NICHOLAS II OPPOSITION Flashcards

1
Q

THE GROWTH OF LIBERAL OPPOSITION TO 1905

Liberals had long pressed for changes in the governmental structure of the country:
The spread of education, and the emergence of a stronger middle class as a result of industrialisation, added to the numbers

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favouring more representation and the rule of law.

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2
Q

THE GROWTH OF LIBERAL OPPOSITION TO 1905

In 1903, the Union of Liberation was founded under the inspiration of Pyotr Struve. Struve had defected from the Marxist movement, opposing its commitment to violent revolution, and had begun a journal, published in Germany, to escape censorship. Struve believed that what Russia needed was a period of ‘peaceful evolution’ in which to adapt to its new industrialising status. He wanted to see a

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constitutional system put in place through which the urban workers could campaign legally to improve their conditions.

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2
Q

THE GROWTH OF LIBERAL OPPOSITION TO 1905

Liberalism was particularly strong in the zemstva: their reputation was enhanced by the actions taken in the face of government incompetence during the years of the Great Famine of 1891-92, and their resentments were galvanised by

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the reduction in zemstva powers under Alexander III.

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3
Q

THE GROWTH OF LIBERAL OPPOSITION TO 1905

In 1895, the Zemstvo petitioned Nicholas II to set up an advisory body.
The Tsar dismissed the request as a senseless dream. This did not, however, deter liberal nobles, like

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Prince Lvov, who continued to demand the creation of an all-class zemstvo at district (volost) level and a National Assembly.

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4
Q

THE GROWTH OF LIBERAL OPPOSITION TO 1905

when Shipov tried to set up an ‘All-Zemstvo Organisation’ in 1896, it was immediately banned.
This encouraged some of the more radical liberals to establish the

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Bessada Symposium in 1899 and to meet in secret to discuss matters of liberal interest such as judicial reform and universal education.

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5
Q

THE GROWTH OF LIBERAL OPPOSITION TO 1905

In 1904, the union held a grand meeting to which representatives of the zemstva and other professional societies were invited. Members declared their intention to work for the establishment of a constitutional government and arranged a series of

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about 50 society banquets during the winter of 1904, which were attended by members of the liberal elite.

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5
Q

THE GROWTH OF LIBERAL OPPOSITION TO 1905

When, in 1900, the government ordered the dismissal of hundreds of liberals from the elected boards of the zemstva, the Bessada Symposium assumed the

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leadership of the liberal movement, attracting a wide range of support from public figures, town leaders, members of the legal and teaching professions and industrialists.

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6
Q

THE GROWTH OF LIBERAL OPPOSITION TO 1905

The liberals, whether moderate campaigners within the zemstva or more radical members of the liberal unions, had limited political influence before 1905. Indeed, the liberals were fortunate to escape the closer attention of the police, which was only achieved because the latter were over-worked, coping with the activities of the radical opposition as well as urban and rural unrest.
Nevertheless, the liberals contributed to

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the momentum that was building up within the country for political change and were the main beneficiaries of the revolution in that year when one of their aims was achieved - a representative national body, the state Duma, was established.

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7
Q

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIALISM, EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONARY PARTY

By 1891, the Slavophile and populist idea of a ‘new Russia, based on the peasants, looked increasingly unlikely. However, ideas of agrarian socialism were revived after the Great Famine of 1891-92, which highlighted the need reform the rural economy. Students began to champion a

Their activities culminated in

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new-style Populism taking inspiration from the defunct The Peoples Will and favouring violent protest.

Their activities culminated in the assassination of the Minister of Education, Bogolepov, by a student named Karpovich in 1901

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8
Q

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIALISM, EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONARY PARTY

THE MURDER OF BOGOLEPOV, 1901
Karpovich was a student rebel who had twice been expelled from Kazan University. His revenge killing won support from fellow students and as Bogolepov lay dying, several thousand people gathered in front of Kazan Cathedral in Karpovich’s support. Although broken up by the police, with 60 injured and around 800 arrests, it provoked

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demonstrations in Moscow and an attempt on Pobedonostev life a month later by another student.
On that occasion, the attempt failed.

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9
Q

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIALISM, EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONARY PARTY

the Social Revolutionary Party (SR) was founded in 1901 as a rallying point for those who wished to appeal to the peasantry through a commitment to land socialisation’ and decentralised government. Its most influential theorist was Chernov, the editor of the party journal, Revolutionary Russia, but it was a fairly loose organisation comprising groups with a wide variety of views. Although the party never held a congress until 1906, its members broadly accepted

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Marxist teaching but combined this with populist ideas, thus favouring a specifically ‘Russian’ revolutionary programme.

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10
Q

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIALISM, EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONARY PARTY

THE ACTIVITIES OF YEVNO AZEF
was a double agent working for the SRs and the Secret Police. He became involved in Marxism and was forced to live in exile in Germany, where he was recruited as an informer by the Okhrana.
In 1899 he returned to Russia and became a member of the Social Revolutionary Party. He organised the arrest of the previous leader of its combat organisation and took the position himself, using his influence to betray comrades and mastermind

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the murder of Plehve. He was exposed as a tsarist spy in 1908 and fled to Germany where he died in 1918.

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11
Q

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIALISM, EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONARY PARTY

The party played an active part in the 1905 Revolution, developing a full programme in November 1905 and forming a separate combat organisation, which attracted many students, to carry out assassinations.
Among their more spectacular ‘successes’ was

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the assassination of Prime Minister Stolypin in 1911.

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11
Q

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIALISM, EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONARY PARTY

The SRs put forward the view that the interests of peasants and workers were identical, and that they should therefore work together to destroy autocracy and bring about land redistribution. This emphasis on the peasantry and the concept of land socialisation’ rather than land nationalisation’ set them apart from the pure Marxists. Not surprisingly, they developed

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a wide national base, with a large peasant membership, but despite this, 50 per cent of their supporters were from the urban working class.

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12
Q

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIALISM, EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONARY PARTY

The tactics of the Social Revolutionary Party were similar to the earlier populist organisation. They tried to stir up discontent in the countryside and strikes in the towns, and to disrupt government by political assassinations.
In this they were quite successful, promoting a wave of political terrorism in the early years of the twentieth century. They carried out

how many assasinations? These included the assassinations of??

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2000 political assassinations between 1901 and 1905.

two Ministers of Internal Affairs: Dmitri Sipyagin in 1902 and Vyacheslav von Plehve in 1904. The latter survived an attack in 1903 and two in 1904 before being killed by a bomb thrown into his carriage.

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13
Q

THE DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIALISM, EMERGENCE OF SOCIAL REVOLUTIONARY PARTY

The SR maintained its campaign of killings and violence over the following years, but the Secret Police foiled some activities and was successful in

how many were arrested / killed

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infiltrating the movement at its highest levels. Some 4579 Socialist Revolutionaries were sentenced to death between 1905 and 1909, and 2365 were actually executed.

14
Q

MARXISM AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC WORKERS’ PARTY

Industrial ‘take-off’ helped make Marxist theories more attractive to Russian intellectuals from the late 1890s. Georgi Plekhanov’s Emancipation of Labour group grew (although Plekhanov himself remained in exile between 1880 and 1917 and played no active role within Russia) while a number of discussion circles, workers’ organisations, illegal trade unions, and other groups were attracted by Marxist ideas. The socialism was common to both the

however

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Social Revolutionary Party and a new, Social Democratic Workers’ Party (SD), which emerged in 1898 as an amalgam of various Marxist groups.

However, despite sharing some basic principles, their approaches were to differ markedly.

15
Q

MARXISM AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC WORKERS’ PARTY

In 1898, the First Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Workers’ Party of the Soviet Union was held in Minsk, marking the launch of a new party welding these Marxist groups together. However, only nine delegates were present. They

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chose their name, elected a three-man Central Committee, and produced a manifesto (drawn up by Pyotr Struve), which asserted that the working classes had been, and were being exploited by their masters and that the future of Russia would be the product of the class struggle. The manifesto made it clear that the impetus for change had to come from the working men themselves.

16
Q

MARXISM AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC WORKERS’ PARTY

The split in the party was to have major consequences for the future of Marxism in Russia. In 1903-04, many members changed sides. Plekhanov abandoned the Bolsheviks, whom he had supported, while Trotsky left the Mensheviks in September 1904 over their insistence on an alliance with Russian liberals. Between 1904 and 1917 Trotsky described himself as a

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‘non-factional social democrat’ and spent much of his time trying to reconcile the different groups within the party. He clashed many times with Lenin and later conceded he had been wrong in opposing Lenin on the issue of the party

16
Q

MARXISM AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC WORKERS’ PARTY

The congress was broken up by Okhrana agents who promptly arrested two of the newly elected committee. It was not a promising start, but in the years that followed, Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (Lenin), who had been converted to

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Marxist ideas as a student from 1887, came to play a prominent part in the development of the party.

17
Q

MARXISM AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC WORKERS’ PARTY

The Second Party Congress took place in 1903, commencing in Brussels, but subsequently moving to a small congregational chapel in Shoreditch, London. The 51 voting delegates considered a variety of propositions as to how the party should move forward, and were divided on a number of these.

what did lenin and martov believe/ argue for?

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Lenin argued in favour of a strong disciplined organisation of professional revolutionaries to lead the proletariat.
However others, led by Julius Martov, believed their task should be to develop a broad party with a mass working-class membership.
While Martov saw members cooperating with other liberal parties, Lenin wanted total dedication to revolution only.

18
Q

MARXISM AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC WORKERS’ PARTY

Lenin certainly did not have the overwhelming support of the majority at the beginning of the conference and it was only after a number of representatives withdrew that Lenin finally won the vote in favour of a more centralised party structure.
Lenin then claimed that his supporters were the majority whilst his opponents, led by Martov, and supported also by Trotsky, were dubbed the minority, even though, overall, the reverse was actually true.
Over the next few years there was continued argument and rivalry within the embryonic party about the

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nature, timing and organisation of the revolution that they were planning and the Bolshevik/ Menshevik division hardened so that by 1906 there were effectively two separate Social Democratic Workers’ Parties.

19
Q

MARXISM AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC WORKERS’ PARTY

MENSHEVIKS
Awaited the bourgeois revolution that they believed had to precede the proletarian revolution

wheras the bolsheviks

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Suggested the bourgeois and proletarian revolution could occur simultaneously

20
Q

MARXISM AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC WORKERS’ PARTY

MENSHEVIKS
Insisted that membership should be open to all and the party should work through the trade unions and other workers organisations to raise workers’ consciousness

wheras the bolsheviks

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Believed that membership should be restricted and that members should work within small cells that could escape police notice

21
Q

MARXISM AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC WORKERS’ PARTY

MENSHEVIKS
Wanted to follow democratic procedures and feared the that approach of the Bolsheviks could lead to dictatorship

wheras the bolsheviks

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Favoured control in the hands of a Central Committee

21
Q

THE EXTENT OF OPPOSITION BETWEEN 1905 AND 1914

TRADE UNIONS
However, despite some reforms, such as the 1912 Insurance law, the State continued to fear independent working-class activity and, in particular, the potential for revolutionaries to work through the trade unions. As a result,

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497 trade unions were closed down and 604 were denied registration between 1906 and 1910. Those that survived were mainly unions of the better-paid male skilled workers, particularly in the metal trades.

22
Q

THE EXTENT OF OPPOSITION BETWEEN 1905 AND 1914

From 1907, an economic depression and rise in unemployment combined with the political clampdown reduced any opportunity for union action.
However, the shooting of unarmed demonstrators at the

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Lena goldfields in April 1912 provided a new impetus. This followed the beginnings of economic recovery from 1911, which gave skilled labour more bargaining power in the marketplace. A new round of strikes ensued.

23
Q

OTHER OPPOSITION GROUPS

The moderate liberal opposition was largely appeased by the

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tsarist concessions in 1905-06 and tried to cooperate with the Duma system, in the hope of further constitutional evolution.

23
Q

THE EXTENT OF OPPOSITION BETWEEN 1905 AND 1914

This trade union activity was mainly confined to St Petersburg and the surrounding area where three quarters of the strikes took place; half in the metal trades. However, they demonstrated the State’s failure to pacify the working class in 1905. The bitter resistance of employers and the repressive measures taken to break strikes - fines, lockouts and blacklists - added to anger and opposition.
Nonetheless, the danger to the autocracy of the pre-war strike movement was

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less than it seemed. As well as being geographically limited, only 12% of enterprises experienced a strike and even the General Strike in St Petersburg in the first half of July 1914 only brought out a quarter of the manufacturing labour force.

24
Q

OTHER OPPOSITION GROUPS

Similarly, there was no single, strong opposition among the nationalities after 1905.

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Apart from the Poles and Finns, none wanted outright independence and, in the case of the Ukrainians and Belarussians, a combination of policies of assimilation and repression enjoyed success, delaying the emergence of an ethnic consciousness.

25
Q

OTHER OPPOSITION GROUPS

The revolutionary SR and SD parties were weakened by the exile of their leaders after 1905, as well as by the damaging split within the Social Democratic Workers’ Party and the rivalry between the SDs and SRs. Ideological divisions within the parties were compounded by disagreements over the appropriate response to the 1905 defeat and the use parties should make of the legal’ opportunities to work in and through the Duma.
They also suffered from the activities of the

3

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Secret Police network whose agents were very effective in smashing revolutionary cells.
The industrial depression from 1907, the lack of finance, and a shortage of secret printing presses made organisation difficult and none of the exiled leaders, including Lenin, exercised effective control over their parties within Russia.

25
Q

OTHER OPPOSITION GROUPS

There was an apparent revival in Bolshevik fortunes in 1912-14, when they succeeded in taking over many legal labour institutions in both St Petersburg and Moscow from Mensheviks and gained six workers’ deputies in elections to the Fourth Duma. Their newspaper, Pravda was launched in April 1912 and enjoyed a much higher circulation than the Menshevik Luch. The growing support for Bolshevik ideals was, however, quite limited. They had been

2 points

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helped in the Fourth Duma elections by an SR boycott.
They enjoyed no success with army or navy, and nothing came of their avowed promise to launch a general political strike, provoke mass street demonstrations and recreate a soviet of workers deputies on the 1905 model.

26
Q

OTHER OPPOSITION GROUPS

Membership declined and neither SRs nor SDs succeeded in establishing national, regional or even all-city organisations. At best they maintained an underground’ organisation in individual factories and workshops, where the leaders were local labour activists. Interestingly, these local revolutionary groups tended to

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cooperate irrespective of the ideological differences that absorbed the attention of their leaders in exile.

27
Q

SUMMARY
A number of differing strands of opposition emerged in Russia in the period 1894 to 1914. These included moderate liberals and radical SRs and SDs. While all sought to make capital out of the events of 1905, the tsarist concessions that won over some of the moderates left the left wing bitter but powerless in the face of repression. Nevertheless, .

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radicalism survived and while little progress was made before 1914, it would not take much to bring political opposition out into the open again

27
Q

Before 1914, opposition in Russia appeared weakened and demoralised.
Most workers were politically apathetic, the trade unions failed to provide a broad popular base and labour protest was contained by repression and minimal concessions.
The coming of war in 1914 further diminished support for action as

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a patriotic fervour swept through all political groupings, save for the Bolsheviks. Lenin alone favoured defeat, believing it would bring Russia closer to the revolution he sought.