Popular Politics Flashcards

1
Q

What was the nature of the franchised population?

A

The franchised population in Tudor England had to be male landowners worth >48 shillings

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2
Q

How were state affairs communicated to the whole body politic?

A

State affairs were communicated to, and understood by, the body politic through the church and printing

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3
Q

What was the role of verbal communication in popular politics?

A

Royal Heralds and Town Criers could announce proclamations, while as long as there was one reader the rest could be communicated via the vernacular

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4
Q

What existed in both High and Low politics and what was the difference?

A

Gossip and rumour existed in both high politics as a mechanism for self interest and low politics as a safety valves

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5
Q

How were commoners perceived by contemporaries?

A

Contemporaries saw commoners as the rabble, mob, many headed beast- all of these highlight the acknowledgement of their threat to high society

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6
Q

How was the many headed beast placated?

A

The many headed beast was placated via obedience- directly through oaths and indirectly through public transcripts

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7
Q

What two concepts did J. Scott put forward for popular politics?

A

J. Scott put forward the ideas of public transcripts and weapons of the weak

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8
Q

What were public transcripts?

A

Pubic transcripts were contemporary commentaries infused with rhetoric of the body politic which aimed to legitimise society’s nature

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9
Q

What were weapons of the weak?

A

Weapons of the weak were where public transcripts meticulous layout of social responsibility was mobilised as an invisible transcript to criticise governing classes

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10
Q

What does E. Shagan argue about the impact of the Pilgrimage of Grace?

A

E. Shagan argues that the Pilgrimage of Grace intertwined politics with religion, however L. Wooding says these are always co-dependent

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11
Q

How were the Pilgrim’s grievances legitimised?

A

The Pilgrim’s grievances were legitimised by harking back to tradition to make the grievances appear warranted and beneficial for all

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12
Q

What were the political, economic and religious grievances of the Pilgrimage of Grace?

A

The political grievances of the Pilgrimage of Grace were to restore Catherine and Mary; the religious grievances were the fears that dissolving the parishes would follow the monasteries; the economic grievances were the enclosures and loss of monasteries

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13
Q

What was the evil councillor trope?

A

The evil councillor trope was a traditional popular politics tactic of attributing blame to advisers of the monarch to avoid outright insurrection

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14
Q

Why, despite the application of the evil councillor trope, could the Pilgrimage of Grace be seen to directly challenge Henry?

A

The Pilgrims in the rebellion alongside using the evil councillor trope also reclaimed monasteries- the lands of which had become Crown Property and could thus be seen as a direct challenge, indeed Henry saw the monasteries after this as a crucial threat

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15
Q

How can we exemplify the rebels’ knowledge of the power of imagery?

A

The Pilgrims used the Five Wounds of Christ, the Northern Rebellion restored icons in Durham and held Mass

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16
Q

What was the common reaction to popular insurrection?

A

The common reaction to popular insurrection was to execute ringleaders and pardon participants- as the first practise active opposition, whereas the latter largely “constructive” (as they see it) criticism

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17
Q

What is a curious aspect of the 1536 Pontefract articles?

A

Curiously, the 1536 Pontefract Articles of the Pilgrimage of Grace demanded a parliament in the north, highlighting centre-periphery tensions

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18
Q

Outline Sir Thomas Smith’s De Republic Anglorum (1583):

A

De Republica Anglorum (1583) by Sir Thomas Smith is a meticulous elucidation of each social position, their use, and their interconnectedness within the social hierarchy

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19
Q

What does A. Wood assert about Sir Thomas Smith’s De Republic Anglorum (1583)?

A

A. Wood asserts that De Republic Anglorum (1583) presents unchallengeable contemporary assumptions- with authority flowing from the Crown and thus God

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20
Q

What does A. Wood assert about the commentaries written by Sir Thomas Elyot?

A

A. Wood highlights that Sir Thomas Elyot consistently denied politico to the plebs, suggesting that to franchise them would create chaos

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21
Q

How many treason laws were passed by Tudor parliaments in total?

A

Tudor parliaments in total passed 68 treason laws- including the 1532 act which policed thought

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22
Q

What is an example of a High Politics attempt to regulate Low Politics, and what can it also imply?

A

The 1553 Act against unlawful and rebellious assemblies attempted to regulate low politics- and it implies an attempt to increase control from the centre

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23
Q

Briefly outline the 1553 Act against unlawful and rebellious assemblies:

A

The 1553 Act against unlawful and rebellious assemblies also made mocking rhymes punishable

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24
Q

What can be said about local regulation of political discontent?

A

Local regulation of political discontent prohibited anarchy, but fabricated restricted spaces where discontent could be aired

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25
Q

What two periods of the Tudor era were the most anarchist according to A. Wood?

A

A. Wood suggests that 1549 and 1569/70 were the most anarchist periods of popular politics in the Tudor era, with martial law and executions

26
Q

In what period was there an attempt in legislation to codify crowds?

A

Between 1549-1559 there was an attempt in High Politics to codify crowds, e.g. amicable and seditious congregations

27
Q

What was the impact of the mid-Tudor effort to codify crowds?

A

The mid-Tudor codification of crowds helped make legislation stick more- e.g. 40+ gatherings against enclosures banned

28
Q

Following the mid-Tudor codification of crowds, what was considered a riot?

A

The mid-Tudor codification of crowds classified riots as 3+ individuals gathered in a tumultuous manner

29
Q

What was a common reason for localised sedition?

A

Localised sedition was often motivated by different understandings of land-rights, e.g. common land rights

30
Q

What does A. Walsham claim about the perceived responsibility of the crown in local affairs?

A

A. Walsham suggested that there was an expectation for the monarch to handle heterodox opinions because God would punish communities with deviants in them

31
Q

How can low politics fears of the impact of deviants be shown as a fear of the whole political nation?

A

While local parishes worried about the impact of deviants in their communities, a rhetoric in high politics was that deviants “diseased” the body politic

32
Q

What was considered an abomination?

A

Religious freedom was considered an abomination- this is because of the confessionalisation thesis in which the prince chose the religion

33
Q

What can be said about local autonomy?

A

Under Edward VI, autonomous French and Dutch churches in London were permitted- showing the trust of local government

34
Q

What can be said about the role of conformity in popular politics?

A

Outward conformity at a local level was largely satisfying enough for High Politics actors

35
Q

Why was the 1530s so unstable for popular politics?

A

The 1530s was so unstable for popular politics because there were a multitude of interpretations of changes occurring

36
Q

What does A. Good suggest about the Pilgrimage of Grace?

A

A. Good argues that the Pilgrimage of Grace, with its 50,000 men, was the single biggest threat to govt. aside from the 1640s.

37
Q

What can be said about the peace of the Pilgrimage of Grace?

A

The settlement reached by the Duke of Norfolk in 1536 only appeared as a commoner triumph, but Henry was arguably Machiavellian in the toying with Robert Aske

38
Q

How was the May 1525 Amicable Grant rebellion justified?

A

The May 1525 Amicable Grant rebellion was justified via the application of traditional allegory and metaphors

39
Q

What are examples of traditional allegory and metaphors used in popular politics?

A

In popular politics “captains poverty and necessity” were applied- e.g. John Grene stressed these when airing Amicable Grant grievances

40
Q

What is the historiographic consensus of popular politics?

A

There is a historiographic consensus that Tudor England was ideologically homogenous and revelling a mechanism for airing grievances

41
Q

What is an issue with the historiographic consensus of established and rigid popular politics practices?

A

Historical interpretations of rigid popular politics structures depict popular revolt as reactive- only when betters try to change the status quo- but is this true?

42
Q

What does A. Wood suggest about the historical interpretation of stylised exchange?

A

A. Wood suggests that beyond stylised exchanges there was rhetoric of fear and hatred rather than deference and subordination

43
Q

Why did popular politics often Peter out?

A

popular politics often petered out because of organisational failure

44
Q

What can be said about Tudor class conflict?

A

Tudor class conflict was not homogenous and varied regionally, historians need to understand this, but also, it was common for contemporaries to ignore local variations for the rich .v. poor dichotomy

45
Q

What can be said about contemporary ideas of class conflict?

A

Although contemporaries often ignored regional variances when blaming The Rich for The Poor, there were local variations in who counted as The Rich

46
Q

Why did the idea of The Rich have so many variations in Tudor England?

A

The idea of The Rich was so varied in Tudor England because of the constantly changing economic trends

47
Q

What has been a recent change in historiography of popular politics?

A

A recent change in the historiography of popular politics has been the move from looking at status-based ideologies to informal lexicons to reflect power and wealth distribution

48
Q

What is now understood as the role of women in popular politics?

A

Women are now understood to have developed collective traditions of popular politics by the end of the Tudor era, although there is little evidence of them accepting leadership positions

49
Q

What type of imagery became more prevalent in popular politics throughout the sixteenth century?

A

Throughout the sixteenth-century, visual subordination and linguistic reference to this (such as getting on your knees) became more prevalent

50
Q

How effective was visual subordination?

A

Visual subordination was incredibly effective in (1) mitigating rebellion’s severity (2) achieving immediate local aims (3) punishment of rebels

51
Q

What is an example of visual subordination being used as punishment?

A

An example of visual subordination being used as punishment is after the 1517 Evil May Day riots when 411 rioters were paraded in front of Henry VIII with halters around their necks

52
Q

What imagery was invoked by the use of halters as punishments, what changed with regard to this?

A

Halters invoked imagery of the Beast of Burden (similar to what animals that pull the plough wear), after the 1549 Kett’s suppression, they also became associated with hangings

53
Q

What changed from 1534 onward?

A

After 1534, there was an increase in policing of expression to monopolise the flow of political information which reshaped the public sphere

54
Q

What can be said about the effectiveness of 1534+ treason laws?

A

Treason laws after the Supremacy were not effective in policing thought, but they did moderate critique and deter private qualms from becoming public

55
Q

What does S. Clark suggest about the mentality of the political nation?

A

S. Clark suggests that the political nation was continually entrenched in ideas of binary oppositions

56
Q

What was the nature of invisible Tudor norms?

A

Overstepping the boundaries of invisible norms of speech could lead to capital punishment

57
Q

What does A. Wood argue to be an impact of the attempt to police thought?

A

A. Wood suggests that attempts to police though only served to give criticisms more credence as they were rarer and thus more pungent- but concedes that policing thought let inner-community and inter-class suspicion fester

58
Q

How could plebs air criticisms safely?

A

Criticisms could be aired safely through invisibility- either anonymous documents or crowds

59
Q

What can be said about elite perceptions of popular politics?

A

Elite ideas of popular politics revived the Plantagenet idea of “the noise” of popular politics

60
Q

What was the idea of “the noise” that contemporary elites harboured?

A

Contemporary elites perceived popular politics as “the noise”- i.e. rumour: the idea was that commotion = rebellion and rumour = sedition

61
Q

What was a secondary function of collectivisation of speech aside from anonymity?

A

Collectivisation of speech ensured anonymity but it also validated grievances in the wider body politics

62
Q

What changed with speech after the Kett’s rebellion?

A

Pre-Kett’s rebellion, rumour over enclosures was common, however after, there is little evidence of rumour at all