Quiz 2 Flashcards

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1
Q

How does cultural psychology agree or conflict with indigenous psychology?

A
o	Similarities:
 Emic perspective (less so 
   than Indigenous)
 Preference for localized 
   methods (but will use others 
   if local methods are 
   insufficient).
 Look at culture specifics and 
   reject culture universals.
 Culture is viewed as being 
   inseparable from the 
   individual.
 Culture is internal to the 
   person.
o	Differences:
 Researcher that does not 
   have to be a local (i.e., an 
   outsider with an emic 
   perspective).
 Indigenous uses “formal” 
   psychological theories. In 
   contrast, cultural psychology 
   uses folk theories 
   (ethnotheories I.e. cultural models).
 Cultural has roots in 
   anthropology.
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2
Q

How does cultural psychology agree or conflict with cross-cultural psychology?

A

o Similarities:
 Researcher is an outsider.
 Can compare multiple
groups.

o	Differences:
 Focuses on universals and 
   ignores specifics.
 Does not use localized 
   methods.
 Emic/etic perspective.
 Culture is treated as a 
   variable and not a process 
   (antecedent i.e., external to 
   the person).
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3
Q

How might cultural psychologists working from the cultural anthropology tradition treat universals (using the four levels), indigenous or cross-cultural?

A
o	Cross-cultural: 
 Would focus on accessibility 
   universals.
o	Indigenous:
 Would look at non- 
   universals.
o	Cultural:
 Would look at non-universals i.e. culture specifics.
o	Evolution: 
 Would look at functional 
   universals, existential 
   universals and accessibility universals.
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4
Q

Difference between KMP between indigenous and cultural psychology?

A

When KMP is used by Maori people it is considered indigenous. When someone outside of the Maori culture uses KMP it is cultural psychology.

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5
Q

Universalism vs relativism stances of indigenous, cultural and cross-cultural psychology.

A

Indigenous takes a relativist stance (culture is internal and subjective and have a preference for culture-specific).

Cultural psychology takes a relativist stance i.e. culture specifics and against universals.

Cross-Cultural psychology takes a moderate universalism stance and focuses on accessibility universals.

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6
Q

what are the two main methods of cultural psychology?

A
  1. Ethnography: science or broader term referring to methods that involve an outsider taking an aic perspective. Participant observation is an example of an ethnographic method.
• A systematic method of 
  leaving your own cultural 
  frame to engage in other 
  perspectives.
• It requires long-term 
  interactions with a particular 
  group that is unfamiliar to the 
  researcher (i.e., not your 
  cultural group).
• The goal is to translate, it’s 
  probably the oddest thing in 
  the universe.
  1. Participant Observation:
• A technique of field 
  research, used in 
  anthropology and sociology, 
  by which an investigator 
  (participant observer ) 
  studies the life of a group by 
  sharing in its activities.
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7
Q

What are the four forms of observation in cultural psychology?

A
  1. Naturalistic
  2. Laboratory-Based
  3. Participant
  4. Non-Participant
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8
Q

what are the (4) benefits of ethnography?

A
1. Minimal equipment 
   required:
o Only requires two things, 
   the ability to observe and a 
   writing device to record our 
   observations on.
2. Is participant-driven: 
o You learn the context from 
   people who know it best.
o For example, when 
   European explorers who die 
   in environments that 
   indigenous people thrive in. 
   It highlights that indigenous 
   people have unique 
   knowledge Europeans 
   could benefit from.
o For example, Burke and 
   Wills did an expedition 
   where they were taken in by 
   native aboriginals. They 
   feed him on fish, berries and 
   Nardoo (unless it is washed 
   correctly it has an enzyme 
   that inhibits the uptake of 
   vitamin D. One of them died 
   from lack of vitamin D and 
   not starvation (regardless of 
   what they eat). Lost their 
   sight, weakness or pain in 
   joints and the abnormal 
   walk they develop with 
   rhythmic falling because 
   their bodies were not 
   receiving nutrients to 
   function. An example, of 
   how outsiders can lack vital 
   information about customs 
   and practices which can 
   have a very disastrous 
   effect on us.
o For example, hippos and 
    tomatoes in Zambia. All of 
   the projects he set up in 
   Africa failed. Everything he 
   touched he killed. Italians 
   tried to teach Zambians how 
   to grow Italian fruit and 
   vegetables. The locals had 
   no interest in learning it and 
   only showed up to be paid 
    for participation. 
    Researchers were shocked 
    that the locals did not have 
    agriculture in such a fertile 
    land. Instead of asking 
    them “why do you not grow 
    her” they thought oh thank 
    god we are here to teach 
    you and save you from 
    starvation. Hippos came 
    out of the river and ate their 
    tomatoes, and this was why 
    they do not grow food 
    there. He said why did you 
    not tell us about the 
    hippos? 
    Their response, you never 
     asked!
3. Avoid mistakes of not 
    knowing the cultural group 
    by taking lead from those 
    who know it best.
4. Leads to better questions, 
    better data, better 
    participation and better 
    research overall.
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9
Q

What are the (6) challenges of ethnography?

A
  1. Being there changes things
    (i.e., people act differently
    because you are there
    watching them).
    o Important to remember your
    positionality (assigned and
    ascribed roles and
    perspectives) and reflexivity
    (reflecting on how your
    positionality introduces bias
    to the research).
  2. Takes a long-time:
    o Depending on how well you
    know the context, it takes a
    long time to learn how
    things work and obtain an
    emic perspective.
    o Data collection is built on
    relationships, and
    relationships take time to
    build.
    o Major method: “deep
    hanging out” is a common
    aspect of ethnography
    where you simply spend
    time with the people in their
    cultural context with where
    the only goal is to learn.
  3. EVERYTHING is data:
    o It can be hard to tell what to
    attend to because as a
    researcher we are trying not
    to pre-judge and leave our
    biases at the door.
    o Difficult in feeling like you
    must always be “on” (i.e.,
    always looking for data and
    performing certain actions
    around respondents).
    o Removed from normal
    environment and support
    networks.
    o IMPORTANT to have self-
    care practices in place to
    mitigate feeling
    overwhelmed.
  4. Balance research goals
    with personal relationships
    (in and out of field research)
    o Data gathering based on
    relationships: but we need
    to manage our expectations
    from participants, friends
    and family back home, and
    demands of research.
    o Long-term and stressful:
    humans will do as humans
    do… think carefully about
    starting romance.
  5. Reliability and validity:
    o Can be hard to avoid “naval
    gazing” getting too caught
    up in your own perspective.
    o Does it matter whether what
    you observe will ever
    happen again?
    o How do you know your
    conclusions are based on
    more than your own
    opinion?
  6. Personal challenges:
    o Getting to know a new
    culture can be
    overwhelming.
    o Feeling foreign, homesick
    and sometime physically
    sick can take its toll.
    o For example, Alice and
    wonderland. Enough of this
    nonsense I just want to go
    home. Nothing looks
    familiar. I’ll be glad to be
    home. It would be nice if
    something made sense for a
    change.
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10
Q

If ethnography is so hard, why bother?

A
o Recreating cultural 
   phenomenon (i.e., festivals 
   or rituals) is unethical, 
   impractical and impossible to 
   recreate in a lab (i.e., the 
   gold standard 
   experimentation we are 
   used to is not applicable and 
   field study methods need to 
   be adopted).
o Participants communities 
   cannot access to the lab.
o External validity: we want to 
   make sure that the 
   phenomenon is as authentic 
   as possible to who it 
   naturally occurs in the real 
   world.
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11
Q

What is a core method in ethnography?

A

observation.

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12
Q

positives and negatives of naturalistic observation?

A
o Positive: 
o External Validity: the 
   behavior we are collecting 
   data on is the “real” 
   behavior in the “real world”.
o Negative: 
o Lack of precision: there is 
   issues of confounds that 
   cannot be controlled for, 
   researchers access to 
   locations may be limited 
   (physically and positionality 
   impacting our ability to 
   understand another 
   perspective), potential 
   challenges for researcher’s 
   safety (i.e., field research 
   risk if going to unfamiliar 
   terrain or violent area).
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13
Q

positives and negatives of participant observation?

A
o Positive:
o Allows for an outside 
   researcher to begin to adopt 
   an emic perspective, learn 
   the meaning and 
   experience of actions in the 
   event.
o Negative:
o Issues of access, limitations 
   of participants perspective 
   (i.e., can never truly be 
   emic), their safety (i.e., rituals 
   that involve bodily harm or 
   substance consumption).
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14
Q

positives and negatives of laboratory-based observation?

A
o Positive:
o  Researcher control: the 
    researcher can set the 
    parameters of the event 
    and control for confounds.
o Negative: 
o External Validity: behaviors      
   in a lab are not natural (i.e., 
   some events cannot be 
   recreated in the lab).
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15
Q

positives and negatives of non-participant observation?

A
o Positive:
o Access to events that 
   researcher cannot be “in” 
   (i.e., animal groups, children, 
   larger events like festivals 
   or public rituals).
o Negative:
o Issue of etic perspective, 
   some events are not 
   accessible as a non- 
   participant or etic 
   perspective.
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16
Q

How do we untangle the link between the mind and culture?

A

with a culture model.

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17
Q

How do we unpack the contents of a culture model?

A

With the method of Cultural Domain Analysis.

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18
Q

What are the domains and concepts within a culture model?

A

(A) Domains:
 is a category of things that exist in the world (i.e., animals, fruit, musical instruments, books, university courses, movies) that can indicate a groups ontology.
 The amount of agreement about what concepts fall within the domain can vary (i.e., the level of cultural consensus).
 Items in the domain are seen as important (i.e., are salient) and are often the first thing that comes to mind and the most common.
 Domain item salience is also variant across the group (i.e., more salient for some members of the cultural group than others).

(B) Concepts:
 Concepts within a domain (category) have a structure.
 Items within a category can be compared to one another to determine the level of similarity and differences between each item.
 E.g., coconut trees are more like banana trees than they’re to apple trees (in tree domain).
 E.g., apples are more similar to plums than they are to bananas (in fruit domain).

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19
Q

Domains within a culture model reflect peoples ___

A

ontology: belief about reality and what exists in the world (i.e., monism, material realism, critical relativism or dualism idealism and relativism).

20
Q

Agreement of concepts within a domain are ___

A

the level of cultural consensus in which concepts come to mind first or are more salient will vary.

21
Q

Are concepts within a domain discrete or relational?

A

concepts within a domain all have semantic relationships to one another.

22
Q

Are concepts within a domain structured?

A

yes. they’re structured based on the domain (or catergory[s]) to which they belong and can be compared to another for similarities and differences.

23
Q

Two methods to identify and understand the concepts in a domain?

A
  1. Free listing

2. Card sorts

24
Q

Free listing is used to ___ and works like this:

A

to identify the concepts within a domain.

 This method is useful when the researcher knows what the domain is but not its contents.
 Participants are asked to list items in the domain so we can determine:
o Salience: which items are most common and listed first?
o Consensus: how similar are participants lists?
 Example: of free listing
research
o What god(s) do and do not
like:
o Participants were 108 I’Taukei Fijians who were asked to list five things that their agents (Christian god, local ancestral gods and police) liked and disliked.
o We end up with lists for each participant and we search through each list for salience and consensus (which items are most common or listed first and how similar the lists are).

25
Q

Culture Domain Analysis by Card Sort Ranking works by:

A

o When the concepts (that the researcher thinks are in the domains) are listed on the card (i.e., know both category and content).
o Participants are asked to sort the cards according to a question or prompt (i.e., rank these kinship terms in order across six ways of interacting).
o Closeness
o Asking for help
o Giving help
o Respect
o Joke with
o Give commands to
o Data from free lists:
o Each person places the cards with kin terms on them in rank order (1=most, 26=least).
o Then use latent analysis (i.e., principal component analysis) to identify factors structure or dimensions in the data.
o Identified two dimensions in kinship structure of interpersonal relationships:
o Respect/closeness
o Joking/authority
o This allows us to map kin terms by dimensions and give a numerical picture of kinship norms:

26
Q

a latent analysis is used in _ method for identifying the content of a domain?

A

card sort. when we know the category and think we know the content but don;t know the saliency, most important or structure.

27
Q

what are alternative methods to ethnography and observation that cultural psychologists use?

A

o Experiments
o Field experiments
o Priming
o Quasi-experiments

28
Q

Are cultural psychology and evolutionary psychology mutually exclusive?

A

No, they often overlap. Similarly, the (4) perspectives of culture in psychology are complementary methods.

29
Q

Two ways cultural psychology is rooted in anthropology:

A

Cultural psychology is the intersection between cultural and biological anthropology

(A)	Cultural Anthropology:
o “Reciprocity and mutual 
    embeddedness of culture and 
    psyche”
o Focuses in cultural psychology 
   is on the way of life” (not  
   universals).
o Favors qualitative and 
   descriptive data over 
   quantitative.
o Unique from anthropology 
   psychology (i.e., has a wider 
   tool range to specifically focus 
   on culture and the mind).
o Shweder (1999)
(B)	Biological Anthropology:
o “Humans are a cultural 
    species”
o Culture is unique and specific 
   to humans.
o Draws upon cultural evolution, 
   enculturation, and 
   developmental processes.
o More likely to favor 
   quantitative/experimental data 
   over qualitative.
o Heine and Ruby (2010)
30
Q

why is cultural psychology an ambiguous term?

A

*cultural psychology can be an ambiguous term because it has been used to refer to many things (i.e., in western society it refers to any study with culture in it; cross-cultural, indigenous and less often evolutionary psychology).

31
Q

Cultural Psychology has a problem with universals:

why?

A
 They assume that the 
   researcher’s way of doing 
   things is the “normal way” 
   which can lead us to draw 
   false or inaccurate 
   conclusions (weird and wasp 
   biases, need to engage in 
   reflexivity about our own 
   biases).
 You need to know the 
   culture first (outsider takes 
   the time to gain an emic 
   perspective and then the 
   study can proceed).
 Biggest differences between 
   Indigenous and cultural 
   psychology with cross- 
   cultural psychology is the 
   rejection of universals 
   (prevalent in positivist 
   science).
 E.g., may be comparing 
   apples to oranges 
   (equivalence issues).
 For example, Scweder (1997) 
   showcased a study by 
   Scandinavian researchers 
   looking at “universal” family 
   meals in Indian culture. In 
   Indian culture, families do 
   not eat together like people 
   do in Scandinavia. They 
   convinced Indians to sit 
   together and have a family 
   meal without understanding 
   that they were violating local 
   taboo rules to appease the 
   researchers. Thus, the 
   observational data they 
   collected was meaningless 
   because it did not reflect 
   natural Indian behavior at all.
32
Q

(4) Levels of Universals:

A
  1. Accessibility
  2. Functional
  3. Existential
  4. Non-Universal
33
Q

Accessibility Universal:

A

o Universal psychological mechanism which does not vary across cultures, it exists everywhere, all the time, is equally salient and serves the same function.
o Requirements:
 Exists in all cultures.
 Is used to solve the same problem across cultures (i.e., psychological mechanism serves the same function).
 Is accessible to the same degree across cultures (i.e., salience of psychological mechanism does not vary across cultures).
o For example:
 Small number counting and basic addition or subtraction.

 This experiment asks people to identify if there are more blue or yellow dots.
 For the top row where the dots are grouped by color it is a universal skill to be able to look at them and intuitively know what color has more (i.e., don’t need to count).
 For example, Wynn (1992) this is a skill evident in five-month-old babies with a differential looking task to show surprise. They were shown a puppet show where they were shown mickey mouse puppet which went behind a screen then either one or two more showed up the second time. Babies were surprised when they were shown two instead of one like normal and looked significantly longer. Showing babies have an intuitive sense of counting.
 For example, Pica et al., (2004) with an indigenous Amazonian tribe which has very few words for numbers and count 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 on one hand and up to 10 on the other and refer to thing as few but not many or very many. There findings demonstrate that cultures without formal cultural mathematical systems or language for numbers larger than five, yet they could still intuitively tell which color had more spots.

34
Q

Functional Universal:

A

o Requirements:
 Exists across all cultures.
 Is used to solve the same problems across cultures.
 Is more accessible to people from some cultures than others (i.e., more salient in some cultures than others).
o For example: Costly Punishment.
o Costly punishment refers to the psychological phenomenon where people are willing to incur a personal cost in order to punish people for not being fair or cooperative.
o It has been shown to be present in 15 societies including both large-scale western and small-scale non-western countries.
o However, it varies across cultures the extent to which people were willing to pay to punish uncooperative group members.
o For instance, costly punishment is less prominent in western cultures where individuals are used to being more anonymous and having third party institutions enact punishment on your behalf (i.e., police and government). Thus, westerners are less likely to feel a need to intervene themselves. However, smaller-scale societies which are more face to face and have social structure built on relationships of reciprocity that do not have third party enforces feel much more obligated to intervene themselves.
o The threshold for which people feel the need to intervene and engage in costly punishment varied across countries (i.e., salience was different, but function and presence was the same in every culture).

35
Q

Existential Universal (more specific):

A

o Requirements:
 Exists across all cultures.
 Is not necessarily used to solve the same problem across cultures.
 Is not necessarily equally as accessible to people of all cultures (i.e., may be more salient in one culture than others).
o All we know for sure is that it exists across all cultures.
o For example, social group formation and identity:
 People all have an individual identity and collective identity but the extent to which they’re interconnected varies across cultures.
 Collectivist cultures have an interdependent self-concept (i.e., more closely interwoven).
 Individualistic cultures have a much more discrete and separate self and collective self-concept.
 This means that group identity is more salient in some cultures than others and they will serve different functions as well.

36
Q

Non-Universal (culture-specific):

A

o Requirements:
 Does not exist in all cultures.
 Can be considered a cultural innovation (culture-specific or unique).
o For example, Chinese abacus:
 Chinese abacus is a culture specific way to teach mathematics in middle east and Asia.
 This has led to a culture specific way of conceptualizing mathematics that makes them better and doing calculations in their head (i.e., impacts on their cognition).
 View’s math in base numbers of 5 rather than 10 in western societies.
 They favor distinction between odd vs. even numbers.
 They make numerical errors not seen in non-abacus users.

37
Q

Key Idea of Cultural Psychology:

A
• Way of life as focus of 
  research
• How practices and mental 
  states reinforce each other 
• Does NOT treat culture as a 
  data point
• Does NOT treat culture as 
  means for getting at ‘human 
  nature’
38
Q

How to Decode the Cycle between mind and culture?

A

Build a cultural model.

39
Q

What is a model, the goal of a cultural model, main concern and used for?

A
  • Model: a means of describing relationships within a (psychological) phenomenon.
  • Goal: understand and describe rather than declare a statement of “truth”.
  • The main concern is about homing in on a part of the process which is relevant to what you’re looking at.
  • Its descriptive model designed to aid your understanding of something rather than being completely perfect, just good enough.
  • i.e., a map doesn’t need to be accurate in ratio to be useful, an overly specific map is not useable. Simplify it to better understand it.
40
Q

Cultural Models consists of ___ and ___

. To be a “cultural” modle it must be…

A
  • Cultural models are mental representations shared by members of a culture. These mental representations function both to make sense of and interpret sensory input and also to produce and shape purposive and communicative behaviours. Cultural models are used to read signalled intentions, attitudes, emotions, and social context, including the social status of those one is encountering.
  • These concepts have structure - have central & distal elements; include content & usage info.
  • Assumes that he locus of culture is in the mind of individuals.
  • Another assumption of mental models is that they consist of core and periphery parts.
  • To be considered “cultural,” mental models also need to be socially transmitted and carry some socially coercive force.
41
Q

Two Types of Cultural Models:

A

(A) Theory Building sense:

(B) Anthropological sense:

42
Q

Cultural Model in the Anthropological sense:

A

• Assumption that culture exists in people’s minds (i.e., internal).
• People operate in daily affairs by referencing concepts (cognitive representations) that are shared across the group and built/transmitted through culture.
• For example, frames, schemas and scripts shared within a cultural group.
• For example, cultural models from cognitive anthropology:
o Uses three main types of data: ethnographic, linguistic and cognitive (i.e., consensus analysis data).
• Culture occurs mostly outside of our conscious awareness. It can be explicitly taught or implicitly learnt through their environment. Thus, making them hard to identify and measure.

Two Main Types of Cognitive Anthropological (Culture Models):

  1. Foundational:
    • Simple, based on broad domains of being (e.g., space, time, relationship) that can be applied to most situations.
    • i.e., how social interactions works.
  2. Molar:
    • Complex, more specific in scope.
    • i.e., more detailed and context specific.
43
Q

cultural models are the ______.

A

cultural models are the units of investigation of culture.

44
Q

example of anthropological cultural model (the foundational kind)

A

Example: Foundational Folk Theories
• intuitive/tacit theories about basic categories of being (i.e., other people’s minds).
• E.g., theory of mind.
• Fijian cultures understand that people have their own thoughts but believe that one can never truly know what someone else is thinking and that thoughts are private affairs. Therefore, they feel that observable actions are more important than their intent (i.e., accidents are worse than failed attempts).
• Westerners view the mind originates in the brain and is the source of all action. They believe that thoughts drive behavior. Thus, intentions are viewed as more punishable than actions (i.e., failed attempt is worse than an accident).

45
Q

example of anthropological cultural model (the mola kind)

A

Example: Molar (more specific) Ethnotheories:
• Typically, used on theories of parenting.
• Intuitive/tactic theory that underlies the values and practices of a culture.
• Study via analysis and comparison of practices.
• Not usually apparent to the people within a culture.
• For example, where do we learn to raise children?
o Most people implicitly remember events or practices from their own childhood.
o Explicitly ask for advice from experts.
o Experience with raising younger siblings.
o Can be a touchy subject when we look at cross-cultural or interventions and behaviors are labelled as “good” or “bad”.
o i.e., whether it’s more important to touch (collectivist) your child or look them in the face (individualistic).

46
Q

Does cultural psychology treat culture as a means of getting at human nature?

A

No