarried couple shares a residence, typically in a romantic relationship.

32
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): What are some key demographic trends in cohabitation mentioned in the article?

A

The article notes an increase in cohabitation rates, with variations based on age, socioeconomic status, and educational attainment.

33
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): According to the authors, how does gender affect the motivations for cohabitation?

A

Women often cohabit with expectations of commitment and relationship stability, while men may view cohabitation as a step toward independence and flexibility.

34
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): What role does societal perception play in shaping individuals’ views on cohabitation?

A

Societal norms and values can influence how cohabitation is perceived, with some viewing it as a legitimate relationship option while others consider it socially unacceptable.

35
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): How do the authors address the concept of relationship dynamics within cohabiting couples?

A

The article explores how gender influences communication styles, conflict resolution, and power dynamics in cohabiting relationships.

36
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): What qualitative methods did the authors use to gather data for their study?

A

The authors conducted in-depth interviews with cohabiting couples to explore their experiences and perceptions.

37
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): How do the authors discuss the implications of cohabitation on future marriage prospects?

A

The article suggests that cohabitation can serve as a pathway to marriage for some, while for others, it may lead to uncertainty regarding long-term commitment.

38
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): What differences in cohabitation experiences do the authors find between men and women?

A

Men often emphasize the practical benefits of cohabitation, while women are more likely to express emotional and relational concerns.

39
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): How do the authors relate their findings to existing literature on gender and relationships?

A

They connect their results to broader sociological theories that examine how gender shapes relationship norms and expectations.

40
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): What implications do the authors suggest their findings have for policymakers?

A

The findings indicate a need for policies that support cohabiting families, acknowledging their increasing prevalence and diverse experiences.

41
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): How do the authors suggest further research could enhance understanding of cohabitation?

A

They recommend more studies exploring the intersection of race, class, and gender in cohabitation to capture a fuller picture of this phenomenon.

42
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): What is one potential limitation of the study noted by the authors?

A

The sample may not be representative of all cohabiting couples, as it primarily focuses on individuals from specific demographic backgrounds.

43
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): How do the authors describe the emotional labor associated with cohabitation?

A

The article highlights that women often engage in more emotional labor, managing relationship dynamics and emotional well-being within the partnership.

44
Q

(Huang: He Says, She Says): What future trends in cohabitation do the authors anticipate based on their research findings?

A

The authors predict that cohabitation will continue to evolve, with increasing acceptance and diverse forms influenced by changing gender norms and societal values.

45
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): What is the primary research question addressed in the article?

A

The article investigates whether the rise in cohabitation compensates for the decline in marriage rates in the United States.

46
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): How do Manning, Brown, and Payne define cohabitation?

A

Cohabitation is defined as an arrangement where two individuals live together in a long-term relationship without being legally married.

47
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): What trends in marriage and cohabitation rates are observed in the U.S. over the past few decades?

A

There has been a decline in marriage rates and an increase in cohabitation rates, particularly among younger adults.

48
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): What data sources do the authors utilize in their research?

A

The authors use data from the National Longitudinal Surveys (NLS) and the Current Population Survey (CPS) to analyze trends in marriage and cohabitation.

49
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): What demographic factors do Manning, Brown, and Payne consider in their analysis?

A

They consider factors such as age, education, race, and socioeconomic status when examining marriage and cohabitation trends.

50
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): How does cohabitation affect individuals’ attitudes toward marriage, according to the article?

A

The authors suggest that cohabitation may alter individuals’ perceptions of marriage, with some viewing it as a more flexible or less formal commitment.

51
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): What are the potential benefits of cohabitation discussed in the article?

A

Potential benefits include emotional support, financial sharing, and the opportunity to test compatibility before marriage.

52
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): What are the limitations of cohabitation compared to marriage mentioned in the study?

A

Limitations include fewer legal protections and benefits, potential instability, and lower levels of commitment associated with cohabiting relationships.

53
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): According to the article, what is the relationship between education level and cohabitation?

A

The study finds that individuals with higher education levels are more likely to cohabit, as they may prioritize financial stability before marriage.

54
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): How do the authors evaluate whether cohabitation compensates for marriage decline?

A

They analyze demographic trends and assess whether increases in cohabitation correspond to declines in marriage across various population segments.

55
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): What conclusions do Manning, Brown, and Payne draw regarding cohabitation as a substitute for marriage?

A

The authors conclude that while cohabitation has increased, it does not fully compensate for the decline in marriage, as it often reflects different relationship dynamics.

56
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): How does the article address the impact of cohabitation on children?

A

The authors discuss the implications of cohabitation for children, including potential instability and differences in outcomes compared to children raised in married households.

57
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): What future research directions do Manning, Brown, and Payne suggest?

A

They suggest exploring the long-term outcomes of cohabiting relationships, particularly regarding family stability and children’s well-being.

58
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): How do cultural attitudes towards marriage and cohabitation influence trends, according to the authors?

A

Changing cultural norms, including views on individualism and gender roles, contribute to the increasing acceptance of cohabitation over traditional marriage.

59
Q

(Manning: Does Cohabitation Compensate for Marriage Decline): What policy implications do the findings of the article suggest?

A

The findings highlight the need for policies that recognize cohabiting relationships and their unique challenges, especially in areas like child support and healthcare access.