Week 3 Readings Flashcards
1
Q
(Chapter 6): How is childhood conceptualized in the article?
A
Childhood is a social and cultural construct that varies by region, class, and historical era, not an unchanging, biologically determined stage of life.
2
Q
(Chapter 6): How has the experience of childhood changed over the past four centuries?
A
Aspects like child-rearing methods, children’s play, schooling, work participation, and the transitions between childhood, adolescence, and adulthood have shifted significantly.
3
Q
(Chapter 6): What questions does the history of childhood address about modern childhood?
A
It provides perspective on whether children’s well-being has declined, if they are growing up faster than before, and if the U.S. is child-friendly.
4
Q
(Chapter 6): How is childhood romanticized in contemporary American culture?
A
Childhood is seen as a time of carefree innocence, where children should play freely, away from adult responsibilities.
5
Q
(Chapter 6): How has parenting changed in terms of children’s development?
A
Many middle-class parents engage in intensive parenting, purchasing educational toys and organizing activities to cultivate their children’s talents and skills.
6
Q
(Chapter 6): What change in children’s marketing is noted in the article?
A
Marketers are increasingly targeting children, previously an approach reserved for adults.
7
Q
(Chapter 6): How was childhood viewed in colonial America?
A
Children were considered “adults-in-training,” and parents aimed to rush children through infancy and into adult responsibilities as quickly as possible.
8
Q
(Chapter 6): What was the perception of infancy in colonial America?
A
Infants were seen as deficient in key human traits like standing and speaking, and parents actively discouraged crawling and focused on early work involvement.
9
Q
(Chapter 6): How did perceptions of childhood change by the 18th century?
A
Childhood began to be viewed as a time of innocence and play, with parents sheltering children from contamination and treating it as a distinct life stage.
10
Q
(Chapter 6): What was the role of work in children’s lives in early America?
A
Children were involved in work early on, contributing to their family’s economy either through household work or external labor.
11
Q
(Chapter 6): How did changes in birthrate impact childhood in the 19th century?
A
Fewer children meant more parental attention and resources were directed toward each child, while distinct generational divides became clearer.
12
Q
(Chapter 6): How did middle-class child-rearing practices evolve in the 19th century?
A
Middle-class parents began to view childhood as a time for education and character building, with play fostering moral growth.
13
Q
(Chapter 6): What concept of child-rearing emerged by the late 19th century?
A
Scientific parenting emerged, focusing on structured routines and medical advice, such as Dr. Holt’s recommendations for feeding and managing infants.
14
Q
(Chapter 6): What is adolescence according to the child study movement?
A
Adolescence was ‘discovered’ as a separate stage marked by emotional and psychological changes, linked to biological changes during puberty.
15
Q
(Chapter 6): How did the early 20th century shift ideas about childhood?
A
The middle-class model of childhood, emphasizing insulation from adult responsibilities and prolonging adolescence, became the societal norm.
16
Q
(Chapter 6): When was child labor finally outlawed in the U.S.?
A
Child labor was outlawed in the 1930s, but only in the 1950s did high school attendance become a universal experience.
17
Q
(Chapter 6): What role did child psychology play in the 1920s and 1930s?
A
It introduced new concepts like sibling rivalry and phobias, and helped categorize children’s developmental stages, influencing middle-class parenting.
18
Q
(Chapter 6): How did middle-class parents in the 18th century refer to themselves?
A
Children began calling their parents “papa” and “mama” instead of formal titles like “sir” and “madam.”
19
Q
(Chapter 6): What was a notable change in children’s furniture by the 18th century?
A
Furniture designed specifically for children was widely produced, reflecting a growing notion of childhood as a time of innocence and playfulness.
20
Q
(Chapter 6): How does postmodern childhood differ from the ideal of a protected childhood?
A
Postmodern children are independent consumers, participate in a semiautonomous youth culture, and are exposed to adult realities earlier.
21
Q
(Chapter 6): What factors contributed to a rise in parental anxieties about child-rearing since the 1970s?
A
Fewer children per family, greater professional expertise on child safety, media attention on child welfare, and a focus on child safety increased parental anxiety.
22
Q
(Chapter 6): How did middle-class parents try to protect their children during the postwar era?
A
They baby-proofed homes, used car seats, bicycle helmets, and sought to maximize their children’s physical, social, and intellectual development.
23
Q
(Chapter 6): What is the difference between postwar parents and modern middle-class parents in child-rearing goals?
A
Postwar parents aimed to raise normal children, while modern parents seek to give their children a competitive advantage.
24
Q
(Chapter 6): How does society view early childhood today compared to the past?
A
Early childhood is now seen as a formative stage for later life, with society believing it molds personality and future cognitive, psychological, and emotional development.
25
(Chapter 6): What are the class differences in parenting practices, according to Annette Lareau?
Middle-class parents actively stimulate their children’s development through structured activities, while working-class parents believe development occurs naturally and allow more unstructured play.
26
(Chapter 6): How do middle-class and working-class parents differ in communication with their children?
Middle-class parents converse more, read to their children more, and reason with them, while working-class parents enforce rules more and allow free play.
27
(Chapter 6): What remains the primary determinant of children’s well-being today?
Social and economic class is the most powerful predictor of children's well-being, affecting access to resources, healthcare, and family stability.
28
(Chapter 6): How does the experience of childhood differ for affluent children compared to those living in poverty?
Affluent children experience organized, pressured childhoods, while children in poverty face limited supervision, inadequate schooling, and a lack of access to enriching activities.
29
(Chapter 6): How does nostalgia misrepresent the reality of childhood in the past?
Nostalgia whitewashes the past, ignoring the hardships most children faced, such as child labor, early death, family instability, and a lack of education.
30
(Chapter 6): How has the concept of childhood changed over the past century?
The idea of a long childhood devoted to education and free from adult responsibilities only became a reality for most children after World War II.
31
(Chapter 6): What is the historical reality of family stability in America?
Family stability has been rare, with many children spending time in single-parent homes or living away from both parents even as recently as the early 20th century.
32
(Chapter 6): What are the genuine gains in children’s lives in recent history?
Outlawing child labor, expanding schooling, and raising awareness about child abuse have been significant improvements.
33
(Chapter 6): What challenges do children face today in contrast to earlier periods?
Children today contend with family instability, disconnection from adults, and rigid academic expectations, even as the attainment of full adulthood is delayed.
34
(Chapter 6): What is the “ecology of poverty,” and how does it affect poor children?
The "ecology of poverty" refers to poor living conditions, inadequate schooling, unstable housing, and exposure to violence, leading to poor developmental outcomes.
35
(Chapter 6): What psychological violence does Daniel Kline argue children face today?
Kline identifies three forms: unrealistic expectations, labeling normal behavior as pathological, and the exploitation of children by marketers and media.
36
(Chapter 6): What is the fourth form of psychological abuse identified in the article?
Viewing children as objects to be shaped and molded by adults for their own good, reflecting an institutional control over the young.
37
(Chapter 6): What paradox exists in American society’s treatment of children?
Despite considering itself child-centered, America has high rates of child poverty, limited childcare, and inadequate parental leave compared to other advanced nations.
38
(Chapter 6): How have child-related institutions historically served the interests of adults?
Historically, child-related institutions like schools and labor reforms were structured to serve adult interests. Schools kept children occupied, allowing parents to work, while labor reforms reduced competition for adult jobs by removing children from the workforce. Additionally, dividing children into age-based groups helped businesses create distinct market segments for profit. Though these institutions appeared to benefit children, they often prioritized adult economic and social needs.
39
(Chapter 6): What lesson can be learned from the history of childhood in America?
Despite societal changes, the United States has not adequately adapted its social institutions to new realities, like the faster maturation of children and the prevalence of single-parent households.
40
(Chapter 6): What are some critical questions to ask for improving childhood in the 21st century?
How can we better care for poor children, connect adults with the young, and provide healthier developmental environments without stifling freedom or creativity?
41
(Chapter 7): What defined most marriages among African American professionals since the late 19th century?
A long tradition of dual-career partnerships.
42
(Chapter 7): How does the model of dual-career partnerships in African American marriages compare to that of white marriages?
It was relatively new for whites and often overlooked by historians and social scientists.
43
(Chapter 7): When did dual-career marriages begin to emerge in the black professional community?
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries.
44
(Chapter 7): What was a key difference between white and black women regarding employment in the late 19th century?
Married black females often combined care for their families with employment, while many white women did not work outside the home.
45
(Chapter 7): How did industrial capitalism affect white women's view of marriage?
Marriage became an attractive alternative to working, as women were seen as fragile, delicate, and needing economic support.
46
(Chapter 7): What did Susan B. Anthony say about Ida B. Wells-Barnett’s activism after her marriage?
She lamented that Wells-Barnett’s activism suffered after she married and had children.
47
(Chapter 7): Who was Ida B. Wells-Barnett’s husband, and what role did he play in their marriage?
Ferdinand Barnett, a Chicago attorney who supported Wells-Barnett’s career and helped at home.
48
(Chapter 7): How did Ida B. Wells-Barnett balance activism and motherhood?
With the help of household help and by traveling with her baby while campaigning.
49
(Chapter 7): What percentage of black women activists were married by the end of the 19th century, according to historian Linda Gordon?
85% of black women activists were married, compared to only 34% of white women activists.
50
(Chapter 7): What was one reason white women had fewer marriage prospects after the Civil War?
A large number of white men were killed or disabled during the war.
51
(Chapter 7): Why did black men suffer fewer casualties during the Civil War compared to white men?
Black men were rarely allowed to bear arms, despite enlisting in the Union army.
52
(Chapter 7): How did white and black women differ in their views on women's economic dependence on men in the late 19th century?
White women generally saw economic dependence as desirable, while black women like Anna Julia Cooper advocated for egalitarian marriages and earning livelihoods.
53
(Chapter 7): What perspective did Anna Julia Cooper offer regarding marriage for black women?
She believed black women should earn a livelihood to avoid dependence on marriage for physical support.
54
(Chapter 7): How were black female activists viewed within their own community compared to white female activists?
They were seen more favorably because they fought for the greater good of the black community, not just women’s rights.
55
(Chapter 7): What did historian Stephanie J. Shaw find about the marital status of professional black women from the 1870s to the 1950s?
74% were married at least once, and 51% had professional husbands.
56
(Chapter 7): How did the socialization of affluent black women in leadership differ from white women?
Affluent Black women in leadership were socialized to view domesticity as complementary to public success, unlike many white women, who were often encouraged to choose between the two. For Black women, balancing both family and career roles was seen as a source of strength and pride, allowing them to succeed in both spheres without conflict. This perspective contrasts with the more binary approach white women in leadership often faced regarding domestic and public life.
57
(Chapter 7): How did Ida B. Wells view motherhood in relation to her activism?
Although she did not long for children, she believed having children helped develop her womanhood.
58
(Chapter 7): How did white activist Alice Freeman Palmer's career change after announcing her engagement?
She resigned as president of Wellesley College to marry George Palmer.
59
(Chapter 7): What challenges did Antoinette Louisa Brown Blackwell face after marriage?
She struggled to combine marriage, motherhood, and her intellectual work, often giving up public speaking while raising her children.
60
(Chapter 7): What did Antoinette Louisa Brown Blackwell advocate for married women?
Part-time work, with husbands helping out with child care and housework.
61
(Chapter 7): How did the abolition of slavery change black family life?
Freed slaves began creating communities, establishing institutions, and shared a common dream of living as free people.
62
(Chapter 7): What right did freed slaves particularly welcome after emancipation?
The right to marry, which had been denied to them during slavery.
63
(Chapter 7): What impact did Ida B. Wells-Barnett's anti-lynching campaign have on the black women's club movement?
It fostered the growth of black women's clubs as they organized to discuss social concerns.
64
(Chapter 7): What was the outcome of Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin's circulation of John W. Jacks's derogatory letter about black women?
It led to the first national conference of black women and the formation of the National Association of Colored Women (NACW).
65
(Chapter 7): What was the societal view on intelligent women at the turn of the century?
Society feared that intelligent women would develop masculine characteristics.
66
(Chapter 7): How did the black community view intelligence and femininity among women?
They did not regard intelligence and femininity as conflicting values.
67
(Chapter 7): What trend did black women experience regarding social mobility during this era compared to white women?
About 90% of middle- to upper-class black women were born into working-class families, compared to 35% of white women.
68
(Chapter 7): What were two primary reasons black women went to college during this time?
To train for a vocation and to prepare for marriage and family life.
69
(Chapter 7): What term did Anna Julia Cooper use to describe the marriages of prominent black women?
She described them as partnerships on a plane of intellectual equality.
70
(Chapter 7): What percentage of black women made up black professionals in 1960, according to Jessie Bernard?
Black women made up 60.8% of black professionals, while white women made up 37.2% of the white professional class.
71
(Chapter 7): What did Andrew Hacker find about black women’s representation among professionals by the late 20th century?
Black women constituted 65.1% of black professionals, while white women increased to 52.6% of white professionals.
72
(Chapter 7): What did surveys show about educational attainment for black and white women between 1975 and 2000?
Black women’s educational attainment increased, but a racial gap persisted, with 19% of black women holding college degrees versus over 30% of white women.
73
(Chapter 7): What is the "marriage squeeze" and how does it affect black women?
The "marriage squeeze" refers to fewer eligible black men being available for marriage, leading to lower marriage rates and higher divorce rates for black women.
74
(Chapter 7): How has the interracial marriage rate changed since the Loving v. Virginia decision?
Black/white interracial marriages increased from 51,000 in 1960 to 363,000 in 2000.
75
(Chapter 7): What was a key finding from the College and Beyond (C&B) database regarding black and white graduates' marriage patterns?
Black college-educated women had lower marriage rates (51%) compared to white women (77%) and higher divorce rates.
76
(Chapter 7): What financial difference exists between black and white women graduates' households?
Black women graduates earned 6% more personally than white women but had lower household incomes due to their husbands earning less.
77
(Chapter 7): What did Bart Landry find about black versus white husbands’ contributions to household chores?
Black husbands spent more time on household chores (22.2 hours) compared to white husbands (18.4 hours).
78
(Chapter 7): How does C. Wright Mills differentiate between personal troubles and public issues?
Personal troubles are individual issues like joblessness, while public issues reflect broader societal patterns like widespread joblessness.
79
(Chapter 7): How have African Americans contributed to shaping modern marriage?
African Americans have helped shape modern egalitarian marriage, where partners are equals, though economic circumstances have added challenges.
80
(Chapter 8): What are some common definitions of family?
Family can be defined as "parents and children, whether living together or not," "any group of persons closely related by blood," or "a basic unit of society consisting of two or more adults joined by marriage and cooperating in child-rearing."
81
(Chapter 8): How did historical perspectives of family differ from the modern view?
Historically, family definitions varied by social class; European nobility viewed family as a larger kinship group tied to privilege, while the middle class emphasized co-residence under a household head. By the mid-19th century, "family" typically referred to a married couple with their co-resident children.
82
(Chapter 8): How can biological definitions of family vary across cultures?
In some Indigenous cultures, a woman may marry all her husband’s brothers, with social rather than biological criteria determining fatherhood. Additionally, matrilineal and patrilineal societies may exclude spouses from being considered family.
83
(Chapter 8): What did anthropologist J. P. Murdock define as a family?
Murdock described family as a social unit sharing residence, economic cooperation, and reproduction, though this definition may not apply to all groups, such as the Yoruba in Africa, where finances remain separate.
84
(Chapter 8): How do emotional meanings within families vary?
Cultural differences affect views on bonding; for example, in some matrilineal societies, men may have closer ties to their nephews than their sons, with maternal uncles having significant influence over children.
85
(Chapter 8): What is the significance of different family structures in society?
Various family structures coexist within societies, reflecting social classes and cultural practices. The "normal" family often aligns with dominant societal interests, while alternative arrangements may exist among marginalized groups.
86
(Chapter 8): How did family systems differ in early America?
Distinct family systems emerged among Native Americans, European settlers, and enslaved Africans, with Native Americans organizing kinship without property ownership, while European families operated within a market economy and centralized state.
87
(Chapter 8): What impact did European colonization have on Native American family systems?
The arrival of European colonists decimated Indigenous kin networks due to disease and forced displacement, leading to a shift in social dynamics where young males gained prominence over elders and women.
88
(Chapter 8): How did enslaved Africans adapt their family structures?
Enslaved Africans maintained kinship ties through adoptive practices and focused on child-centered systems despite the disruption caused by slavery, forced relocations, and family separations.
89
(Chapter 8): What changes occurred in family structures during the emergence of the market economy?
The late 18th century saw traditional family structures shift, with increased economic dependence and the separation of home and work, leading to reorganization of labor divisions and changes in family life.
90
(Chapter 8): How did the ideal of family life evolve by the Civil War?
By the Civil War, the middle-class ideal of family emerged, characterized by smaller families and emotional involvement in child-rearing, although legal and economic authority remained with men.
91
(Chapter 8): What were the five major changes in family modernization identified by Michael Katz?
1. Separation of home and work
2. Reduction to nuclear families
3. Decline in marital fertility
4. Longer residence of children in parental homes
5. Increased duration of marital life after children left home.
92
(Chapter 8): How did the turn of the twentieth century affect family life?
At the start of the twentieth century, new technology and mass production changed family life. Factories took over much of the work that was once done at home, which shifted family roles. Children stayed in school longer instead of working, and families started buying more products as part of a growing consumer economy. These changes significantly affected how families lived and worked together.
93
(Chapter 8): What shift occurred in family emotional life in the 1920s?
Emotional life shifted from family ties to the husband-wife bond, emphasizing companionship and sexual satisfaction, leading to increased premarital sexual experimentation and higher divorce rates.
94
(Chapter 8): How did the Great Depression and World War II influence family dynamics?
The Great Depression and WWII temporarily alleviated concerns about family stability, but post-war, many women preferred to remain in the workforce, leading to a rise in unwed motherhood and divorce rates.
95
(Chapter 8): What characterized family life in the 1950s and early 1960s?
The 1950s and early 1960s saw a surge in female labor participation as women sought to combat poverty, despite expressing satisfaction in their marriages and a desire for better opportunities for their daughters.
96
(Chapter 8): How did the women’s liberation movement impact family narratives?
The women’s liberation movement highlighted diverse family experiences and shifted narratives away from the idealized suburban family, contributing to a complex landscape for family dynamics.
97
(Chapter 8): What tensions arose in family dynamics during the economic struggles of the 1970s?
Economic contractions necessitated paid work for many mothers, creating tensions with traditional marital norms as social freedoms for women and youth emerged, leading to evolving family dynamics.
98
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): How was marriage viewed in the early 20th century in terms of emotional and sexual fulfillment?
Marriage began to be seen as essential for emotional and sexual fulfillment, particularly as concerns about family life grew.
99
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): What was the societal trend regarding marriage and domestic roles during the 1950s?
Nearly everyone was marrying and embracing domestic roles, reflecting a focus on sexual behavior and family life.
100
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): What concerns influenced the promotion of heterosexuality as the only "normal" form of sexual expression in post-war Canada?
In post-war Canada, promoting heterosexuality as the only "normal" form of sexuality was seen as a way to maintain social stability. The government and other leaders believed that traditional family roles, with men working and women staying home, would help rebuild society after the war. They felt that sticking to these roles would prevent social problems and keep society stable, so any other types of relationships were viewed as a threat to this order.
101
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): How did the Cold War influence the perception of the nuclear family?
The nuclear family became a symbol of security against external threats, with family life central to national well-being.
102
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): What role did the RCMP play in post-war Canada regarding moral standards?
The RCMP conducted security screenings, identifying civil service individuals as risks based on potential moral "failings," such as homosexuality or extramarital affairs.
103
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): How were homosexuals perceived in post-war Canada?
They were considered security threats susceptible to blackmail, reflecting broader anxieties about morality and the nuclear family.
104
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): What were the societal views on divorce rates and working mothers in post-war Canada?
They were seen as threats to the idealized nuclear family model, which was viewed as essential for national stability.
105
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): How did immigration influence post-war Canadian family norms?
Differing family structures among immigrants raised concerns, prompting authorities to push for assimilation to Canadian middle-class family norms.
106
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): What social disapproval faced couples without children in post-war North America?
They faced criticism, as parenthood was framed as a sign of maturity and adherence to gender roles.
107
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): What pressure did infertile couples experience in post-war society?
Infertile couples were ridiculed, reflecting the societal expectation to conform to family norms.
108
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): What was emphasized in marriages during the 1950s regarding sexual compatibility?
Sexual compatibility was viewed as essential for emotional fulfillment within marriage.
109
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): How did women's workforce participation impact traditional gender roles in the 1950s?
While some movement toward egalitarian marriages occurred, traditional expectations persisted, with women primarily responsible for domestic duties.
110
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): What contradictions did men face in post-war society regarding family responsibilities?
Men faced pressures from corporate culture that conflicted with their family responsibilities, leading to frustration.
111
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): What societal changes were observed in North America during the late 1940s and 1950s regarding sexual behavior?
Despite marriage being the only socially accepted context for sexual activity, signs of sexual liberalization emerged, including increased support for sex education.
112
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): What was the significance of the Kinsey Reports on human sexuality?
The Kinsey Reports, published by Dr. Alfred Kinsey in the late 1940s and early 1950s, were groundbreaking studies on human sexual behavior. The first report, Sexual Behavior in the Human Male (1948), focused on men's sexual practices, and the second, Sexual Behavior in the Human Female (1953), examined women's. These studies used large-scale surveys to reveal that many people engaged in behaviors like premarital sex and homosexuality, challenging traditional ideas of "normal" sexuality and sparking public interest and controversy, ultimately opening up new conversations about human sexuality.
113
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): How did society react to the male and female volumes of the Kinsey Reports?
The male volume was popular, selling 200,000 copies quickly, while the female volume faced moral backlash, reflecting discomfort with discussions of women's sexuality.
114
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): What was the idealized family structure during the Cold War, according to the article?
The heterosexual nuclear family was idealized as the cornerstone of social stability.
115
(Adams: Sexuality and the Post-war Domestic “Revival”): How did societal tensions define normality and deviance regarding sexuality in post-war Canada?
In post-war Canada, societal tensions between traditional values and emerging modern perspectives greatly influenced perceptions of sexuality. The ideal of a stable, nuclear family, with sex confined to marriage, was promoted as the norm, reflecting broader efforts to return to pre-war domestic stability. Sexual behaviors outside of marriage, such as premarital sex or homosexuality, were labeled as deviant and unacceptable. These views were reinforced by both social institutions and cultural narratives, which emphasized that proper sexual conduct was essential for maintaining moral order and a healthy family structure.
