Sociology-theory and methods-action theories Flashcards

1
Q

Who is Weber?

A

Weber was one of the ‘founding fathers’ of sociology. He saw both structural and action approaches as necessary for a full understanding of human behaviour. He argue that an adequate sociological explanation involves two levels. Unless we account for both of these levels, our explanation will be incomplete or false

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2
Q

What two levels does Weber argue a sociological explanation should have?

A

The level of cause (explaining the objective structural factors that shape people’s behaviour) and the level of meaning (understanding the subjective meanings that individuals attach to their actions)

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3
Q

How can Weber’s point of levels of explanation be illustrated?

A

It can be illustrated by referring to his study, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, originally published in 1905. At the level of structural cause, the Protestant Reformation introduced a new belief system, Calvinism. This changed people’s worldview which led to changes in their behaviour, eg Calvinism promotes a work ethic that brought about the rise of capitalism. At the level of subjective meaning, work took on a religious meaning for calvinists, as a calling by God to glorify his name through their labours. This motivated them to work systematically. As a result they accumulated wealth and became the first modern capitalists

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4
Q

How does Weber attempt to classify actions?

A

Into four types based on their meaning for the actor: instrumentally rational action, value-rational action, traditional action, and affectual action

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5
Q

What is instrumentally rational action?

A

It is where the actor calculates the most efficient means of achieving a given goal. Eg a capitalist may calculate that the most efficient way of maximising profit is to pay low wages. This action is not about whether the goal itself is desirable - eg, the goal could be distributing charity or committing genocide. Rational action is simply about the most efficient way of reaching that goal, whatever it may be

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6
Q

What is value-rational action?

A

It involves action towards a goal that the actor regards as desirable for its own sake - eg. a believer worshipping their god in order to get to heaven. Unlike instrumental rationality, there is no way of calculating whether the means of achieving the goal are effective, Eg, the believer has no way of knowing whether performing a particular ritual will gain him salvation

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7
Q

What is traditional action?

A

It involves customary, routine or habitual actions. Weber does not see this type of action as rational, because no conscious thought or choice has gone into it. Rather, the actor does it because ‘we have always done it’

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8
Q

What is affectual action?

A

It is action that expresses emotion, eg, crying out of grief, or violence sparked by anger. Weber sees affectual action as important in religious and political movements with charismatic leaders who attract a following based on their emotional appeal

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9
Q

What is a strength of Weber’s ideas?

A

They are a valuable corrective to the over-emphasis on structural factors that we see in functionalism and many forms of marxism, and an affirmation that we must also understand actors’ subjective meanings if we want to explain their actions adequately

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10
Q

How does Schutz criticise Weber?

A

He argues that Weber’s view of action is too individualistic and cannot explain the shared nature of meanings, eg when a person at an auction raises their arm, they mean they are making a bid - but Weber doesn’t explain how everyone else present also comes to give this gesture the same meaning

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11
Q

How has Weber been criticised for the application of his ideas?

A

Weber’s typology of action is difficult to apply. Eg, among the Trobriand Islanders, individuals exchange ritual gifts called ‘Kula’ with others on neighbouring islands. This could either be seen as traditional action (it has been practiced in the same way for generations) or it could be seen as instrumentally rational action (because it is a good way of cementing trading links between Kula partners)

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12
Q

Why has Weber been criticised for his use of verstehen?

A

Weber advocated the use of verstehen, or empathetic understanding, of the actor’s subjective meaning - where we put ourselves in the actor’s place to understand their motives and meanings. However, as we cannot actually be the other person, we can never be sure we have truly understood their motives

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13
Q

What is symbolic interactionism?

A

It first developed at the University of Chicago in the first half of the 20th century. Like other action theories, it focuses on our ability to create the social world through our actions and interactions, and it sees these interactions as based on the meanings we give to situations. We convey these meanings through symbols, especially language

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14
Q

Whose work forms the basis for many later interactions?

A

Mead

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15
Q

What did Mead observe?

A

Mead observed that, unlike animals, our behaviour is not shaped by fixed, pre-programmed instincts. Instead, we respond to the world by giving meanings to the things that are significant to us. In effect, we create and inhabit a world of meanings. We do this by attaching symbols to the world

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16
Q

What is a symbol?

A

A symbol is something that stands for or represents something else

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17
Q

How are we different to animals?

A

Unlike animals we do not simply respond to a stimulus in an automatic, pre-determined way. Instead, an interpretive phase comes between the stimulus and our response to it-before we know how to respond to the stimulus, we have to interpret its meaning. Once we have done this, we can then choose an appropriate response

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18
Q

How does Mead illustrate the difference between humans and animals?

A

Mead illustrates it with an example. When one dog snarls at another, the snarl acts as a direct stimulus, to which the second dog responds instinctively, automatically adopting a defensive posture. There is no conscious interpretation by the dog of the other’s actions. By contrast if a person shakes their fist at someone, they are using a symbol - one which has a variety of possible meanings. To understand what is going on, the person must interpret the meaning of the symbol - is it anger or a joke? Once the interpretation is decided, a choice of response can be made

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19
Q

How do we manage to interpret other people’s meanings?

A

In Mead’s view, we do so by taking the role of the other - putting ourselves in the place of the other person and seeing ourselves as they see us. Our ability to take the role of the other develops through social interaction. We first do this as young children: through imitative play and when we take on the role of significant others such as parents, and learn to see ourselves as they see us. Later, we come to see ourselves from the point of view of the wider community - the generalised other

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20
Q

For Mead, how do members of society function?

A

To function as members of society, we need the ability to see ourselves as others see us. Through shared symbols, especially language, we become conscious of the ways of acting that others require of us

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21
Q

What happened after Mead’s death?

A

Blumer did much to systemise his ideas and identified three key principles

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22
Q

What three principles did Blumer identify?

A
  1. Our actions are based on the meanings we give to situations, events, people etc. Unlike animals, our actions are not based on automatic responses to stimuli. 2. These meanings arise from the interaction process. They are not fixed at the outset of the interaction, but are negotiable ad changeable to some extent. 3. The meanings we give to situations are the result of the interpretive procedures we use-especially taking the role of the other
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23
Q

How does Blumer contrast with structural theories?

A

Blumer’s view of human conduct contrasts strongly with structural theories such as functionalism. Functionalists see the individual as a puppet, passively responding to the system’s needs. Socialisation and social control ensure that individuals conform to society’s norms and perform their roles in fixed and predictable ways. By contrast, Blumer argues although our action is partly predictable because we internalise expectations of others, it is not completely fixed. There is always some room for negotiation and choice in how we perform our roles - even where very strict rules prevail, as in ‘total institutions’ such as prisons

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24
Q

What is the best-known application of interactionist ideas?

A

Labelling theory. labelling theorists use interactionist concepts in the study of many areas such as education, health, and crime and deviance

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25
Q

What are three key interactionist concepts that underpin labelling theory?

A

The definition of the situation, the looking glass self, and career

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26
Q

What is the definition of the situation?

A

A definition of something is a label for that thing. Thomas argued that if people define a situation as real, then it will have real consequences. If we believe something to be true, this belief will affect how we act and this may have consequences for those involved. Eg if a teacher labels a boy as ‘troublesome’ (whether he is or isn’t) the teacher will likely act differently towards him eg by punishing him more harshly

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27
Q

What is the looking glass self?

A

Cooley uses this idea to describe how we develop our self-concept. Argues our self-concept arises out of our ability to take the role of the other. In interactions, by taking role of other we come to see ourselves as they see us. Through this process, a self-fulfilling prophecy occurs - become what others see us as. Labelling theorists use definition of situation and the looking glass self to understand effects of labelling. Through the looking glass self, the label becomes part of the individual’s self concept, and a self-fulfilling prophecy occurs. Even if the initial definition was false, it becomes true and may have real consequences

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28
Q

What is career?

A

In normal use, a career is stages through which an individual progresses in their occupation, each with own status, title, problems etc. However, labelling theorists such as Becker and Lemert extend the concept to apply it to groups such as medical students, marijuana smokers and those suffering from paranoia. Eg in relation to mental illness, individuals have career running from ‘pre-patient’ with certain symptoms, through labelling by a psychiatrist, to hospital in-patient, to discharge. Each stage has own status and problems eg ex-patient may find it hard to reintegrate into society. ‘Mental patient’ may become their master status in the eyes of society

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29
Q

How are interactionism and labelling theory viewed as theories?

A

Interactionism is generally regarded as a voluntaristic theory that emphasises free will and choice in how we act. However, labelling theory has been accused of determinism-of seeing our actions and identities as shaped by the way others label them

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30
Q

How does labelling theory normally describe individuals?

A

As passive victims of other peoples labels, however, the interactionist, Goffman, describes how we actively construct our ‘self’ by manipulating other people’s impressions of us

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31
Q

How is Goffman’s approach described?

A

It is often described as dramaturgical because he uses analogies with drama as a framework for analysing social interaction. We are all ‘actors’, acting out our ‘scripts’, using ‘props’, resting ‘backstage’ between ‘performances’ we present to our ‘audiences’ etc. Our aim is to carry off a convincing performance of the role we have adopted

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32
Q

What are two key dramaturgical concepts?

A

Presentation of self, and impression management

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33
Q

What is presentation of self and impression management?

A

For Goffman, we seek to present a particular image of ourselves to our audiences. To do so, we must control the impression our performance gives. This involves constantly studying our audience to see how they are responding, and monitoring or adjusting our performance to present a convincing image

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34
Q

What are techniques for impression management?

A

We may use language, tone of voice, gestures and facial expressions, as well as props and settings, such as dress, makeup, equipment, furniture, décor and premises. By using these techniques skilfully, we can ‘pass’ for the kind of person we want our audience to believe we are

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35
Q

What does Goffman use the dramaturgical analogy to describe?

A

The different settings of interactions. As in theatre, there is a ‘front’ stage where we act out our roles, while backstage, we can step out of our role and ‘be ourselves’. Eg the classroom is a front region where students must put on convincing role-performance for the teacher, while the common room is a back region where they can ‘drop the act’. However, the common room may become another front region where students may have to carry off a different performance in front of their friends

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36
Q

How does Goffman view ‘roles’ in relation to functionalism?

A

Goffman’s view of roles differs sharply from that of functionalism. Functionalists see roles as tightly ‘scripted’ by society and see us as fully internalising our scrips through socialisation. As a result, they become part of our identity and society determines exactly how we will perform them

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37
Q

What is Goffman’s view of ‘roles’?

A

He rejects the functionalist view and instead argues there is a ‘gap’ or role distance between our real self and our roles. We are not really the roles we play. In his view, roles are only loosely scripted by society and we have a good deal of freedom in how we play the, eg some teachers are strict and others are easy-going

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38
Q

What does the idea of role distance suggest?

A

That we do not always believe in the roles we play and that our role performance may be cynical or calculating. In Goffman’s studies, the actor sometimes resembles a confident trickster, manipulating his audience into accepting an impression that conceals his true self and real motives. In the dramaturgical model, appearances are everything and actors seek to present themselves to their best advantage

39
Q

What are the evaluation points of symbolic interactionism?

A

Strengths, lack of explanation, Reynolds view, cannot explain everything, limitations, ethnomethodologists view

40
Q

What are strengths of symbolic interactionism?

A

Interactionism largely avoids the determinism of structural theories such as functionalism. It recognises that people create society though their choices and meanings. However some argue it is more a loose collection of descriptive concepts than an explanatory theory

41
Q

How does symbolic interactionism lack explanations in some areas?

A

It focuses on face to face interactions and ignores wider social structures such as class inequality, and it fails to explain the origin of labels. Similarly, it cannot explain the consistent patterns we observe in people’s behaviour. Functionalists argue these patterns are the result of norms dictating behaviour

42
Q

How does Reynolds evaluate symbolic interactionism?

A

He offers some evidence to show interactionism lacks an idea of structure. He sent a questionnaire to 124 interactionists, of whom 84 responded. When asked to identify the concepts they felt were essential, the most popular were ‘role’, ‘self’ and ‘interaction’. Only two chose ‘power’ or ‘class’-concepts that structural sociologists see as crucial

43
Q

How does symbolic interactions fail to explain everything?

A

Not all action is meaningful-like Weber’s category of traditional action, much is performed unconsciously or routinely and may have little meaning for actors. If so, interactionism lacks means to explain it

44
Q

What are limitations for Goffman’s dramaturgical analogy?

A

It is useful, but has limitations, eg in interactions everyone plays part of both actor and audience, and interactions are often improvised and unrehearsed

45
Q

What do ethnomethodologists argue about interactionism?

A

They argue interactionism is correct in focusing on actors’ meanings, but that it fails to explain how actors create meanings

46
Q

What is phenomenology?

A

In philosophy, ‘phenomenon’ is a term used to describe things as they appear to our senses. Some philosophers argue we can never have definite knowledge of what the world outside our minds is really like ‘in itself’ - all we can know is what our senses tell us about it. This is the starting point for the philosophy known as phenomenology, developed by Husserl

47
Q

What does Husserl argue?

A

That the world only makes sense because we impose meaning and order on it by constructing mental categories that we use to classify and ‘file’ information coming from our senses. Eg a category such as ‘four-legged furniture for eating off’ enables us to identify a particular set of sensory data as ‘table’. In this view, we can only obtain knowledge about the world through our mental acts of categorising and giving meaning to our experiences. The world as we know it is, and can only be, a product of our mind

48
Q

What is Schutz’s phenomenological sociology?

A

Schutz applies the idea of Husserl’s philosophy to the social world. He argues that the categories and concepts we use are not unique to ourselves - rather, we share them with other members of society. These shared categories are typifications

49
Q

What do typifications allow?

A

They enable us to organise our experiences into a shared world of meaning

50
Q

How does Schutz view the social world?

A

In his view, the meaning of any given experience varies according to its social context, eg raising your arm means one thing in class and another thing at an auction. The meaning is not given by the action in itself, but by its context. For this reason, meanings are potentially unclear and unstable - especially if others classify the action in a different way form oneself

51
Q

How do typifications help clarify meanings?

A

Typifications stabilise and clarify meanings by ensuring we are all ‘speaking the same language’ - all agreeing on the meaning of things. This makes it possible for us to communicate and cooperate with one another and thus to achieve our goals. Without shared typifications, social order would become impossible, eg if you see a certain object as a desk while another takes it for an altar, considerable problems may result

52
Q

What is Schutz’s view of typifications in the social world?

A

In his view, members of society to a large extent do have a shared ‘life world’ - a stock of shared typifications or commonsense knowledge that we use to make sense of our experience. It includes shared assumptions about the way things are, what certain situations mean, what other people’s motivations are and so on. This is what Schutz calls ‘recipe knowledge’ that we can follow without thinking too much

53
Q

What is ‘commonsense knowledge’?

A

It is not simply knowledge about the world-it is the world. For Husserl the world as we know it can only be a product of our mind. Similarly for Schutz the social world is a shared inter-subjective world that can only exist when we share the same meanings. However society appears to us as a real, objective thing existing outside of us

54
Q

What analogy does Shutz use to demonstrate individuals views of the wolrd?

A

Schutz gives the example of posting a letter to a bookshop to order a book. In doing so we assume that some unknown/unseen individuals will perform a whole series of operations in a particular sequence-and that all this will result in our receiving the book-the fact we do get the book encourages us to adopt what he calls ‘the natural attitude’-it leads us to assume the social world is a solid, natural thing out there. However for Shutz it simply shows that al those involve share the same meanings allowing us to cooperate to achieve goals

55
Q

What do Berger and Luckmann argue?

A

They argue that while Schutz is right to focus on shared commonsense knowledge, they reject his view that society is merely an inner-subjective reality. Although reality is socially constructed, as Schutz believes, once it has been constructed, it takes on a life of its own and becomes an external reality that reacts back on us. Eg religious ideas may start off in our consciousness, but they become embodied in powerful structures such as churches, which then constrain us, eg by influencing laws about our sexual relationships

56
Q

What is ethnomethodology (EM)?

A

It emerged in America in the 1960s, mainly from the work of Garfinkel. Garfinkel’s ideas stem from phenomenology. Like Schutz, Garfinkel rejects the very idea of society as a real objective structure ‘out there’

57
Q

How do Garfinkel’s views relate to functionalism?

A

Like functionalists such as Parsons, Garfinkel is interested in how social order is achieved. However he gives a very different answer from Parsons

58
Q

What answer does Parsons give for how social order is achieved?

A

Parsons argues that social order is made possible by a shared value system into which we are socialised. Parsons’ explanation is in keeping with his top-down structural approach: shared norms ensure that we perform our roles in an orderly, predictable way that meets the expectations of others

59
Q

What answer does Garfinkel give for how social order is achieved?

A

Garfinkel takes the opposite view - social order is created from the bottom up. Order and meaning are not achieved because people are ‘puppets’ whose strings are pulled by the social system, as functionalists believe. Instead social order is an accomplishment - something that members of society actively construct in everyday life using their commonsense knowledge. EM attempts to discover how we do this, by studying people’s methods of making sense of the world

60
Q

How does EM differ from interactionism?

A

While interactionists are interested in the effects of meanings (eg effects of labelling), EM is interested in the methods or rules that we use to produce the meanings in the first place

61
Q

How does EM see meanings?

A

Like Schutz, EM sees meanings as always potentially unclear - a characteristic Garfinkel calls indexicality. Nothing has a fixed meaning: everything depends on the context

62
Q

How does indexicality affect social order?

A

Indexicality is a threat to social order because if meanings are inherently unclear or unstable, communication and cooperation become difficult and social relationships may begin to break down. However there is a paradox here

63
Q

How is there a paradox relating to social order and indexicality?

A

Indexicality suggests we cannot take any meaning for granted as fixed or clear-yet in everyday life, this is exactly what we do most of the time. For Garfinkel, what enables us to behave as if meanings are clear and obvious is reflexivity. Reflexivity refers to the fact that we use commonsense knowledge in everyday interactions to construct a sense of meaning and order and stop indexicality from occurring. This is similar to Schutz’s idea of typifications

64
Q

How does language link to reflexivity?

A

Language is of vital importance in achieving reflexivity. Eg for EM, when we describe something, we are simultaneously creating it. Our description gives it reality, removing uncertainty about what is going on, and making it seem clear, solid and meaningful. But although language gives us a sense of reality existing ‘out there’, in fact all we have done is to construct a set of shared meanings

65
Q

What did Garfinkel (and his students) seek to demonstrate?

A

The nature of social order by a series of so-called ‘breaching experiments’. Eg they acted as lodgers in their own families-being polite, avoiding getting personal etc. Similarly they tried to haggle over the price of groceries at the supermarket checkout

66
Q

What was the aim of Garfinkel’s ‘breaching experiments’?

A

To disrupt people’s sense of order and challenge their reflexivity by undermining their assumptions about the situation. Eg parents of students who behaved as lodgers became bewildered, anxious, embarrassed or angry. They accused the students of being nasty or assumed they were ill

67
Q

What did Garfinkel conclude?

A

That by challenging people’s taken-for-granted assumptions, the experiments show how the orderliness of everyday situations is not inevitable but is actually an accomplishment of those who take part in them. In his view, social order is ‘participant produced’ by members themselves

68
Q

What is Garfinkel interested in, in regard to reflexivity?

A

The methods we use to achieve reflexivity - to make sense of the world as orderly

69
Q

Why does Garfinkel talk about suicide?

A

In the case of suicide, coroners make sense of deaths by selecting particular features from the infinite number of possible ‘facts’ about the deceased - such as their mental health, employment status etc. They then treat these features as a real pattern, eg they may use this information to conclude that ‘typical suicides’ are mentally ill, unemployed etc

70
Q

What does Garfinkel believe about individuals and social order?

A

Humans constantly strive to impose order by seeking patterns, even though these patterns are really just social constructs. Eg the seeming pattern that suicides are mentally ill becomes part of the coroner’s taken-for-granted knowledge about what suicides are like. When faced with future cases with similar features, the coroner interprets them as examples of the assumed pattern. Finally, cases fitting the pattern will be classified as suicides and will seem to prove the existence of the pattern the coroner had originally constructed. The assumed pattern becomes self-reinforcing - but it tells us nothing about any external reality

71
Q

How does Garfinkel feel about conventional sociology?

A

He is critical of it and accuses it of merely using the same methods as ordinary members of society to create order and meaning. If so, then conventional sociology is little more than commonsense, rather than true and objective knowledge. Eg positivists such as Durkheim take it for granted that official suicide stats are social facts that tell us the real rate of suicide. In fact, they are merely decisions made by coroners, using their commonsense understandings of what types of people kill themselves. Therefore the supposed ‘laws’ positivists produce are just elaborate versions of coroners’ commonsesne. Sociologists’ claim to know about suicide are no truer than those of other members of society, such as coroners

72
Q

What are the evaluation points for ethnomethodology?

A

Strengths, Craib’s view, discredits itself, view of wider society, ignores wider structures

73
Q

What is a strength about EM?

A

EM draws attention to how we actively construct oder and meaning, rather than seeing us as simply puppets of the social system as functionalism does

74
Q

What is Craib’s view of EM?

A

Craib argues that its findings are trivial. Ethnomethodologists seem to spend a lot of time ‘uncovering’ taken for granted tules that turn out to be no surprise to anyone. Eg one study found that in phone conversations, generally one person speaks at a time

75
Q

How can EM be seen to discredit itself?

A

EM argues that everyone creates order and meaning by identifying patterns and producing explanations that are essentially fictions. If so, this must also apply to EM itself, and so we have no particular reason to accept its views

76
Q

How is EM evaluated for its view of wider society?

A

EM denies existence of wider society, seeing it as merely a shared fiction. Yet by analysing how members apply general rules or norms to specific contexts, it assumes that a structure of norms really exists beyond these contexts. From a functionalist perspective, such norms are social facts, not fictions

77
Q

How is EM evaluated for the fact that it ignores wider structures?

A

It ignores how wider structures of power and inequality affect the meanings that individuals construct. Eg Marxists argue that ‘commonsense knowledge’ is really just ruling-class ideology, and the order it creates serves to maintain capitalism

78
Q

What is the difference between structural and action theories?

A

Structural theories such as functionalism and marxism tend to be deterministic, seeing society as something objective, existing outside individuals and constraining them. By contrast, action theories tend to be voluntaristic, seeing society as the creation of its members through their subjective actions and meanings. Both types of theory appear to hold some truth as it is easy to see society as a real, external structure constraining us eg society’s laws regulate our behaviour. Also it is easy to feel we freely choose our actions eg existence of law doesn’t stop us from choosing to break it

79
Q

Given there is much to be said for both types of approach (structural and action theories) what have some sociologists attempted to do?

A

Combine them into a single unified theory of structure and action. The best known example is Giddens’ structuration theory

80
Q

What does Giddens believe?

A

According to Giddens, there is a duality of structure, meaning that structure and action (or agency as he calls it) are two sides of the same coin; neither can exist without the other. Through our actions we produce and reproduce structures over time and space, while these structures are what make our actions possible in the first place. Giddens calls this relationship structuration

81
Q

How does Giddens illustrate his view?

A

With language. A language is a structure, and is made up of a set of rules of grammar that govern how we can use it to express meanings. This structure seems to exist independently of any individual, and it constrains our behaviour, like one of Durkheim’s ‘social facts’. Eg if we wish to use language to communicate, we must obey its rules, or we will not be understood. This shows how our action (communication) depends on existence of structure

82
Q

How can structure also depend on action?

A

Eg a language would not exist if no one used it. It is produced and reproduced over time through the actions of individuals speaking and writing it. Furthermore, these actions can also change the structure. people give words new meanings and create new rules

83
Q

What two elements does Giddens believe structure has?

A

Rules (the norms, customs and laws that govern action) and resources (both economic eg raw materials, technology etc and power over others)

84
Q

How can rules and resources be influenced?

A

Can either be reproduced or changed through human action, eg obeying the law reproduces the existing structure, while inventing new technology may change it. However, in Giddens’ view, although our action can change existing structures, it generally tends to reproduce them. He identifies two reasons for this

85
Q

What is the first reason Giddens gives for why our actions tend to reduce, rather than change, existing structures?

A

Society’s rules contain a stock of knowledge about how to live our lives. Earning a living, shopping and so on largely involve applying this knowledge to everyday situations. Similarly, when shopping eg we use resources in the form of money. So as we go about our routine activities, we tend to reproduce the existing structure of society

86
Q

What is the second reason Giddens gives for why our actions tend to reduce, rather than change, existing structures?

A

We reproduce existing structures through our action because we have a deep-seated need for ontological security-a need to feel that the world, both physical and social, really is as it appears to be, and especially that it is orderly, stable and predictable. This need tends to encourage action that maintains existing structures, rather than changing them

87
Q

What is change of structures through agency?

A

Despite the tendency to maintain the structure of society, action or agency can also change it, which can occur in two ways

88
Q

What is the first way that action or agency can change the structure of society?

A

We ‘reflexively monitor’ our own action, constantly reflecting on our actions and their results, and we can deliberately choose a new course of action. This is more likely in late modern society, where tradition no longer dictates action, thus increasing the likelihood and pace of change

89
Q

What is the second way that action or agency can change the structure of society?

A

Our actions may change the world, but not always as we intended. They may have unintended consequences. Eg according to Weber, the Calvinists who adopted the Protestant work ethic did so with the intention of glorifying God, but the actual consequence was the creation of modern capitalism

90
Q

What are the evaluation points for Giddens?

A

Strength, Archer’s view, Craib’s view of the theory and Craib’s view of structure

91
Q

What is a strength of Gidden’s theory?

A

Makes an important attempt to overcome the division between structure and action in sociological theory

92
Q

How does Archer evaluate Giddens’ theory?

A

Giddens implies that actors can change structures imply by deciding to do so. Archer argues he underestimates the capacity of structures to resist change. Eg slaves may wish to abolish slavery but lack the power to do so

93
Q

How does Craib evaluate Giddens’ theory?

A

According to Craib, structuration theory isn’t really a theory at all, because it doesn’t explain what actually happens in society. Instead, it just describes the kinds of things we will find when we study society, such as actions, rules, resources etc

94
Q

How does Craib evaluate Giddens’ use of structure and action?

A

Craib argues he fails to unite structure and action. He regards Giddens’ work as a ‘thoroughgoing action theory’ that reduces the idea of structure to the rules governing routine everyday actions. Giddens fails to explain how his theory applies to large-scale structures such as the economy and the state