Class, Power and Crime Flashcards
What do official crime stats typically show about social class?
They show the working class appears more likely to offend, though some argue stats underrepresent middle-class crime.
How do functionalists explain class differences in offending?
They see deviance as a product of inadequate socialisation or blocked legitimate opportunities, resulting in subcultures or status frustration.
What is the Marxist view on class and crime?
They see capitalism as causing crime at all levels but ruling-class crime is under-policed, while working-class crime is over-policed.
According to Marxists, how is society structured?
It’s divided into two main classes: the capitalist class (bourgeoisie) who own the means of production, and the working class (proletariat) who sell their labour.
Why do Marxists call capitalism “criminogenic”?
Capitalism’s pursuit of profit encourages greed, exploitation, and inequality, generating crime among both classes—survival for the poor, and corporate/white-collar offenses for the rich.
How can poverty lead to working-class crime, according to Marxists?
When wages are too low or jobs scarce, some turn to theft or other crimes to survive or access consumer goods.
Why might alienation cause non-utilitarian crime?
Lack of control and frustration at work can spark violence and vandalism as expressions of anger.
How does capitalism encourage middle- or upper-class crime?
It fosters competition and self-interest, pushing businesses or elites to break laws (e.g., tax evasion, fraud) to maintain profits.
What did David Gordon (1976) argue about capitalism and crime rates?
He called crime a rational response to the capitalist system’s pressures and inequalities—so it’s found across all social classes.
How do Marxists see the state and law-making process?
They argue the state and laws mainly protect capitalist interests, such as private property, while ignoring harms by big business.
What historical example does Chambliss (1975) give to show laws protect capitalist interests?
Britain introduced a tax payable only in cash in colonial Africa, forcing locals to work on plantations to earn money, benefitting colonial business.
Why do Marxists say the ruling class can prevent certain laws that threaten their profits?
They have the power to block or dilute legislation (e.g., environmental or workplace safety laws) to protect capitalist interests.
How do laws sometimes create a ‘caring face’ of capitalism, according to Frank Pearce (1976)?
Rare laws appear to protect workers’ health or safety, but they’re rarely enforced and mainly sustain a healthy workforce for capitalism’s benefit.
What ideological function does crime serve in Marxist theory?
Portraying criminals (often the poor) as flawed diverts attention from capitalism’s structural harms, so the public blames individuals instead of the system.
What is one criticism of Marxism’s explanation of class and crime?
It largely ignores gender or ethnicity in crime, focusing almost solely on class.
Why do critics say Marxism is too deterministic about working-class crime?
Not all the poor turn to crime despite capitalist pressures; some remain law-abiding.
How do Marxists respond to the fact that some capitalist states have low crime rates?
They argue those with strong welfare provision (e.g., Japan, Switzerland) reduce strain, but crime can still exist, especially corporate or hidden crimes.
What about cases where the criminal justice system prosecutes corporate crimes?
Marxists see occasional prosecutions as an attempt to appear impartial, maintaining the system’s legitimacy.
Who are neo-Marxists (or critical criminologists)?
Sociologists influenced by Marx but also by other perspectives (like labelling), seeking a more humanistic, voluntaristic view of crime.
What do Taylor, Walton and Young (1973) share with traditional Marxists?
They believe capitalism is unequal and exploitative, the state makes laws in capitalist interests, and a classless society would greatly reduce or eliminate crime.
How do neo-Marxists differ from traditional Marxists?
They reject economic determinism and see crime as a conscious, meaningful choice—sometimes aiming to redistribute wealth or challenge capitalism.
What is ‘anti-determinism’ in neo-Marxism?
It rejects the idea that external forces (economy, biology, subcultures) fully drive criminal behaviour. Criminals have agency and can act politically.
What do Taylor et al. mean by a ‘fully social theory of deviance’?
A comprehensive approach combining Marxist ideas on inequality with labelling’s insights on societal reactions, covering six key aspects from wider origins to the effects of deviant labels.
Name one of the six aspects in Taylor et al.’s ‘fully social theory of deviance.’
The wider origins of the deviant act in the unequal distribution of power in capitalist society.
Why do left realists criticise neo-Marxism’s romantic view of criminals?
They say it overlooks the real harm criminals do to working-class victims, often seeing them as ‘Robin Hoods’ rather than actual predators.
How did Roger Hopkins Burke criticise critical criminology?
He argued it’s too general to explain specific crimes and too idealistic to tackle them in practice.
What have Taylor, Walton, and Young admitted about their 1973 book, The New Criminology?
They revised some of its arguments, but Walton and Young still defend its broader contributions to radical approaches.
What is white-collar crime, as first defined by Edwin Sutherland (1949)?
“A crime committed by a person of respectability and high social status in the course of their occupation.”
Why is white-collar crime often not seen as ‘real’ crime?
It’s less visible, rarely prosecuted, and often labelled as technical or regulatory offences, not street crime.
What are ‘crimes of the powerful’?
Offences by higher-class people or corporations—tax evasion, fraud, environmental harm—that often escape harsh punishment.
How does Reiman and Leighton’s (2012) phrase “The Rich Get Richer and the Poor Get Prison” reflect selective enforcement?
It shows higher-class offenders are less likely to be prosecuted than working-class offenders, with the justice system more lenient on corporate wrongdoing.
What did Tombs (2013) find about corporate crime?
He said it’s widespread, routine, and pervasive, causing huge physical, environmental, and economic harm—beyond just a few ‘bad apples.’
Name two examples of corporate crimes against consumers.
False labelling and selling unfit goods (e.g., the 2011 scandal with substandard breast implants in France).
Give an example of a crime against employees.
Violating health and safety laws; Tombs estimates up to 1,100 UK work-related deaths a year.
How about crimes against the environment?
Illegal pollution, toxic waste dumping—e.g., Volkswagen’s software cheating emissions tests in 11 million vehicles.
What is state-corporate crime?
Harmful acts by government institutions in partnership with businesses to pursue shared goals (Kramer and Michalowski, 2006).
Why did KPMG’s tax fraud case demonstrate ‘abuse of trust’?
KPMG held a position of respectability but engaged in large-scale wrongdoing, exploiting public trust for profit.
How did Harold Shipman’s actions also violate society’s trust?
As a GP, he used his professional status to murder patients, forging prescriptions for lethal drugs.
Why does Sutherland say white-collar crime is more harmful to society than street crime?
It erodes public trust in basic institutions, breeding cynicism and undermining social cohesion.
What is meant by ‘the invisibility of corporate crime’?
Corporate offending is under-reported, under-policed, and downplayed by media and politicians, making it seem less serious or not “real” crime.
Why do politicians have little will to tackle corporate crime?
Their ‘tough on crime’ rhetoric focuses on street offenses, ignoring the complex, less visible crimes of the powerful.
Why are corporate crimes often difficult to investigate?
They are complex, require specialised knowledge, and law enforcers may be underfunded or understaffed.
How does ‘de-labelling’ work at the corporate level?
Offences get treated as civil, not criminal; powerful corporations hire lawyers, accountants, and lobbyists to reduce or avoid labels like ‘criminal.’
Why does under-reporting keep corporate crime hidden?
Victims may not realise they’ve been harmed (e.g., mis-sold mortgages), or feel powerless against big organisations and so never report it.
What is partial visibility in corporate crime?
Since the 2008 financial crisis, media coverage of scandals (like tax avoidance) increased, though much corporate crime stays shielded.
How do strain theories apply to corporate crime?
Company pressure to meet profit goals may push employees to ‘innovate’ illegally if legitimate means are blocked.
What does Sutherland’s ‘differential association’ suggest about white-collar crime?
People learn criminal motives if they associate with those who justify or normalise wrongdoing in a corporate environment.
What is ‘techniques of neutralisation’ (Sykes and Matza) in corporate crime?
Offenders justify illegal acts by blaming victims (“they should’ve read the small print”) or claiming “everyone does it.”
How does Nelken’s (2012) concept of ‘de-labelling’ differ from official labelling theory?
Elite offenders can pay specialists to avoid criminal labels or serious sanctions, unlike the powerless who are more easily labelled.
What is the Marxist explanation of corporate crime?
It results from capitalism’s drive for profit and the ruling class’s ability to avoid punishment through state influence and selective law enforcement.
How do left realists critique relying on official records to measure corporate crime?
They note many cases never make it into records—so official data underestimates the true extent of corporate wrongdoing.
Why might occasional prosecutions occur for corporate crime?
To maintain the illusion of fairness, suggesting the system punishes all offenders equally, though such actions are rare.
What is one reason corporate crime increased after neoliberal policies?
Privatisation and marketisation gave large corporations more control over public services, increasing opportunities for corporate abuse.
Why do some sociologists see a shift toward more scrutiny of corporate crime recently?
Public scandals (e.g., banking crises, tax avoidance leaks) led to activism and media attention, although many crimes remain hidden.
Overall, how do Marxists see ‘crimes of the powerful’?
As systemic outcomes of capitalism where elites shape law enforcement to protect themselves, leaving working-class crimes heavily policed.
How do Marxists describe the link between capitalism and laws?
Laws mainly protect capitalist interests, ensuring property rights and profit.
What does Snider (1993) say about legislation regulating business?
Capitalist states hesitate to pass laws that threaten large corporate profits, reflecting ruling‐class power.
According to Box (1983), how does corporate crime compare to ‘street’ crime in impact?
Corporate crime causes far more economic and social harm, yet is rarely punished severely.
What did Carson (1971) discover about health and safety law compliance?
In a sample of 200 firms, all broke safety laws; only a tiny fraction faced prosecution, showing selective enforcement.
Why do some laws that appear to protect workers still serve capitalist interests (Pearce, 1976)?
They keep the workforce healthy and productive, ultimately benefiting capitalists.
How do Marxists see “selective enforcement” in policing crime?
Authorities target working‐class offenses (street crime) more than powerful offenders, reinforcing the view that crime is a lower‐class problem.
What effect do corporate lobbyists have on law enforcement?
They influence policymakers to weaken or avoid regulations, reducing the likelihood of serious penalties.
How does Reiman and Leighton’s (2012) concept of “the rich get richer and the poor get prison” illustrate class bias?
It shows how the system systematically favors wealthy offenders (less policing, lighter sentences) while heavily penalising the poor.
Why is corporate crime often described as “invisible”?
It’s underreported, complex, downplayed by media, and often treated as civil rather than criminal.
What is Braithwaite’s view on corporate wrongdoing?
Corporations can neutralise blame, claim ignorance, or pay fines to avoid criminal labels, thus undermining deterrence.
How does the media contribute to the invisibility of white‐collar crime?
It focuses on violent or sensational street crime, rarely spotlighting complex financial or corporate offenses.
Why do Marxists say moral panics often target the working class?
They divert public attention from elite crimes, reinforcing stereotypes about lower‐class deviance while keeping ruling‐class offenses hidden.
Which type of crime do left realists highlight as especially damaging to working‐class communities?
Working‐class street crime (robbery, burglary) hurts those already disadvantaged, contradicting romanticised views of offenders.
What do neo-Marxists add about the broader social meanings of crime?
They see it as a conscious, sometimes political act against capitalism, though critics say this overlooks real victims.
In Taylor, Walton, and Young’s ‘fully social theory of deviance,’ what role do societal reactions play?
Reactions (media, courts, public) help shape how crime is labelled and understood, influencing future deviance and social stigma.
How do neo-Marxists view the idea of ‘voluntarism’?
Offenders aren’t mere puppets; they exercise free will and may engage in crime as deliberate resistance or to assert identity.
According to Hall et al. (1978), why did the moral panic over “mugging” emerge in 1970s Britain?
It served as a scapegoat to distract from an economic crisis and social unrest, painting Black youth as a threat and uniting society behind authoritarian policing.
How do critics evaluate Hall et al.’s argument on moral panics and capitalism?
Some say it overestimates media power or public gullibility, while others find it a valuable insight into race, class, and moral panic.
What is the main point of critical criminology regarding crime reduction?
Fundamental social change (ending inequality in capitalism) is essential; reforms alone can’t fully address deep structural causes.
Why do left realists disagree with purely revolutionary solutions?
They focus on practical measures—better policing, community programs—to address immediate harm rather than waiting for a total social transformation.
What does Pearce call laws that occasionally penalise corporations but rarely lead to major reforms?
“Token laws”—they give a caring façade but don’t truly threaten capitalist power.
Which concept explains why occupational or corporate offenders often avoid harsh labelling (Nelken, 2012)?
“De-labelling,” where they use experts, legal counsel, and complexity to sidestep criminal charges.
How do right realists sometimes respond to the Marxist focus on class and corporate crime?
They argue immediate solutions should target “real” problems of street crime, not systemic critiques, downplaying corporate wrongdoing.
How do official statistics mislead public perception of class and crime?
They highlight working‐class crimes while ignoring or underrecording large‐scale corporate offenses, shaping a biased crime narrative.
Why is “criminogenic capitalism” a key Marxist idea?
Capitalism generates pressures—exploitation, inequality, competition—that encourage criminal behaviour at all class levels.
How does the concept of “mystification” apply to corporate crime, according to Box?
The ruling class mystifies the real extent of corporate harm, so the public believes it’s rare or less serious than street crime.
What are some examples of environmental crimes facilitated by capitalism’s drive for profit?
Toxic dumping, illegal emissions, deforestation—often overlooked or weakly punished under capitalist governments.
Which group do Marxists say has the power to define what counts as ‘serious crime’?
The ruling class, which frames laws to protect property and profit, marginalising offences they routinely commit.
Why is corporate fraud often not handled like conventional crime?
Regulators treat it as “technical” or “civil,” avoiding criminal courts and lengthy sentences.
How do we see “cultural norms” of competitiveness fueling white‐collar crime?
Workplace environments reward aggressive profit‐seeking, normalising bending or breaking rules to reach targets.
In what way do certain corporate crimes cross over into state crimes?
Some corporations collaborate with governments for illegal acts—e.g., arms deals, pollution—further blurring lines between lawful and criminal.
Why might it be difficult to measure the true scale of corporate crime internationally?
Global operations, varied legal systems, and secretive practices hide offenses, with little coordinated cross‐border enforcement.
How does the concept of “occupational crime” differ from “corporate crime”?
Occupational crime is by individuals for personal gain (embezzlement), while corporate crime benefits the company (price fixing).
Why do some sociologists propose “zemiology” over conventional definitions of crime?
Zemiology studies “social harm” rather than just legal violations, capturing broader harms capitalism causes that law doesn’t classify as crime.
What do critical criminologists say about the future of class and crime under capitalism?
They predict corporate crime and inequality will persist unless capitalism itself is fundamentally challenged.
Summarise the main Marxist critique of mainstream criminology.
It ignores how capitalism’s structure fosters crime and how the ruling class shapes laws to protect its interests.
