Test 2 Flashcards

1
Q

problems with models of political development?

A

Sociological model:

oOverly deterministic
oWhat is the mechanism by 
  which groups vote?
oUnderplays the role of 
  parties themselves
oDifficulty in explaining de/re- 
  alignment
Michigan model:
o Most western democracies 
   have undergone “de- 
   alignment”
o Increase in proportional 
   representation systems 
   problematic
o Difficult to generalize 
   outside of the US (two-party 
   democracy)
Symbolic politics:
o What is a symbol? What is 
   rational? Assumption of 
   exclusivity
o Alternate explanations (e.g. 
    RGCT)
o Foolish (IMHQ) to assume 
   such a special process for 
   politics
Rational choice:
o “Impoverished” view of 
    humanity in general
o Works in economics but not 
   in other transactions.
   "Why do people vote at all?”
o Limited evidence
o Alternative explanations 
   (e.g. vote symbolic of class 
   conflict)
o Party ID- costs of bad vote 
   greater than wrong choice 
   of power.
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2
Q

Converse argues to replace ___ with ___

A

ideology with belief systems

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3
Q

Converse’s definition of a belief system?

A

We define a belief system as a configuration of ideas and attitudes in which the elements are bound together by some form of constraint or functional interdependence.”

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4
Q

Lipset defines left and right wing politics as…

A

By left we shall mean advocating social change in the direction of greater equality – political economic or social; by right we shall mean supporting a traditional more or less hierarchical social order, and opposing change toward equality.”

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5
Q

Politics in the lay audience

A
(A) Converse argues in this 
      famous paper that the 
      general public do not have 
      a constrained, functionally 
      independent political belief 
      system.
 a.His evidence was that when 
     most people were asked to 
     rate if they saw themselves 
     as more politically 
     conservative or liberal most 
     people did not have any 
     answer.
(B) Conversely, people argue 
      they must hold some 
      meaning because they 
      continue to be present in 
      our everyday lives (i.e. 
      journal articles, campaigns, 
      comics or advertisements).
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6
Q

Lay Audience research highlights

A

In a NZ sample, participants were asked “to what extent do you identify yourself as being politically to the left or to the right?”

  • The 40% of people who did respond, when latter asked if they knew the meaning for leftwing and rightwing political labels-majority said, “I don’t know”.
  • Yet, participants still managed to pick a position that reflected the political party they voted for.
  • How? Based on the public’s (lay audience) stereotypical understandings of LW and RW politics.

***Evidence that the same political labels hold different meanings for different constituencies (group of voters from the same legislative body i.e. Labour and national).

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7
Q

Research Example: Item vs Inventory Measures

A

The Right-Wing Authoritarianism Scale (RWA)

o Measures individual’s 
   ideological commitment 
   towards tradition, authority, 
   social conventions, against 
   threats of change, protests 
   and political rebellion.
o Predicts a high degree of 
   submission towards 
   authorities and aggression 
   towards individuals who have 
   been sanctioned by an 
   authority figure.
o High degree of adherence to 
   societal conventions that are 
   endorsed within society.

Indicate that issues relevant to these items differ from country to country.

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8
Q

Are liberal-conservative and LW-RW labels correlated and interchangeable?

what is the political paradox?

A

In NZ liberal-conservative and LW-RW labels are highly correlated and used by the public interchangeably (r = .60).

However, ACT party voters showed a preference for being labeled liberal and RW.

This supports that these terms are measuring two different dimensions of political ideology!

e.g.
(A) Social Issues
(B) Economic Issues

Thus, ACT party votes identify as socially liberal and economically conservative!

In addition, breaking down correlation between labels by political party…

Green and Labour who are traditionally liberal on both dimensions use the terms interchangeably.

National (RW), ACT (Liberal-RW) and UFNZ had insignificant correlation between the two political labels.

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9
Q

Why do NZ political parties not have to conform to both LW-Liberal and conservative-RW labels?

A
(A) the dimensionality of 
     political belief systems 
     (social and economic).
(B) NZ's unique proportional 
     representative electoral 
     system.
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10
Q

Motivated Social-Cognition model of political conservatism

A

A matching process takes place whereby people adopt ideological belief systems (such as conservatism, RWA, and SDO) that are most likely to satisfy their psychological
needs and motives (such as needs for order, structure, and closure and the avoidance of
uncertainty or threat).

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11
Q

Correlates of conservatism in NZ:

A
oNational as the political party 
  preference
oEndorsement of use of 
  animals in research
oSupport for genetic 
   engineering
oIncreasing red meat 
  consumption (and less fruit 
  and cereal)
oSexism
oMaterialism
oRacism
oStrong preference for 
  hierarchy-enhancing 
  occupations (military, legal, 
  institutional) vs hierarchy- 
  attentuating roles (e.g., social 
  work, public defense, low- 
  status jobs).
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12
Q

John Ducketts Dual Process Model of Prejudice:

Two pathways to prejudice

A
Pathway 1: RWA
Children who grow up with 
  punitive/strict parents develop 
  a conformity personality.
This personality style leads to 
  people to perceive the world 
  as dangerous.
To cope with this fear people 
  adopt a authoritarianism 
  attitude: submission to 
  authority, for people to do as 
  their told, resistant to change, 
  preference for tradition.
This leads to authoritarian’s 
  being aggressive towards 
  members of society that have 
  been sanctioned by authority 
  figures.
=prejudice
Pathway 2: SDO
Children grow up with 
  unaffectionate but not overly 
  punitive parents.
This leads to a tough-minded 
  and ruthless personality 
  forming.
This leads to people 
  perceiving the world as a dog- 
  eats-dog world in which they 
  need to dominate other social 
  groups to stay the alpha male.
Leads to a preference for the 
  ingroups-social elites- 
  dominant group.
=prejudice.
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13
Q

How does John Ducketts Dual Process Model of Prejudice link to political conservatism?

A
*High scores in both RWA and SDO are associated with political conservativism.
SDO=preference for social 
  hierarchy
RWA=preservation of the 
  status quo
Correlation between seeing 
  the world as a dangerous 
  place and viewing it as being 
  more competitive (.22)
Correlation between social 
  dominance and right-wing 
  authoritarianism (.38)
Viewing the world as a 
  competitive jungle was a 
  strong predictor of SDO (.62)
SDO and RWA explain over 
  half of the variance in 
  predicting political 
  conservatism.

Linking to political conservatism: Multiple conservatisms:

oRWA measures aspects of
social conservatism.
oSDO measures aspects of
economic conservatism.

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14
Q

what is affective forecasting

A
Predicting what makes us happy
e.g. people who buy lottery 
       tickets because they think 
       it will make them happy if 
       they win
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15
Q

Happiness can be broken down into two key components:

A

(A) Happiness (affective
component)
(B) Life Satisfaction

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16
Q

How Can We Measure Happiness?

A
1. Survey’s:
   Retrospective survey’s which 
   ask people on a global scale 
   about how happy they are in 
   general.
2. Experience Sampling:
    Researchers regularly ask 
    participants on a daily or 
    hourly schedule:
o What are you doing now?
o How do you feel?

*these two methods can sometimes produce different results- i.e. in a survey people may report that their families may be a large source of happiness for them but in an experience sampling method report that their family is driving them crazy.

17
Q

Designs for Research on Happiness:

A
(A) Longitudinal:
     Observe people overtime 
     to identify if people get 
     happier as they get 
     wealthier?
(B) Cross-Sectional
     The comparison of richer 
     and poorer nations at one 
     point in time in their overall 
     level of happiness.
18
Q

Research Example:
Longitudinal at the Individual Level

Q: Are individuals happier a year after winning the lottery?

Q: After people incur a major disability are people less happy?

A

Q: Are individuals happier a year after winning the lottery?

  • No, people are not.
  • People experienced an initial
    sense of euphoria after
    winning for a short period of
    time, but this diminished
    back to baseline levels.
  • In addition, people who win
    the lottery experience strain
    to their relationships, people
    asking for money or
    instances where you move
    up a class and your peers
    cannot experience the same
    luxuries as you.

Q: After people incur a major disability are people less happy?

- Initially people experience a 
  dramatic drop in happiness 
  soon after the disability is 
  incurred.
- However, up to 2 years later 
  people with disabilities are 
  no less happy then they 
  were originally.
19
Q

Research Example:
Longitudinal at the National level

Myers & Diener (2018)

Q: Does happiness increase as countries get wealthier?

A

Note:
Happiness remained stable at 30% even as income progressively increased across nations.

This is called the “Easterlin Paradox”

- Instead Easterlin argues that 
  happiness does not reflect 
  increases in income.
- Once our basic needs are 
  met, happiness is better 
  described by other factors.
e.g. Paradox where:
 Wealthy people can still be 
   unhappy
 Poor people can still be 
   really happy

*the relationship between wealth and happiness is NOT LINEAR it remained flat (stable).

20
Q

Research Example:
Longitudinal Study: China- Nation Level

*Increasing wealth, decreasing happiness

A
o Happiness in China has 
   been decreasing since 1990 
   up to 2000.
o This corresponds with 
   improvements in the living 
   standards of its citizens and 
   brought a lot of people out 
   of poverty.
o Why would it drop then?
•Because improvements in the 
  national economy often 
  mirror increases in economic 
  inequality.
•Thus, individuals make more 
  social comparisons with 
  others, sense of 
  dissatisfaction about one’s 
  own income and this leads to 
  overall life dissatisfaction.
o It begun to rise again after 
   2003 but China’s overall 
   happiness levels are still 
   below that of 1990.
21
Q

Is Inequality in Wealth more Important than the Nations Wealth as a whole?

A
E.g. The spirit level article
- Found that social problems 
  are higher in countries with 
  less economic inequality.
   e.g. mental health, drug use, 
          crime rates etc.
- Scandinavian countries have 
  no economic inequality and 
  are the happiest in the 
  world.
22
Q

Research Example:
Cross-Sectional Data

a. Comparing richer and
poorer individuals
(diener et al. 1985)

b. Comparing richer and
poorer Nations
(Diener et al. 1995)

Q: Is there a correlation between wealth and SWB?

c. A larger scale Nations
Cross-sectional study
(diener et al., 2010)

A
o Found a weak association 
   between wealth and well- 
   being
o Differences are most 
   commonly found at the 
   extremes, very rich or very 
   poor, and NOT in between.
o Identified a curvilinear 
   relationship between wealth 
   and wellbeing.

Q: Is there a correlation between wealth and SWB?

Well-Being:
(A) Happiness
(B) Life Satisfaction

Measured:
(A) Individualism
(B) Inequality

Results:
(A) Basic Needs: had a 
     curvilinear function on 
     SWB. Where SWB 
     increases for poor people 
     as income increases but 
     only until their basic needs 
     are met and then it tapers 
     off.
(B) Purchasing Power (ability 
     to buy goods): A linear 
     relationship where higher 
     income correlated with 
     higher SWB (in both poor 
     and rich nations).

But- this effect became insignificant once individualism was added to the analysis.
Why? One explanation is that individualism is linked to having freedom to pursue one’s own goals-which is a great source for happiness.

*Highlighting that wealth may not be the most important source of happiness!

c.

o Extension of their earlier 
   work but included more 
   nations in their study
o Also included social 
   psychology factors:
 Respect
 Could you rely on others in 
   an emergency situation?
 Yesterday:
•Did you learn something 
 new?
•Did you do what you do best?
•Choose how to spend your 
  time?

Well-being measures:
(A) Life Evaluations
(B) Positive or Negative
Feelings

oResults:
 Income predicted life 
   satisfaction (r = .44) more so 
   than in their previous study. 
   One explanation is that more 
   studies were included with 
   where poorer nations.
 Social psychological factors 
   better predicted affect than 
   income did.
Why? because nations which have lower corruption, higher social support, helping other is linked to a happier nation.

Note: That NZ was the highest rated nation in positive affect-an intriguing finding considering our high suicide rates and income inequality!

23
Q

Are There Cultural Differences in Well-Being?

A
  1. Is individualism (being a better
    predictor for happiness than
    income) a culturally specific
    finding?

e.g. In Taiwan, individual’s happiness is linked to the welfare of their family and society- more collectivist society relative to western cultures who are individualistic.

2. Asians have a different 
    concept of happiness!
(A) Western cultures: linked to 
     looking happy, elation and 
     smiling.
(B) Asian cultures: linked to 
     serenity, meditation a peace 
     (Buddhist’s)

*Highlights that researchers need to take into account different cultures conceptualizations of happiness in cross-sectional research.

24
Q

Motives for Money are Important:

A
 Their work identified that 
   motives for money mediate 
   the relationship between 
   money and well-being.
 Factor analysis revealed 
   three main types of money 
   motives:
 Positive: security, family, 
   achievement
 Negative: social comparison, 
   self-doubt
 Freedom: leisure, freedom, 
   impulse.
  • negative motives for obtaining money were negatively correlated with well-being
  • positive and freedom motive produced mixed findings.

Their work implies that the motivation for obtaining money may be more important than income in affecting individual’s wellbeing.

25
Q

Other Negative correlate with wellbeing:

A

Other research found that too much individualism and choice negatively correlated with well-being.

26
Q

Should We Research What Makes Us Happy?

A
(A) Some governments see the 
     value in this research into 
     what makes people happy 
     and actually found research 
     into this field.
(B) A Critique to this is “false 
     consciousness” i.e. the 
     government funding 
     research into the causes of 
     happiness can be used, in 
     some cases, as a ploy to 
     distract individuals from 
     their misfortunes.
(C) Happiness research is a 
     legitimate field of enquiry 
     because many people think 
     they intuitively know what 
     makes them happy but 
     research has already 
     identified that money is not 
     a good predictor for 
     happiness (for most people).
27
Q

Why Positive Psychology?

A
o Traditional psychology 
    research has focused on 
    the negative i.e. 
    depression, drug abuse, 
    anxiety or violence.
o Research indicates that 
   happy people live longer 
   and get sick less often.
o Happiness research is not 
   localized to positive 
   psychology but extends into 
   other domains such as 
   economics.