LENIN POLITICAL AUTHORITY Flashcards

1
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

LENIN’S RETURN AND THE GROWTH OF BOLSHEVIK SUPPORT
Lenin greeted the crowds in Petrograd and gave a rousing speech – his words were later written down in the April thesis which demanded that:

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  • Power should be transferred to the soviets.
  • The war should be brought to an immediate end
  • All land should be taken over by the state and re-allocated to peasants by the local soviets.

These are summed up as a demand for peace, bread, and land.
Lenin also stressed a policy of non-cooperation for non-cooperation with the provisional government, giving rise to “all power to the soviets”.

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2
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

Adapting Marxist theory, Lenin argued that the Russian middle class was too weak to carry out a bourgeoise revolution and allowing them to continue in power held the proletariat revolution back.

Initial reaction to his return = mixed:
Some feared he grew out of touch and his radical proposals would do more harm than good.

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  • There were allegations that Lenin was in pay to the Germans.
  • The Mensheviks feared Lenin would undermine what they had been doing, and by stirring up discontent, would provoke a right-wing reaction.
  • Some thought Lenin’s call was unrealistic as Bolsheviks only had 26,000 members and were still in the minority.
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3
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

However, Lenin gradually built-up support with his speeches and had won over the central committee of the Bolshevik party by sheer force of personality.

When the first all-Russian congress of soviets met, it passed a vote of confidence in the provisional government.

Lenin won a key adherent when

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Trotsky decided to throw his full weight behind the Bolshevik cause, and Kerensky’s determination to continue the war played into the Bolsheviks’ hands.

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4
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

JULY DAYS
* Caused as grain prices had doubled in Petrograd between February and June, following a poor harvest, and shortages of fuel and raw materials had forced 586 factories to close with the loss of 100,000 jobs.

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  • The workers wanted price controls, but the government was frightened to act against the industrialists.
  • Consequently, 20,000 armed sailors from Kronstadt joined workers and soldiers on the streets.
  • They chanted Bolshevik slogans, such as All power to the soviets, attacked property, looted shops, and seized the railway stations and other key buildings.
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5
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

Warrants for the arrest of Bolsheviks, who were blamed for stirring up the troubles, were issued and several, including Trotsky, were gaoled.
It is unclear whether the rebellion was actually stirred up by Bolsheviks and Lenin, who had been on holiday when the rioting broke out, always claimed that the demonstrations were spontaneous

what did he do

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  • He immediately returned, but just as quickly fled in disguise into exile in Finland.
  • Troops loyal to the Soviet dispersed the crowds and the Soviet newspaper Izvestia denounced the role of the Bolsheviks, suggesting that Lenin was working in the pay of the Germans and against Russia’s best interests.
  • Bolshevik propaganda was burned, and the offices of the Bolshevik newspaper Pravda closed.
  • Lenin’s reputation fell, for fleeing rather than leading, while other leaders languished in gaol.
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6
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

On 8 July, Kerensky replaced Prince Lvov as Prime Minister and it might have appeared that the Bolsheviks’ moment had passed.

Their cause was saved by the Kornilov coup; when Bolsheviks were released from gaols and soldiers, sailors and workers again took to the streets, his time supposedly in defence of the Provisional Government.:

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Bolsheviks seized the opportunity to had trained in secret.
* The Bolsheviks were able to bask in the reputation of having been the only group to have opposed Kornilov consistently.
* Lenin sent orders from Finland urging his followers to keep up the pressure and ‘Committees to save the Revolution’ were set up throughout the country.

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7
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

  • Consequently, Bolsheviks were elected in increased numbers to soviets throughout urban Russia and in the Duma elections in Moscow, Bolshevik support increased by 164% between June and December.
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  • The Bolshevik membership, which had stood at 23,000 in February, had reached 200,000 by the beginning of October, by which time the party maintaining a force of 10,000 Red Guards in the capitals factories.
  • By September, when new elections were held to the Petrograd Soviet, the Bolsheviks won a majority, which together with their control of the Moscow Soviet placed them in a powerful position.
  • On 21 September Trotsky became Chairman of the Petrograd Soviet.
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8
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

From mid-September, Lenin bombarded Central Committee of the Bolshevik Party with demands to stage a revolution and seize power.
However, the Central Committee and, in particular its two most prominent members,

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Zinoviev and Kamenev, fearing that Russia was not yet economically ready for revolution, urged restraint and even burned some of Lenin’s letters.

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9
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

Kamenev and Zinoviev believed that they should not act before the results of the Constituent Assembly elections were known, while Trotsky suggested they should work through the Petrograd Soviet and wait for the Congress of Soviets which was due to be convened on 26 October. He believed that, at this congress, they could

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win the support of all socialist parties for a Soviet government without having to resort to violence.

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10
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

THE BOLSHEVIK SEIZURE OF POWER, OCTOBER 1917
On 7 October Lenin secretly returned to Petrograd to attend a meeting of the Central Committee and try to win them over in person to the policy of taking power immediately.
Kerensky was well aware that the Bolsheviks wanted to seize power:

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  • He responded by sending some of the more radical army units out of the capital.
  • This provided an excuse for the Bolshevik-controlled soviet, which claimed that Kerensky was abandoning the capital to allow it to fall to the Germans, to set up a Military Revolutionary Committee under Trotsky and Dzerzhinsky on 9 October. The committee controlled 200,000 Red Guards, 60,000 Baltic sailors and 150.000 soldiers of the Petrograd garrison.
  • Its declared purpose was to control troop movements fin the face of a German threat).
  • However, its existence also seemed justified by the fears that government ministers might support a right-wing coup.
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11
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

On 10 October Lenin harangued the Central Committee of the Party all night and finally succeeded (with a vote of ten to two) in persuading them that ‘an armed rising is the order of the day.
Kerensky tried in desperation to close down two Bolshevik newspapers and restrict the Military Revolutionary Committee’s power.
He even ordered that the bridges linking the working-class areas to the centre of Petrograd should be raised.

However, Bolshevik propagandists suggested that

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his actions were a betrayal of the Soviet and an abandonment of the principles of the February Revolution and used them as an excuse to act.

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12
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

It therefore just remained for Trotsky, with his tremendous power and influence on the Military Revolutionary Committee, to organise the final stages of the Bolshevik Revolution.
* Through the night of 24-25 October, with the support of the Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee, and in the name of the Second Congress of Soviets,

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  • 5000 sailors and soldiers from Kronstadt moved into the city and Bolshevik Red Guards seized key positions around the capital.
  • These included the telephone exchange, the post office, railway stations, the news agency, the state bank, bridges and power stations.
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13
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

Since Kerensky could not rely on the Petrograd troops to defend the Provisional Government, he left for the front.
He hoped to be able to contact loyal troops who would march to the city and defend it.
The rest of the government met in an emergency session in the Winter Palace where on the evening of 25 October, Red Guard soldiers and sailors surrounded the palace.

The October Revolution in Petrograd, whereby power passed to the Bolshevik Communists, thus proved a relatively small-scale affair.

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  • Much of Petrograd remained unaffected by the disturbances - trams and taxis ran as normal and restaurants, theatres and cinemas remained open.
  • Even Trotsky had to admit that the revolution was essentially a series of small operations, calculated and prepared in advance.
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14
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

CONSOLIDATION OF BOLSHEVIK GOVERNMENT OCTOBER-DECEMBER 1917
670 delegates that had arrived for the Second All-Russian Congress of Soviets in the Smolny Institute held their first session.
* The Bolshevik action of the previous day was not universally approved and even the Bolsheviks,

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Zinoviev and Kamenev spoke out against the coup.

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15
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

The Menshevik leader predicted that Bolshevik power would last no longer than three weeks, while the SR faction was split  the left congratulated Lenin, while those to the right accused him of using violence to seize power illegally.

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  • Although 500 voted in favour of a socialist government, the Mensheviks and right-wing SRs were dismayed to find that the majority of seats for a new executive committee to carry this out went to Bolsheviks and more extreme left-wing SRs.
  • In protest, these ‘moderates walked out of the congress, leaving a Bolshevik and left-wing SR coalition in control.
  • Their action simply played into the Bolsheviks’ hands.
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16
Q

12 . Political authority, by December 1917.

The executive committee established the Sovnarkom as the new government.
This was comprised exclusively of Bolsheviks, with Lenin as Chairman and Trotsky as Commissar for Foreign Affairs.

Lenin proceeded to introduce a series of decrees, designed to fulfil his promises of change and win support:

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  • 27 October: Decree on peace promised an end to war without annexation and indemnities. (An armistice followed in November, accompanied by an official demobilisation process.)
  • 27 October: Decree on land abolished private ownership of land and legitimised peasant seizures without compensation to landlords. (This reduced peasant support for the SRs and provided a breathing space for the consolidation of Bolshevik rule.)
  • November: Workers’ control decree gave workers the right to supervise management.
  • November: Nationality decree promised self-determination to the peoples of the former Russian Empire. (In December, Finland became an independent state, and an elected Rada [parliament] was set up in the Ukraine.)
  • November: government outlawed sex discrimination and gave women the right to own property; decree against titles, all to become ‘citizens.
  • December: Military decree removed class-ranks, saluting and military decorations from the army; officers were to be elected directly by the soldiers’ soviets.
  • December: Decrees on the Church nationalised Church land and removed marriage and divorce from Church control.
  • December: Nationalisation of banks ended the private flow of capital.
17
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

LENIN’S RUSSIA; IDEOLOGY AND CHANGE
In the excitement and optimism that accompanied the revolution of October 1917 and the establishment of a new Bolshevik government, issues of ideology were easily side-lined. The question of whether the manner of taking power conformed to the Marxist ideal became a side issue.
Instead, the

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pressing need to retain and consolidate controlled Lenin and the Bolsheviks to act first and justify later.

18
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

IDEOLOGY AND THE END TO WAR
Both Lenin and Trotsky had assumed that the Bolshevik seizure of power would spark similar revolutions elsewhere in Europe.
They expected this particularly in Germany, which seemed ripe for revolution by all the economic, social, and political criteria put forward by Marx.
However, although they were ideologically committed to rousing the German workers and soldiers against their Imperial government, the Bolsheviks were

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simultaneously committed to pursuing peace with that government.
This was despite knowing that peace would strengthen the Imperial government they wished to destroy.

19
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

This contradiction became acute when, following an armistice in November, Trotsky began peace negotiations in December 1917.
The German Imperialist government demanded, as its price, large swathes of Russian territory  split the Bolsheviks, with Nikolai Bukharin leading the revolutionary war group.

split?

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  • Some Bolsheviks wanted to pursue the war, arguing that this was necessary to defend both socialism and Russia itself; but this would have been a betrayal of the promises that the Bolsheviks had made on seizing power.
  • Trotsky’s solution was ‘neither peace nor war’ - retreating further if necessary while awaiting the revolution in the West.
  • However, Lenin took a more pragmatic view and argued for the acceptance of the German terms.
20
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

After a long debate, the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was signed on 3 March 1918 and ratified by an emergency Party congress.
However, this was only after Lenin twice offered to resign.
Trotsky spoke of sacrificing his deepest convictions in the interests of Bolshevik unity.

This decision was important for the future direction of the Soviet state. It set a precedent for future action by establishing that socialism at

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home would take priority over the spread of international revolution.
This commitment provided the intellectual foundation for Stalin’s later Soviet-first’ approach.

21
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

IDEOLOGY AND ONE-PARTY GOVERNMENT
Another ideological problem concerned the type of government that should be established in Bolshevik Russia.
Before taking power, Lenin had suggested a conventional Marxist view that government would be in the hands of the people.
He used the slogan ‘All power to the Soviets.

Lenin suggested in State and Revolution, written shortly before the October Revolution, that the people would

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readily see that a Bolshevik government ruled in their interests and would support it  he spoke of an expansion of democracy, with the people managing their own affairs and a reduction in state bureaucracy.

22
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

In some ways, his early decrees, particularly those on land (October) and workers’ control in factories (November) appear to support his theorising.
However, it is equally likely that he had little choice in this regard since

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peasants were already seizing land and workers taking over factories.
Furthermore, these decrees did not actually help create the conditions necessary for ‘socialism’.

23
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

The Petrograd Soviet, which had shared power with the Provisional Government in 1917 and in whose name the Bolsheviks had taken control, contained non-Bolshevik socialists, so Lenin side-lined it and formed the Bolshevik-only Sovnarkom.

In doing so, Lenin showed that he had no intention of sharing power with other socialists: particularly, the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries, despite their shared Marxist heritage.
Sovnarkom ruled

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by decree without seeking the Soviet’s approval and the initiation of peace talks began without reference to the Soviet.
While Sovnarkom met once or twice a day, the Soviet met increasingly less frequently - its power was thus undermined, even though it continued to meet until the 1930s.
The local soviets retained their importance, but they were brought into a new Bolshevik/Communist power structure.

24
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

Although Lenin agreed to allow some left-wing Social Revolutionaries to join Sovnarkom in November, following protests about the establishment of a purely Bolshevik state, he was so hostile to any further suggestions of power-sharing that Kamenev and Zinoviev (who favoured a broad socialist government) temporarily resigned. Once again there seemed to be a clash between the

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Marxist principle that power sprang from the people, and Lenin’s determination to retain a dominant voice.
Such determination meant that the Bolshevik state would be a one-party state.

25
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

Lenin’s determination was again seen in his dispersal of the Constituent Assembly in January 1918.
When civilians demonstrated against his action, they were

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fired on and 12 were killed.
Although such action appears to contradict the Marxist ideological principle of power to the people, in State and Revolution Lenin had written of the need for a strong party to provide for the dictatorship of the proletariat’ and to crush any bourgeois attitudes orvalues that remained after the revolution.

26
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

Lenin tried to claim that since the Bolsheviks were working in coalition with the Social Revolutionaries (although this was only the more radical left-wing of the party) it represented the people and a higher form of democracy.
This shallow attempt at justification was shown up in the ensuing months, when the coalition government broke up, and the left-wing Social Revolutionaries walked out of Sovnarkom in protest at the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.

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In March 1918 the Bolsheviks formally adopted the title of “Communist Party’ and from then on governed alone. All other groupings, whether former opponents or allies, were treated as enemies.

Thus, the concept of the one-party state, with a ruling party incapable of sharing power with anyone outside the party, was established during the early months of Lenin’s rule - the one-party state was to become a key principle of Soviet communism.

27
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

IDEOLOGY AND THE PRESERVATION OF THE SOVIET STATE
The creation of the Cheka, in December 1917, confirmed Lenin’s conviction that the dictatorship of the proletariat’ would require the active repression of ‘counter-revolutionary’ enemies.
His dismissal of the

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Constituent Assembly likewise supported his belief that revolutionary morality justified strong action.

28
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

The demand for obedience to the Party tightened; new central controls were brought in to manage the economy (known as War Communism) and deal with food shortages; and terror was used systematically to enforce the stringent new measures and eradicate opposition.
By revealing the weaknesses of Bolshevik control, the years of civil war

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forced the adoption of a more centralised system of government.

29
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

Lenin’s readiness to change course after the war in 1921, allowing more capitalistic practices, would seem to reinforce that pragmatism was more important than ideology.
It occurred when he was faced with revolt from

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workers and peasants who sought an end to wartime policies and the Kronstadt sailors, whose open revolt might be seen as symptomatic of working-class disillusionment.

30
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

However, the issue of whether Lenin intended some capitalism to be permanent, or only temporary, was to cause a good deal of debate in later years.

Furthermore, Lenin’s apparent change of heart had two other important consequences for the future of the Soviet state.

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  • Firstly, Lenin refused to admit any errors - and thus the concept that the Party could not, by definition, be wrong was born.
  • Secondly, Lenin successfully argued for a ‘ban on factions’ within the Communist Party, pointing out that Party unity was paramount in the difficult circumstances of 1921.
    Although this resolution meant little at the time, it was to assume much importance after Lenin’s death, when Stalin used the ban to defeat his rivals
31
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

The civil war years also saw one other major change in ideological commitment of the Communist government: Earlier support for national self-determination’ for the ethnic minorities was

example - georgia

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abandoned and all independence movements were denounced as ‘counter revolutionary’. The demands for greater independence in Georgia from 1922 were brutally crushed (although against Lenin’s wishes) on the orders of Stalin, who was a Georgian himself, and the Peoples Commissar for Nationalities.

32
Q

13 . Lenin’s Russia

Between 1921 and Lenin’s death in 1924, many of the key features of the Soviet state in the Stalinist years became well established:

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    • A fierce attack on the Church (seen as a rival power source) began, censorship became more systematic, and the powers of the Secret Police were extended.
  • Nor was any mercy shown to political rivals once the years of civil war cooperation were over.
  • The arrest of 5000 ‘for counter-revolutionary activities’ destroyed Mensheviks group as a political force.
  • In 1922, a group of imprisoned Social Revolutionaries was given a show trial’ and accused of plotting to assassinate Lenin.
  • This resulted in 34 leaders being condemned, 11 executed and the party outlawed.
  • Lenin had combined ideology and pragmatism in order to survive, but from 1922 he became increasingly concerned about the state of the Party, the growing bureaucracy, and the future leadership.