LIT 7.2 - SHAME, RAGE AND RACIST VIOLENCE Ray, Smith and Wastell Flashcards
What is the main conclusion of Ray et al on racist violence?
The authors argue that while racist attitudes are undeniably a factor, understanding the complex emotional underpinnings, particularly unacknowledged shame and its transformation into rage, is crucial for developing effective responses to this issue.
How is shame a motivater for racist violence? (Ray et al.)
The authors propose that unacknowledged shame, stemming from feelings of inadequacy, powerlessness, and disrespect, can trigger a spiral of shame and rage, ultimately culminating in violence. This aligns with the theory of diffusion, which we discussed earlier, in that the perception of others engaging in similar behaviours, coupled with media coverage that amplifies its perceived legitimacy, can contribute to the escalation of violence
Drawing on the work of sociologists Thomas Scheff and Suzanne Retzinger, the authors posit that shame, arising from threats to the social bond, plays a significant role in driving violence. They distinguish between:
Undifferentiated Shame: This type of shame is more readily recognizable and is characterized by:
●Overt displays of shame: Individuals experiencing undifferentiated shame may exhibit behaviours like silence, withdrawal, resignation, and visible discomfort.
●Passive response: This form of shame is often associated with feelings of helplessness, powerlessness, and a sense of being overwhelmed or defeated.
Think of a person who has been publicly humiliated or criticized. They might become visibly flustered, avoid eye contact, and retreat from social interaction. This withdrawn and submissive response exemplifies undifferentiated shame.
Bypassed Shame: This form of shame is less obvious and can manifest in unexpected ways:
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Concealed shame: Individuals experiencing bypassed shame might not consciously recognize or acknowledge their feelings of shame.
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Aggressive response: Instead of withdrawing, individuals may react with anger, rage, and hostility, often directed towards the perceived source of their shame. This aggressive behaviour serves as a way to mask their underlying feelings of vulnerability and inadequacy.
Example of bypassed shame, Ray et al
Scenario here a customer feels insulted by a shopkeeper. Instead of calmly addressing the issue, they might lash out verbally, become confrontational, and even resort to violence. This seemingly disproportionate, angry reaction could be driven by bypassed shame, where the individual’s sense of self-worth has been threatened, triggering a defensive and aggressive response.
What is the role of bypassed shame in racist violence (ray et al)
Bypassed shame plays a significant role in racist violence. Offenders experiencing shame due to feelings of economic disadvantage, social marginalization, and cultural displacement may direct their rage towards minority groups who are perceived as successful or privileged. This aggressive behaviour is a way to reclaim a sense of power and control, albeit a false and destructive one.
Why did racist violence occur in manchester? Ray et Al
The Context of Racist Violence in Greater Manchester
The study focuses on racist violence perpetrated against South Asians in Greater Manchester. The authors highlight the socio-economic context of the offenders, who typically reside in deprived, predominantly white estates on the periphery of the city. These areas have experienced significant economic decline, leading to unemployment, social fragmentation, and a loss of traditional working-class identity. The authors suggest that this context contributes to feelings of resentment, grievance, and shame among the white residents.
South Asians as Targets of Shame and Rage
The study finds that South Asians are particularly targeted in this context due to their perceived economic success and cultural solidarity. Offenders often view this success as undeserved, attributing it to unfair advantages and “money-grabbing” business practices. This perception fuels resentment and envy, further exacerbating feelings of shame and inadequacy among the white residents.
The authors note striking parallels between the rhetoric used to denigrate South Asians and historical anti-Semitic discourse. Both emphasize cultural differences, economic dominance, and accusations of parasitic behaviour, highlighting the deep-seated nature of these prejudices.
What were manifestations of shame in interviews in the manchester case? Ray et al
**Expressions of victimization: **Offenders frequently portrayed themselves as the true victims, claiming to have been cheated, threatened, or physically harmed by South Asians. They also expressed resentment towards what they perceived as preferential treatment given to South Asians by authorities, further reinforcing their sense of injustice and neglect.
Complaints of unfairness and injustice: Offenders consistently highlighted perceived inequalities in social security benefits, housing allocation, and police treatment, contrasting their own perceived disadvantages with the supposed privileges enjoyed by South Asians.
Perceptions of arrogance and contempt: Offenders often described feeling belittled, disrespected, and ridiculed by South Asians, further fueling their shame and anger. They recounted instances of being ignored, mocked, or spoken to in languages they couldn’t understand, interpreting these interactions as deliberate attempts to make them feel small and excluded.
What research methods did Ray et al use to study racial violence?
Qualitative Approach: The sources heavily rely on interview data, quoting extensively from conversations with individuals convicted of offences with a racist motivation. This, along with the focus on personal experiences and perceptions, suggests a qualitative research design.
Interviews and Focus Groups: The sources mention analysing transcripts and notes from interviews, indicating that the researchers engaged in direct conversations with the offenders to gather in-depth information about their experiences and perspectives. In addition to individual interviews, the authors also conducted group discussions, both with offenders and with non-offender residents of estates where racist violence was prevalent. This approach allows for capturing diverse perspectives and exploring shared community attitudes.
Thematic Analysis: The authors identify recurring themes in the data, like feelings of victimization, injustice, and perceptions of South Asian “arrogance.” This points to thematic analysis as a way to uncover patterns and meanings in the qualitative data.
