equality Flashcards
- In a political economy with formal equal opportunity, each person’s prospects as producer depend on which 3 things
- In a political economy with equal opportunity, each person’s prospects as producer depend only on (1) their initial stock of resources, (2) their ability and willingness to provide goods and services that others value, and (3) how lucky they are in the face of economic shocks.
the state’s role in ensuring formal equality of opportunity in economy
- For example, the state would have a duty to abolish market-distorting monopsonies because it would prevent someone willing to sell goods from being able to do so (the monopsony may declare they would only buy from one producer).
role of state under formal equality of opportunity
- For example, the state would have a duty to abolish market-distorting monopsonies because it would prevent someone willing to sell goods from being able to do so (the monopsony may declare they would only buy from one producer).
formal equality of opportunity
Equality of opportunity among all citizens
equal access to opportunities, rights, and resources regardless of their background,
formal equality of opportunity needs more than just law
- Needs more than just equality of opportunity by law; the behaviour of citizens also need to align with such principles for it to work; this is in contrast to Rawls’ fair equality of opportunity which only requires the basic structure to be faireg need fair treatment and non discrimintation like
formal equality of opportunity - allows for inequalityof opportunity
- People’s birth circumstances can have profound effects on their life chances (e.g. if people are born rich, they tend to be “luckier” and can withstand more economic shocks because they have deeper pockets) but Formal Equality of Opportunity does not provide a framework in correcting these looming problems
This basic idea is compatible with children benefitting from the inheritance they receive from parents (they are designated to have higher initial stock of resources). So, many theorists who subscribe to this idea would view such a requirement insufficient.
pe: Formal equality of opportunity focuses primarily on ensuring that individuals have equal access to opportunities such as education, employment, and political participation, regardless of their background or characteristics. However, it does not address the broader socioeconomic inequalities that result from disparities in wealth, income, and social status
While formal equality of opportunity may prohibit explicit discrimination based on factors such as race, gender, or ethnicity, it may not address more subtle forms of privilege and disadvantage that result from socioeconomic disparities
fair equality of opportunity
- Talent and effort are appropriate criteria for success in the competition for socially advantageous positions and roles, but differences in social class background should neither directly influence the competition, nor indirectly influence how far persons can develop talent or make an effort.
Fair Equality of Opportunity, an idea proposed by Rawls, amends the socialisation process to make people who are naturally endowed with talent in something and those who have the willingness to do the same thing have the same chances at succeeding.
- Those who are willing to be good at maths will have the means of schooling offered to them so that they can become as good as maths as those who have a natural talent for mathematics and do not try. Of course, if one is both naturally talented and is willing to put in the effort one gets better at it than someone without the talent and just puts in effort.
- Hence, Rawlsians would advocate for a public school system and universal basic income to guarantee a similar level of educational and economic opportunity for everyone. Affirmative action, for example, can be interpreted as a strategy to support fair equality of opportunity.
Fair equality of opportunity needs familial regulation too
- Rawls applies the requirement of fair equality of opportunity to the basic structure in his principles of justice but it seems that society cannot achieve fair equality of opportunity until the familial level is regulated too.
- Parents have different endowments so children will benefit differently from interacting with their parents. E.g. if a child has a French father and a British mother who each speak their native languages to their children, the child has greater opportunities in life because of their bilingual upbringing compared to a child who only exclusively knows French. Yet, the allocation of parents to children is morally arbitrary
luck egalitarian equally of opportunity
- The only inequalities that are acceptable are such that those who are unlucky in brute luck terms could have become as well off as anyone else by pursuing a course of action it would have been reasonable and not impossible for them to take we can be reasonable in holding them responsible for not pursuing it. Hence, luck egalitarianism has been described by Cohen (2009) as advocating “socialist equality of opportunity.”
- Put another way, “the playing field is levelled when unchosen circumstances of individuals are equalised, so that individuals can reasonably be held responsible for their choices that determine their eventual places in the social hierarchy.”
education in luck egalitarian equality of opportunity
- The purpose of educational policy, then, is to ensure support for those who have lower natural ability such that they exit school with as much perseverance and ambition as those born well-endowed with natural talents.
luck equality response to egalitarianism- luck egalitarian equality of opportunity
- the critics protest that egalitarianism undermines personal responsibility by guaranteeing outcomes independent of people’s personal choices. In response, luck egalitarians have moved from an equality of outcome to an equality of opportunity conception of justice: they ask only that people start off with equal opportunities to achieve welfare or access to advantage, or that they start off with an equal share of resources. But they accept the justice of whatever inequalities result from adults’ voluntary choices. All place great stress on the distinction between the outcomes for which an individual is responsible (option luck) and the outcomes forwhich she is not responsible (brute luck)
choice luck and luck egalitarians - redistribution
- Luck egalitarians say that, assuming everyone had equal opportunity to run a particular risk, any outcomes due to voluntary choices whose consequences could reasonably be foreseen by the agent should be born or enjoyed by the agent. The inequalities they generate neither give rise to redistributive claims on others if the outcome is bad, nor are subject to redistributive taxation if the outcome is good
distributive justice, choice luck and redistribution
- Distributive justice stipulates that the lucky should transfer some or all of their gains due to luck to the unlucky
luck egalitarians and economic mix
- equality of fortune thus share a common core: a hybrid of capitalism and the welfare state. For the outcomes for which individuals are held responsible, luck egalitarians prescribe rugged individualism: let the distribution of goods be governed by capitalist markets and other voluntary agreements.
luck egalitarians and wealth redistribution
- For the outcomes determined by brute luck, equality of fortune prescribes that all good fortune be equally shared and that all risks be pooled. ‘‘Good fortune’’ means, primarily, unproduced assets such as unimproved land, natural resources, and the income attributable to native endowments of talent
Taxes for redistributive purposes are the moral equivalent of insurance premiums against bad luck.
luck egalitarians and birth lottery
- Most luck egalitarians would consider the time at which a person enters society as irrelevant to their claim to their fair share of the bounties of nature. Children are not responsible either for their parents’ lack of wealth or for their parents’ decision to reproduce. Thus it is a matter of bad brute luck, requiring compensation, if their parents lack the means to give them their fair share
hardline equality of fortune and economic inequalities of outcome from option luck
- On Rakowski’s hard-line version of equality of fortune, once people risk and lose their fair share of natural wealth, they have no claims against others to stop their free fall into misery and destitution. Equality of fortune imposes no constraints on the structure of opportunities generated by free markets. Nothing would prevent people, even those whose gambles were prudent but who suffered from bad option luck, from subjection to debt peonage, sweatshops, or other forms of exploitation.
hardline equality of fortune and caring inequalities of outcome from option luck
- Arneson would not require accommodation of people who are disabled by their own fault. Dependent caretakers also would not get much help from Arneson…. Roemer explains Arneson’s theory: “Society should not compensate people on their choice of [a more altruistic, self-sacrificing] path because it owes people no compensation on account of their moral views.’’ People who want to avoid the vulnerabilities that attend dependent caretaking must there- fore decide to care only for themselves. This is egalitarianism for egoists alone.
One wonders how children and the infirm are to be cared for, with a system that offers so little protection to their caretakers against poverty and domination.” (Anderson)
disagreement among luck egalitarians
- luck egalitarians disagree on which space equality should be granted, - Should egalitarians seek equality of re- sources or assets (Dworkin, Rakowski, Roemer), real freedom—that is, legal rights plus the means to achieve one’s ends (Van Parijs), equal opportunity for welfare (Arneson)
Anderson’s main critique against luck egalitarians
equality of fortune fails the most fundamental test any egalitarian theory must meet: that its principles express equal respect and concern for all citizens.
in what 3 ways does equality of fortune fail the test of an egalitarian theory
Anderson
- it excludes some citizens from enjoying the social conditions of freedom on the spurious ground that it’s their fault for losing them. It escapes this problem only at the cost of paternalism
- equality of fortune makes the basis for citizens’ claims on one another the fact that some are inferior to others in the worth of their lives, talents, and personal qualities. - envy as a basis for distributing goods from the lucky to the unfortunate. Such principles stigmatize the unfortunate and disrespect the fortunate by failing to show how envy can obligate them
- equality of fortune, in attempting to ensure that people take responsibility for their choices, makes demeaning and intrusive judgments of people’s capacities to exercise responsibility and effectively dictates to them the appropriate uses of their freedom.
issue of caretakers and children under equality of fortune
Anderson
Dependent caretakers and their children face special problems under equality of fortune. Many people who care for dependents— children, the ill and infirm—command no market wage for discharging their obligations to those who cannot take care of themselves and lack the time and flexibility to earn a decent wage. For this reason, dependent caretakers, who are almost all women, tend to be either financially dependent on a wage earner, dependent on welfare payments, or extremely poor. Women’s financial dependence on a male wage earner results in their systematic vulnerability to exploitation, violence, and domination. But Rakowski’s doctrine implies that this poverty and resulting subordination is by choice and therefore generates no claims of justice on others
the sexist implications of assimilating the performance of moral obligations to care for dependents to the class of voluntarily ex- pensive tastes.
Parijs suggestion for overcoming issue of luck egalitarians not compensating for dependents/ caretakers
Parijs suggests a basic income
The chief difficulty with his proposal is that his basic income would be awarded to all unconditionally, regardless of whether they were able or performing socially useful work. Lazy, able-bodied sur- fers would be just as entitled to that income as dependent caretakers or the disabled.
In order to offer an incentive for people to work and thereby provide the tax revenue to fund a basic income, there would have to be a substantial gap between the basic income and the wage provided by the lowest paid unskilled job.
Hayek on issue with luck egalitarians
- Hayek says luck egalitarianism requires the state to make grossly intrusive, moralizing judgments of individual’s choices. Equality of fortune thus interferes with citizens’ privacy and liberty
issue with luck egalitarians and deciding citizen’s responsibility
Furthermore, as Arneson and Roemer make clear, such judgments require the state to determine how much responsibility each citizen was capable of exercising in each case. But it is disrespectful for the state to pass judgment on how much people are responsible for their expensive tastes or their imprudent choices….. and this gives individuals an incentive to deny personal responsibility for their prob- lems,
problematic medical application of luck egalitarianism
- Difficult reading - we should save one person whos life threatening state is due to a genetic condition, not for someone for whom it is due to recklessness. Even if condition isnt related/state isn’t life threatening.
problematic criminal application of luck egalitarianism version 2
Stemplowska
luck egalitarianism welcomes, for example, setting up the (criminal) justice system so as to prioritize the claims of those who made no choices increasing the chance that they be victims of crime. Those who opened doors to strangers who turn out to be robbers, or who dressed “provocatively” when going out late at night and were sexually assaulted, would have to wait in line until the claims of the more prudent citizens facing similar problems were met.
Stemplowska - second reading of luck egalitarianism
hard baseline
The second reading of luck egalitarianism sees it as offering directions regarding the nature of the baseline. According to this reading, not only must departures from the baseline that are due to luck be neutralized while those that are due to choice do not count, but also the baseline itself should be constructed in such a way as to allow maximum room for the luck/choice filter to differentiate between people. In effect, the opportunities we offer people must be such that people who make different choices end up with different outcomes: the hardworking and the prudent can maximize their advantage vis-à-vis the imprudent and the lazy
For the most part luck egalitarianism has been interpreted in this second way.
Stemplowska - first reading of luck egalitarianism
cushioning baseline
On the first reading, luck egalitarianism requires that departures from the egalitarian baseline due to luck be neutralized while departures due to choice be accepted. But this tells us nothing about how we ought to specify what counts as the egalitarian baseline
many ways of structuring the initial baseline of equal opportu- nities—one way of doing it is to set up generous guarantees of assistance, for everyone, in case they end up badly off for whatever reason.
Stemplowska - first reading of luck egalitarianism- as egalitarian
cushioning baseline - Some might object that the prudent and the hard working would be forced to subsidize the reckless and the lazy so that the cushioning baseline cannot count as egalitarian. But the baseline makes the prudent and the hardworking no worse off than the lazy and the imprudent are: they all equally enjoy the same opportunities to be imprudent and lazy and yet end up as well off as everyone else.
Stemplowska- what baseline should we accept
Even if the second reading is rejected, luck egalitarianism need not opt for the maximally cushioning baseline.
the cushion of the baseline does not stretch to cover cases where reckless and wasteful decisions of some would eat too much, if compensated for, into the resources of others.
Due to scarcity of resources, the choices one person makes can affect the amount of resources available for others. And because we are beings with separate lives in circumstances of scarcity, we must respect each other as holders of entitlements that offer us some protection against the potentially expensive choices of others.
Stemplowska- how to decide what choices should not lead to disadvantage
- What any egalitarian view needs, then, is a systematic way of designing the baseline, deciding which choices should not lead to disadvantage
we must ask whether acting to avoid a disadvantage requires greater sacrifice than offering compensation should it arise
democratic equality
- Construction of a community of equals – called ‘democratic equality’ (the theory Anderson defends). Democratic equality guarantees all law-abiding citizens effective access to the social conditions of their freedom at all times.
. It justifies the distributions required to secure this guarantee by appealing to the obligations of citizens in a democratic state. In such a state, citizens make claims on one another in virtue of their equality, not their inferiority, to others.
democratic equality and responsibility of citizens
, democratic equality’s principles of distribution neither presume to tell people how to use their opportunities nor attempt to judge how responsible people are for choices that lead to unfortunate outcomes. Instead, it avoids bankruptcy at the hands of the imprudent by limiting the range of goods provided collectively and expecting individuals to take personal responsibility for the other goods in their possession.
democratic equality and equal moral worth
This assertion does not mean that all have equal virtue or talent.
Negatively, the claim repudiates distinctions of moral worth based on birth or social identity—on family membership, inherited social status, race, ethnicity, gender, or genes.
There are no natural slaves, plebeians, or aristocrats.
Positively, the claim asserts that all competent adults are equally moral agents: everyone equally has the power to develop and exercise moral responsibility, to cooperate with others according to principles of justice, to shape and fulfill a conception of their good
democratic equality as relational
Anderson
: it views equality as a social relationship. Equality of fortune is a distributive theory of equality: it conceives of equality as a pattern of distribution. Thus, equality of fortune regards two people as equal so long as they enjoy equal amounts of some distributable good
democratic equality regards two people as equal when each accepts the obligation to justify their actions by principles acceptable to the other, and in which they take mutual consultation, reciprocation, and recognition for granted….. democratic egalitarians are fundamentally concerned with the relationships within which goods are distributed, not only with the distribution of goods themselves.
Sen’s capabilities approach
- The capability approach focusses on what people are able to do and be, as opposed to what they have, or how they feel- Sen argues that, in analysing well-being, we should shift our focus from ‘the means of living’, such as income, to the ‘actual opportunities a person has’, namely their functionings and capabilities.
- Functionings’ refer to the various things a person succeeds in ‘doing or being’, such as participating in the life of society, being healthy and so forth, while ‘capabilities’ refer to a person’s real or substantive freedom to achieve such functionings; for example, the ability to take part in the life of society.
- Sen’s argument is that inequalities of income and outcome are less important than equality of fundamental freedoms. He has redefined poverty as an objective curtailment of a person’s ‘capabilities’
Sen’s capabilities approach and equality
- Does not demand equality of everything - Democratic equality thus aims for equality across a wide range of capabilities. But it does not support comprehensive equality in the space of capabilities. Being a poor card player does not make one oppressed. More precisely, the social order can and should be arranged so that one’s skill at cards does not determine one’s status in civil society. Nor is being a good card player necessary for functioning as a citizen.
democratic equality and economic redistribution
, democratic equality is also concerned with the distribution of divisible resources. It requires that everyone have effective access to enough resources to avoid being oppressed by others and to function as an equal in civil society. What counts as ‘‘enough’’ varies with cultural norms, the natural environment, and individual circumstance. For ex- ample, cultural norms and climate influence what kind of clothing one needs Individual circumstances, such as disabilities, influence how much resources one needs to function as an equal
- Once all citizens enjoy a decent set of freedoms, sufficient for functioning as an equal in society, income inequalities beyond that point do not seem so troubling in themselves. The degree of acceptable income inequality would depend in part on how easy it was to convert income into status inequality
democratic equality and compensating for choice luck
- Democratic equality does not indemnify individuals against all losses due to their imprudent conduct. It only guarantees a set of capabilities necessary to functioning as a free and equal citizen and avoiding oppression. Individuals must bear many other losses on their own. For example, a person who smokes would be entitled to treatment for resulting lung cancer, regardless of their degree of responsibility for smoking. But she would not be entitled to compensation for the loss of enjoyment of life brought about by her confinement in the hospital and reduced lung capacity
democratic equality and employment
The conception of society as a system of cooperation provides a safety net through which even the imprudent are never forced to fall. It provides that no role in the productive system shall be assigned such inadequate benefits that, given the risks and requirements of the job, people could be deprived of the social conditions of their freedom because they have fulfilled its requirements. Society may not define work roles that amount to peonage or servitude, nor, if it can avoid it, pay them so little that an able-bodied person working full time would still lack basic capabilities
o A minimum wage need not raise un- employment if low-wage workers are given sufficient training to make them more productive or if the higher wage induces employers to supply their workers with productivity-enhancing tools
superiority of democratic equality over luck egalitarians
…. in regarding society as a system of cooperation, democratic equality has a less demeaning rationale than equality of fortune for state interventions designed to raise the wages of low-wage workers. Society need not try to make the impossible and insulting judgment of whether low-wage workers are there by choice or by the fact that their meagre native endowments prevent them from getting better work. In- stead, it focuses on appreciation for the roles that low-wage workers fill.
Equality of democratic citizenship and civil liberties
- Equality of ability to vote and run for office among mentally competent adult citizens
- Top public officials and law makers (positions that matter in a democracy) should be selected democratically by majority vote in elections where all mentally competent adults each have the same number of votes and all are eligible to run for office. The democracy operates against a background of freedom of speech, assembly, association, and citizens are guaranteed a wide right to religious practice.
Equality of democratic citizenship and civil liberties - what category does it fit into
fits into the wider category of relational equality
relational equality
- Relational egalitarians hold that distributive egalitarian principles are mistaken in their focus, thereby fetishising what does not matter. Ultimately, what they aim at are social and distributive arrangements that can sustain a society of free, equal people, a society in which individuals all relate as equals – the relational egalitarian aim. Relational inequality arises when the state fails to treat interests of each citizen as equal (deontic view).
relational equality nad economic redistribution
if someone is so poor they are marginalised and not viewed as social equals, we have a violation of relational equality so relational egalitarians will work to correct it, for example by ensuring some equal distribution of money. In comparison to other theories, we see that the emphasis is placed on equalising the relations between individuals in society, not on the distribution of money per se.
scheffler and relational equality
relational egalitarianism to ensure the equality of rank, power, and status, which are instrumentally and intrinsically valuable. The distribution of goods, on the other hand, is merely instrumental to achieving relational equality.
relational equality and inequality
- Relational egalitarianism is compatible with radical inequalities
Imagine a society which is justly equal in terms of distribution and relations. Then an earthquake happens suddenly and unexpectedly, making a small portion of the population lose their homes. - Distributive equality says that this inequality is unfair/unjust – those affected by the earthquake are worse-off just due to brute luck (and thus we should try to correct it). However, relational equality says that this inequality is acceptable so long as the relations between people haven’t been affected.
critique of relational equality and responsibility of people
Suppose a gambler has calculated his propensity to win and decides to enter the gamble. Unfortunately, he loses out and become significantly poorer than the average person. Luck egalitarians would permit the gambler to be poor since his position is a result of his option luck, but relational egalitarians would disallow this self-inflicted poverty because it would reduce the political influence the gambler has as a poor person (e.g. there are opportunity costs associated with going to vote that a poor person struggles to shoulder), compared to others.
- By making citizens inconsistently responsible for their acts, relational egalitarians face the problem of moral hazard where the imprudent force the prudent to pay for their bad choices.
overemphasis of relational equality on social relations
Relational egalitarians would justify the guarantee of some level of nutrition to the population on the grounds that it allows for people to have equal relations, which seems to entirely miss the fact that nutrition is essential to one being alive or having a wide range of other capacities.
Equality of democratic citizenship and civil liberties and inequality
- Allows for too much inequality
People differ on their ability to influence democratic outcome based on their race or wealth. For example, racism alters perceptions of Black candidates such that their achievements are trivialised. Alternatively, if one is rich, one can secure more media platforms; their views can therefore be overrepresented in a way that crowds out other people’s messages
wealth and income equality
Equality of wealth and income among citizens
- Wealth is a stock while income is a flow. Usually, it will be insufficient just to call for income equality because most rich people make money out of their wealth, not their income.
critique of wealth and income equality
- attempts to reduce inequality may also reduce the total quantity of goods availiable, by affecting incentives to work and invest.
Beyond a certain point, the pursuit of equality may sacrifice overall utility, or even the welfare of everyone in the society
the promotion of equality may require objectionable means. To achieve even moderate equality it is necessary to restrict economic liberty, including the freedom to make bequests. Greater equality may be attainable only by more general coercive techniques
equality of resources
equality of resources) holds that it treats them as equals when it distributes or transfers so that no further transfer would leave their shares of the total resources more equal
Rawls and equality of resources
- Rawls (1971) argues in favour of equality of primary goods (external goods). Primary goods are goods that agents that a reasonable person would want more of. The priorities within the set of primary social goods are to be determined by considering what people, as free and equal citizens, need most. Rawls deals with differences in natural endowments of talents in his second principle of justice, which does not channel an egalitarian spirit.
Dworkin on how far do we need resource distribution
why should the state fund expensive tastes? We cultivate our expensive tastes so we shouldn’t need to compensate people for them. We shouldn’t give welfare to everyone the same because giving lazy people/ expensive taste same welfare and that isn’t fair