Early Medieval Flashcards
Hamilton A. R. Gibb, ‘Arab-Byzantine Relations under the Umayyad Caliphate’
• Arab-Byz relations not just story of war
• Official policy of hostility but reality more ambiguous, attraction and repulsion
• Incr tendency of Umayyads to adopt Byzantinue usages and emulate Greek Emperors. Emulation in outward usages (roads etc) as well as more subtly )practice of defining legal norms by admin rescript etc). Cultural, admin, all sorts of influence
• DEBATE over influence of Byz on Umayyad culture. Methodology used in arguments
• Warns of danger of reading back into Medieval state common phenomena of modern political relations - example of being weary of assumption that Syrian conquest by Arabs brought complete suspension of former commercial relations w Greek territories
• Indisputable evd of flourishing commercial intercourse between Muslim cities of Syria and Crusaders’ ports of Tyre and Acre during Crusades
• Examples of commercial intercourse between Byzantium and Syria
• Umayyad not provincial successor state. Imitations attempt to learn ropes and fit themselves to assume the imperial destiny
• CHANGE
After 718 sudden and complete reversal of Umayyad policy. Shift to East focus, prior to Abbasids. From Hisham on, fiscal and administrative polices appear consistently directed to establishing the Arab empire as the heir of the Oriental trad and the successor of the Persian Sasanid emp. Hisham began process moving admin centre eastwards.
John Meyendorff, ‘Byzantine Views of Islam’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers Vol. 18 (1964), 113-32
- No knowledge of Isl teachings evd in Byz literature before beginning of 8th C
- 1st Isl Christ encounters involved not imperial Orthodox Church but Monophysite and Nestorian communities that made up majority of Christian populations in Arabia, Egypt, Syria, Mesopotaia
- Until end of Umayyad period, these Syrian or Coptic Christs = chief spokesmen for Christian faith in caliphate
- Through intermediary of these communities that Arabs 1st became acquainted w works of Aristotle, Plato, Galien etc
- Monophysites and Nestorians became civil servants, diplomats, businessmen of Arabs. Preferred to accommodate to Moslem yoke (at least at 1st), rather than suffer oppression which in Orthodox Chalcedonian Empire of Byz was fate of all religious dissidents
- 1st encounter of Isl and Orthodox Christianity on the battlefield. Both civs were large extent shaped by respective religious ideologies. Each religion considering the other evil
- However, better mutual appreciation was gradually brought about by requirements of diplomacy, necessity of coexistence in occupied areas and cool reflection of informed minds
- Take note of methodology
- John of Damascus not familiar w Koran/ not that well acquainted w Islam and didn’t add anything substantial to info on Islam already available to Byz
- Islam seen as Christian heresy. Not taken seriously
- Later polemicists greater knowledge of Islam. More sophisticated engagement. Theological debate/ dialogue
- Permanent misunderstanding between two cultures. Mistranslations etc. However, positive Koran knowledge among some Byz. Byz confusion of Isl w other forms of pop Arab relig
- Muslims taken much more seriously 14th C. Optimism of conversion and temporary acceptance of friendly coexistence
- Byz polemical lit largely determined official canonical attitude of Church to Islam
- 2 Byz views of Islam - extreme and ‘closed’, absolutely negative, form of paganism; more moderate, measure of common reference, recognition of common allegiance to monotheism
- More moderate view predominant in official govt circles
- Iconoclast controversy
- Stressing of Muslim/Christian similarities
- Diplomatic courtesy and intellectual understanding at Govt level, but slander and caricaturization at others
- (deterministic) - abyss between two religions which no amount of polemics, diplomacy, etc, able to bridge. Gigantic struggle for world supremacy bc both religions universal mission
- What is view of common person tho? Use of hagiography for sources. Often negative, but with more positive note struck here and there
- Existence of some communication between Is and Ch on level of spiritual practive and piety.
- SIMILARITIES in religious practice
- Overall - two religious worlds remained impenetrable by each other
- Most important consequence of Arab conquest of Middle East - kept Byz Christianity on the defensive for ages
- Made Christs live in tiny enclosed world concentrated on the liturgical cult and made them feel this existence was normal
- Old Byz instinct for conservatism, which is both main force and principal weakness of Eastern Christianity, became last refuge which could ensure its survival in the face of Islam
Oleg Grabar, ‘Art and Byzantium’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 18 (1964)
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* Artistic contacts Arabs of Arabia had w Byz through trade and Christian church no more than secondhand. Fleeting impressions of mediocre objects * Relations between Arabs and Byz until form of Muslim Emp not relations of cultural equality * After 7th C 2 Emps were to become powerful bastions of 2 indep cultures confronting each other * Byz played part of one of many parents who brought first era of Islamic classicism to life * Later times, more complex relationship. Constant stream of influences in both directions * Tastes, techniques exchanged * Artistic contacts between Byz and Isl continued over many centuaries, at least throughout major phases of Arab artistic creativity * Many mutual influences • Two cultures didn't quite understand one another from the outset, despite continuity of contact * Little initial change to artistic culture of old Byz provinces absorbed by Islam * New elements of Isl culture built on Byz. Phenomenon of Umayyad castles in Syria explained by existence of infrastructure of an agricultural organization which had been carried on, if not always created by, the Byzantine world * Castles = new combo of old forms, like mosques * Not always Byz cultural influence. W Umayyad palace, what was created resembled Roman and late antique palace architecture in many aspects, rather than Byz * Byz art played important part in development of Isl decorative themes, but only as one contributor to new series of syntheses. Conquest of large world w immense wealth of styles and object was as if not more important to form of early Isl palace art than location of the palaces in area formerly ruled by Byz * Numismatic evd, Muslims 1st used Byz and Sasanian coin types w few modifications * Continuity of theme of power from Byz and Sas to Isl iconography * Muslims dropped this theme of official imagery of power bc of theoretical iconoclasm. However, adopted techniques of Byz w/o its formulas. Byz art responsible for this, bc of the fact of the ideological depth the art had achieved * Islm uses of Byz art/ culture sign of Muslims' accession to universal power * As Byz defeat impossible and Muslim world turned eastward, Byz became artist par excellence * Byz art = one of sources from which new Muslim art chose elements which served to illustrate its own needs and practices * Shift of power to east led to incr of Iranian influences * Even in 13th C, w renewed Arab search for iconographic modes to add distinction to newly created art of book illustration, they once again turned to Byz models which, yt their presence, seemed almost magically to exalt quality of the book • 3 main conclusions: 1. Ecological practices in Byz and Syria created phenomenon of Umayyad palaces. Mediterranean orientation of most Arab-speaking areas in Middle Ages made inevitable Arabs' knowledge, use, reliance upon Byz themes 2. Almost no instances of Muslims having borrowed from Byz without there being an identifiable need within their culture. Used the themes of Byz art as essential element in creation of a symbolic system - means to an end 3. Many themes brought to Is by Byz were classical, late antique, not products of Christian Byz Far more than from any other artistic tradition which created Isl art, it was from the Byz that the new culture most consciously - if not necessarily most often - and with due acknowledgement took its vocabulary of forms and images. This was so, in part, because the Byz world, more than any other, carefully nurtured the great inheritance it had assumed from Antiquity. It was so also bc Byz was the one world Early Islam most wanted, and failed, to conquer. But, above all, it was so because, to the Isl and especially to the Arab Middle Ages, Byz, even at lowest moments, partook of that mysterious aura which at given periods of history has endowed certain cultures and countries w prestige of artistic genuis which, deservedly or not, they alone at that period possessed. Louis Massignon - Byzantine mirage in the Arab mirror
Peter Brown, ‘The Diffusion of Manichaeism in the Roman Empire’ (1969)
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* Link of religion and politics - Manichaeism looked at as Persian (though not) so a threat * Roman mistrust of Persia * Harsh persecution of nonconformist Manichaeism. Religious intolerance. Savage purges 527, 530 * Roman state using Christian Church as labour-saving institution - problem of identifying and absoribing Manichee as convert given to Church. Roman state using church as method of clampdown and control * Case study of strict Roman orthodoxy, harsh persecution * Religious intolerance as problem of what to do w outsiders. Role of towns in spread of heresy. Exiling as reason for spread of heresy * Failure of Byz religious clampdown. Other reasons entirely for receding of Manichaeism. In fact as shown above, Byz could help heresy spread * 5th and 6th C's marked by incr tidiness and rigidity on local lvl. Christian communities better organised * Political uncertainty and intellectual ferment allowing spread of ideas - Manichee example, spread from one end of Fertile Crescent to other within generation and spread ultimately from Babylon to Northern Spain • Manichaeism as precursor to Islam? Similar goal of seeking to integrate into itself partial truths of other religions. Similar in that political and and intellectual ferment allowed its spread
Suzanne Spain Alexander, ‘Heraclius, Byzantine Imperial Ideology, and the David Plates’ (1977)
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* Heraclius concern w attempt to resolve problem of ecclesiastical union w Monophysite church (important for link w centre to help w war vs Persia) * Christianity fundamental to Byz state, links of success in war w God's favour * Fundamental aspect of Byz imperial ideology = emperor as new Constantine. Heraclius tries to do this. Essential element of this = Christian piety * Heraclius's re-invention of the True Cross - not only following in footsteps of Constantine, but also in those of more distant predecessor, David * Theocratic concept of govt * Parallels between David and Heraclius 229 * Heraclius and contemporaries recognised these 231 * Part of Heraclius's role - to reconcile Monophysites of Syria and Armenia to orthodox Christianity. Imperial responsibility or mission w Old Testamentary antecedents 233 * Identification of Heraclius and David nurtured in Persian war 234 * Emperor himself probably commissioned the David plates, associating himself w achievements of David. He thought of himself as not only new, but consummate, David. Plates commissioned in period folowing victory over the Persians. Period in which H was concerned w his image, authority and historical role
Averil Cameron, ‘Images of Authority- Elites and Icons in late sixth-century Byzantium’, Past and Present, 84 (1979), 3-35
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* Emps between Justinian and Heraclius made real change in emphasis of Byz rule * Evolved style of gov which integrated imp court w contemp taste and gave Byz monarchy sufficient sense of ident and single-mindedness to enable to ride out coming blows of ever-incr magnitude. Thus, Iconoclast emps not reimposing imperial iron fist out of the blue. Strength and unity already clearly seen in reigns of late 6th C emps * Late 6th C crucial. Byz emps in capital presided over process of cultural integration, classical culture took back seat (dangerously associated w paganism) * Emps lent patronage to religious developments already under way - allying icons w imp ceremony and fostering emergence of Virgin as protectress of Constantinople by making her their own protectress too * 7th C invasions did not suddenly cut of soc unchanged since late Roman period. Profound changes in provinces. Internal organization of towns being transformed. Becoming incr more difficult for govt to maintain late Roman admin and military apparatus * New mood in Constantinople. Intimate connection of emperor, patriarch and people 6 * Closeness of identification of emperors with imperial city and its divine protectors more than anything enabled them to survive in hard times to come * Switch of ritual from Roman to Christian forms * Late 6th C emps used popularity of cult of icons and growth of emphasis on Virgin to help them assert their own position * Integration of circus factions into imp ceremonial 12/3 * Growth of imp ceremony and organized participation in it of factions 14 * During crucial yrs of development, imp ceremony received new physical setting whose whole conception and décor expressed idea of emp in throne-room as microcosm of God in heaven 17 * Efforts to drive home understanding of emp's special relationship w God, giving him his earthly rule * Change in style of imp public behaviour * Evolution of new mythology * Myth of Virgin, defending the city, fulfilly Old T proph * Emp showing himself to be another David * Cult of Virgin drawn into imperial sphere * Believes imperial involvement more significant factor than Brown, who believes fate of icon just part of story of late antique city, does * Icons used as powerful symbols of integration * Icons and cults could themselves become focus of urban ident, which could come to express not merely an urban but also an imperial consensus * Cultural integration taking over at end of 6th C * Not 'simplification of culture' in negative sense * High culture just took on more of Christian forms of the masses * Unifying social role of eastern bishops shows us that cultural changes of the period could have positive, even revitalizing side * 8th C emps saw devotion to icons as threat to central authority * However, in 6th C Constantinople hadn't yet lost hold on cities * Invasions of late 6th C can be blamed for collapse of urban life in some areas * Indication shape of urban life already changing from within. Move from classical roots * New urban organization recognized importance of bishops, centrality of church to public life * Shift in urban life towards ecclesiastical and defensive * However, not necessarily sign of decline * New consciousness not last-ditch attempt to ward of chaos but mental readjustment. Way of coping w general dissatisfaction in the face of econ problems and military neglect at end of Justinian's reign * Story of Constantinople not so much at odds w that of late 6th C cities generally 33 * Emp assumption of more consistent and overtly religious role * Linked to this, Justin II initiated determined effort to crush religious dissent in shape of Monophysitism 33 * Dangerously centrifugal pull of Monophysitism * Heraclius's success in placing emp at heart of religious as well as political loyalties of subjects * Use of symbol of Virgin - mother, warrior, queen. Bestowed power and authority on her special city and its rulers * Effort at realignment in one sense failure. Couldn't help against military and polit problems * Failure of Heraclius's policy of supporting Monothelitism in attempt to resolve problems of heresy and division in eastern church * Instead of supposing curtain fell w 7th C invasions, we should recognize revision of imp ideology and adaption of the educated classes to contemp needs already taking place from late 6th C. This process gate elite of Byzantium strength and will to hang on until better days opened their options again
· Fierce theological battles 227
Irfan Shahîd, ‘Byzantium in South Arabia’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Vol. 33 (1979). 23-94
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* Struggle for Arabia between Judaism and Christianity * Byz and Ethiopia directly involved * 520, Ethiopian Negus Ella-Asbeha (who assumed biblical name Caleb) led amphibious expedition across Red Sea, landed in South Arabia, vanquished Judaizing king of Himyar, who had assumed biblical name Yusuf. Caleb thus destroyed kingdom of great antiquity. Secured Ethiopian presence in SA for at least 50 yrs * Amphibious operation wouldn't have been poss without cooperation of Byz, for it was Byz fleet that transported Ethiopian army. E and Byz staunch allies * With conquest of SA and subsequent Christianization, Red Sea area became virtually a Christian lake and a sphere of influence for Byz, until Persian occupation of SA in 572 * Military involvement of Byz in SA affairs ceased w this conquest, and mission civilisatrice began shortly thereafter * Recovery of SA history as new ecclesiastical province in 6th C depends on accounts of Vita 25 * New Christian city of Narjan became Arabian martyropolis * Importance of Caleb as church builder * Resuscitation of Monophysite church during reign of Ghassanid King Arethas. South Arabia special position of three regions (Ethiopia, South Arabia, Syria) experiencing building of new churches * South Arabia distinctive character of country of martyrs * More than likely architectural designs of 6th C churches survived in one way or another in Muslim architecture of South Arabia 58 * Strength of cult of relics in SA bc of martyrs * Close relation of SA and Syria. Syria, on general Monophysite level, mother country, w prestige of patriarchate of Antioch. Close relation came to an end during caliphate of Umar (633-44) when Najranites, main Christian community of SA, emigrated to Fertile Crescent * Significance of Caleb's bishop in supervising Christianization of SA. Comparable to two fellow Monophysites - Julian, apostle of converted province of Nubia, and possibly John of Ephesus, charged by Justinian w wiping out pockets of paganism which had survied in Asia Minor 60 * Festive cerimonies. 1st stage in rise of cult of the martyrs * Cult of Martyrs of Najran goes back to period of Ethiopian occupation of SA and Caleb either inspired its inception or even personally initiated it • Caleb's 7 months in Arabia. Led successful invasion. Extensive missionary work, construction. Built churches. Initiated Feast of the Martyrs. * Arabic sources * Preserved echoes of existence of Christian places of worship in SA. Influence of Caleb's city of Najran on rise and development of similar structures in Fertile Crescent * During caliphate of Umar (634-44) Christians of Najran dispersed, most settled in new Najran not far from Kufa, Iraq * Many also settled in western part of Fertile Crescent in Syria. More receptive area than Iraq bc Monophysite * SA emerged in 6th C country of martyrs. Contained places of pilgrimage, such as al-Qalis, containing shrines of relics of important martyrs * Sanctity of region of Hadramawt not easy to explain in purely Islamic terms. Its holiness becomes more intelligible when set against backdrop of pre-Islamic past, period during which it did become holy land, sanctified by blood and relics of 6th C martyrs 83 * Christian Hadramawt's survival in consciousness of its people to the present day through their local traditions 84
Han J. W. Drijvers, ‘Early Syriac Christianity- Some Recent Publications’, Virgiliae Christianae, 50.2 (1996), 159-77
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* Syriac Christianity shared a common heritage w the Greek expression, so its traditions not dissimilar * Attempt to formulate central questions and sketch possible outlines of Early Syriac Christianity in historical and cultural context * Andreas Feldtkeller - pluralism of early history of Christianity, different ways in which Jesus' message understood and practised, related to different historical situations in which message was preached. Christian belief and religious practice in Muslim environment will turn out differently from in another cultural milieu. Contact w various syncretistic hellenistic religions of antique Syria produced multiform Christianity. Agree w this but F fails to construct link between message in its various forms and supposed historical situation in which it functioned and to which it refers. History totally absent * Fergus Millar - can we even say there was a 'Syrian' Christianity? Presupposes far more profound understanding of culture and social history of Roman province of Arabia than we actually possess. "a social and economic history of the Near East in the Roman period cannot be written. None of the conditions for such a history are present." 161 * Highly technical speak of different philosophies and religions. Look up some of these if specifics likely to be useful * 171-end useful * Language was not a cultural or religious barrier * Brock Syriac Christianity = cultural tradition not fundamentaly different from what was thought and written in Greek-speaking Syria, where Syriac also well known and understood * Syriac tradition centred at Edessa of special interest bc of prominent role assumed by Marcionites, Bardesanites, Manichaeans, and other Christian groups. From this religious mosaic, a minority, called Palutians, came to the fore and developed into the local orthodoxy during and after time of Ephrem Syrus. * Leaders and spokesmen of various groups engaged in heated debates and polemics, but ordinary people less aware of subtle differences, especially bc enkrateia religious ideal of almost all groups except Bardesanites * Ephrem's times, religious situation confusing. Difficult to distinguish groups, not least bc influenced each other and often read same writings * Earlier religious developments converge in works of Ephrem * All early Syriac writings tend to merely deal w internal Christian questions. Jews and pagans mentioned only as outisiders and objects of hate and conversion * Jews threatened Edessa's nascent orthodoxy * Marcion found radical solution. Church appropriated Jewish Holy Writ, but reinterpreted it in radically christological sense * Jew/ Christian rivalry * Jewish cult and practice attractive to pagans and Christians. However, Christian communities attracted no or very few Jews * Syriac-speaking Christianity in many aspects as hellenized as mainly Greek-speaking Christian community at Antioch, from which new belief spread eastwards along highway * Christian teaching in both cities fundamentally alike despite different linguistic vehicles of Syriac and Greek * Edessa had local philosophical trad in its school, where Greek philosophy taught in Syriac * Thus, even Ephrem Syrus axquired certain knowledge of Greek phiolosophy * Even Mani's radical ascetic doctrine, oft considered form of purely oriental dualism, is basically a Christian philosophy, which developed in a religious milieu where Bardesanite and Marcionite concepts were current * In this eclectic and cosmopolitan milieu, Ephrem forged the identity of the nascent Syriac Church
Christina Maranci, ‘Byzantium through Armenian Eyes- Cultural Appropriation and the Church of Zuart’noc’, Gesta 40.2 (2001), 105-124
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Abstract
The seventh-century church of Zuart’noc’ in Armenia is the earliest and largest aisled tetraconch in the medieval Cauca- sus. While previous scholarship has described the monument as a product of Byzantine influence, here Zuart’noc’ is exam- ined from the point of view of the patron, Nersis III (640- 661). This article argues that the construction was intended to convey a specific political message: to demonstrate the patron’s alliance with the Byzantine political and cultural world. Through choices made in the iconography of the sculptural program, in epigraphic language and devices, in architectural planning, and perhaps even in the selection of the dedication, the church presents a network of references to the Byzantine imperium. As such, it is revealing of Armenian perceptions of Byzantium, standing as a witness to seventh-century diplomatic ties in a time of acute military tension on the eastern frontier.
* Debate - art of imperial centre presumed naturally to assert its influence in border regions. This model challenged in recent revisionist scholarship dealing w other cross-cultural traditions * Armenians chiefly concerned about security of their territory * Armenians condemned doctrine of Monophysitism, choosing to adhere to earlier Christological definition of Cyril of Alexandria, but also rejected Orthodox doctrine 107 (go back to this for more specific info on religious differences) * Desire of emp Constans to convert Syria to Orthodox Christianity * Armenian bishops resisting 108 * Emp's threats 108 * Kaegi - Byz soldiers along eastern frontier = 'main incubator of domestic military dissatisfaction and violence during 7th C * Wishes of Byz army as factor in Constans' interest in religious affiliations of Armenia * The comparison between the Armenian and SyrioMesopotamian capitals is sugges- tive, it is, perhaps, more important to lay stress on the broadly Greek rather than the specifically Syrio Mesopotamian char- acter of the Zuart'noc' capitals. The use of Greek monograms and the classicizing Ionic order, which derives ultimately from sixth-century developments in Constantinople, is best interpreted as a general referent to the contemporary Byzantine realm. * Kleinbauer suggested that the adoption of the aisled tet- raconch reflects a desire to foster relations with Syrian Mono- physites. The opposite, I believe, may be argued. As Kleinbauer himself observed, all the Syrian aisled tetraconchs were Or- thodox foundations, and they remained in Orthodox hands, it seems, through the seventh century. Bosra, Resafa, Seleucia- Pieria, and Apamea were erected within the patriarchate of Antioch, which was overseen by Constantinople. * Treachery of Byz army general 119 * Inhabitants would have viewed Byz above all as emp of Chalcedonian Christianity * Armenians knew Byz chiefly through military * Acquainted w Byz objects and Greek language - representing foreignness * By employing an architectural form w Orthodox associations, Constantionoplitan liturgical furnishings, etc, Nerses created specific and local response to the powerful empire to the west * Zuart'noc much more than receptacle for Byz influence - it was potent symbol of kinship to Byz, or to a Byz imagined from the eastern front
Peregrine Horden, ‘The Earliest Hospitals in Byzantium, Western Europe, and Islam’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History 35.3 (2005)
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* A H M Jones - conversion to Christianity made no difference to Rome * Est of Christian Church by Constantine helped pave the way for Christian bishops to usurp the already weakened power of local lay notables, through a 'Christian populism' 362 * Bishops deliberately replaced a civic model of society w a universal citizenship in which the poor emerged from the conceptual shadows to symbolize the Church's embrace of soc as a whole * Brown - hospitals part of this. They stood for, and contributed to, a quiet social revolution in the ancient city * This article focusing on practical difference hospitals might have been perceived to make * Hospital as space: space for the poor. Reconfiguring urban space * Hospital as means of reconfiguring urban space belonged to context of parallel transformations all part of Christianisation * Debate over origins of hospital. Brown - imperial patronage as reason for Basil's foundations. Hospitals seem to have been developed suddenly and In specific areas, invented by bishops (just like the concept of the poor was) * Hospital as justification for church's largess 367 * Christian hospitals in Arab territory inspiring the Arab hospitals - 369 * Hospitals can be found within the cultural realms of all the world religions 371 * Roman slave and military hospitals. Even at height, neither type was widespread 372 * Christian hospital of 4th C was essentially a new creation in European, Mediterranean and Middle Eastern history * Where once Christians did the founding, Isl elites began to do so, perhaps as an implementation of a newly received Galenic medical program 377-8 * Adoption of hospitals testifies to difference they were thought to make 378 * Hospitals might not have made much of a difference as culmination of hospital-like provisions 378 * Early hospitals not numerous 379 * Hospitals made little detectable difference socially or economically to the poor * However, lists positives. Contemp reports suggest hospitals had significant effect on poor * Doesn't make sense to ask what difference hospitals made - hops contrib can't be separated from vertical component of poor relief * Nothing distinctive about medicine of new hospitals 388-9 * Even much-vaunted medicine of Islamic bimaristan may not have been so superior as was once thought, if casebooks of Razi, 9th C medical writer and hospital physician, are any indication 389 * A clear answer to the question raised at the outset of whether early hospital history belongs under the aegis of MacMullen or Brown is hardly possible. With MacMullen, it would be easy to conclude that, overall, hospitals seem to have made more difference in Christian milieus than in Jewish or Islamic ones (early Jewish hos- pitals are too obscure, Islamic ones too few), and that eastern Mediterranean hospitals were more significant than northwestern European ones. This article tries to show that although hospital history cannot be dissociated from founders' interests and motiva- tions, hospitals were hardly irrelevant in the life of the poor, not least because of the limitations of their self-help mechanisms. Charitable hospitals reached out into their local populations in ways that historians often ignore because of their emphasis on medical functions. This argument must, however, be tempered by a Brownian awareness of the labyrinthine nature of the subject. A hospital housing a few people with basic needs is a surprisingly complex phenomenon-at once an invention and an evolution, patchy in its geography yet far-reaching in the history that it implicates.
Ave Cam, Procopius and the 6th C:
· Problem w only one main source for period
· J = repressive autocrat. No cultural revival in provinces under him 21
· Positive view of J as law-giver 24
· Sufferings of provincial elites under J 64
· Basis of P’s crit of J. Not fulfulling role of Byz kingship 65
· Grievances representative of many prov elites 66
· Persecution
· Acceptance of closeness of emp to God as concept. J failed this ideal 112
· P’s Christianity close to that of contemps 113
· Condemnation of doctrinal controv and persecution 119
· Import of conversion to J 120
· Heretics. J and T supporting opposite religious policies 126
· Discontent of African bishops 127
· Role of Ch in everyday life. Power of local bishops 128
· P not religious thinker but strong Christian 130
· Fierce theological battles 227
· J clampdown. J’s marriage and fam laws. State’s duty to correct people’s morality 256
· J’s reign, Byz becoming overwhelmingly Chr and monolithic soc 258
· Growing import of Ch symbolism 259
· J’s reign causing ferment of questioning 260
Rice, Everyday life in Byz:
· Byz emp definition. Wide. Byz influence. Byz essential to Christianity 13
· C restructuring emp to put C at its heart 19
Chr Eastern in character 58
· Changing outlook/ attitude during periods of unrest/ trouble 15
· Changing outlook/ attitude during periods of unrest/ trouble 15
Reason for Christianity’s spread, power of its ideology 57
· Changing outlook/ attitude during periods of unrest/ trouble 15
· J as ‘great’. Artistic golden age 27
· Ch councils incl Chalc, Egypt breakaway 58
· Heresies and superstitions, impossible to wipe out 60
· Split solidified East/West. Fury at Chalc 62
· Belief in miracles and relics remaining strong 68
· Isl est trade w Byzantium 128
Switch to parchment hastened by difficulty of obtaining papyrus after fall of Egypt to Arabs 194
Brown, World of Late Antiquity:
· Beginning of period? Argues for later definition. 137-8
· Byzantine world extent beyond formal bound. Byzantium at front of Christendom 158
· Shift to totally Christian soc. Byz centre of Christ civ 174
· Byz not only source of Christian culture 176
Changing size/ scale of Byz, 197
· Byz attitude shift. Shape Christ attitudes, shape Arab attitudes (indirectly) 174
· Arabs much closer in religious/ state theory to Byz provincials than Byz state 187
· Limits - Muhammad’s ideas reaction to Arab social organisation and specific circumstances not just Christ/ Jud 191
· Constantinople initially ‘in touch’ 140
· Egypt happily in Byz cultural mainstream. Syriacs joined this later 143
· Chalcedon. Huge damage done. Resistance heartfelt, not from nationalism 144
· Theological details of provincial upset (Islam providing specifically what Chalc tried to take away - powerful connection/ hope of being at one w God?) 145
· Chalc didn’t divide empire irreparably. Unity everywhere apart from religion 145
· Anastasius as model emp. Byz didn’t impose religion like the West 147
· Justinian aggressive, intolerant, anti-monophysite autocrat. Impositions on ordinary folk. Unpop of centre 150
· Provinces disillusioned. Disappearance of old structure of provincial life due to professionalisation 156
· Weakness of state militarily 157
· Muslims taking Byz legacy 159
· P Arabs poised to strike at soft underbelly of Byz and Persia (geographical advantage)
· Arab econ strength
· Shift to totally Christian soc 174
· Solidarity/ unity 184
· Surge of pop devot put imp solidarity at risk 6th C 185
· Impatience w secular state. Coming of Arabs. Christianisation of State 186
· Arabs much closer in religious/ state theory to Byz provincials than Byz state 187
· Limits, Arab military strength. Arab desire for glory/ to be great race after being seen as inferior 192-3
· Limits of Byz to explain fall of Persia. However, war weakened both 194
· Significance of lack of military
· Arab cultural strength
· Bedouin war machine
· Desirability of laissez-faire after harsh Byzantine tax regimes/ centralization. Light touch, lack of compulsion 196
· Califs staking authority on war w Byz. Byz didn’t fall. Led to estab of Abbasid, w East rather than West focus. Byz saved Europe 200
· Survival of Byz meant Christians could still look to Byz for loyalties
· Strength/ unabsorbable nature of Egyptian and Syrian Christian Churches leading to fall of Umayyad. Led to diff strengths of Islam emp in diff regions - 200-1
· Byz led to Abbasid which led to East West split. Identity formation. Cultural cost. Isl turned back on Christian peoples of West 203
· Califs staking authority on war w Byz. Byz didn’t fall. Led to estab of Abbasid, w East rather than West focus. Byz saved Europe 200
· Survival of Byz meant Christians could still look to Byz for loyalties
· Strength/ unabsorbable nature of Egyptian and Syrian Christian Churches leading to fall of Umayyad. Led to diff strengths of Islam emp in diff regions - 200-1
· Byz led to Abbasid which led to East West split. Identity formation. Cultural cost. Isl turned back on Christian peoples of West 203
· Theology. Hellenistic ideas transferred from Syriac-speaking Mesopotamia 202
Byz led to Abbasid which led to East West split. Identity formation. Cultural cost. Isl turned back on Christian peoples of West 203 (lack of relat)
Brown, Rise of Western Christendom:
· Syriac Reference portal = source of info about pre-Islamic and Islamic Middle East xviii=
· Change in interp due to new sources
· Interconnectedness means study of Byz essential xix
· Dramatic change of interp last 10 years xix (Importance of this scholarship - dispassionate advances in study of Islam. Keeping heads cool etc?)
· History of early Islam inextricably entangled w Christendom xxii
· Critical of ‘clean break’ hist xxii
· Religions changing perpetually xxxii
· Centre of Chr grav in East 2
· Import of East Roman Emp following barbarian invasions 97
· Importance of religious thoughts. Pre-existing explan for occurances. Methodology. Isl anxiety 297
· Identities. Byz image of Isl basis of all later West images. Import of Constant as Muslim goal 318
· Change of Byz state 383
· When to call emp Byz (I disagree). Defined by religion 386
· Insignificance of Byz to religion overall. Just one micro-Christendom 387
· Iconoclast - changing Byz 387
· Byz ‘new state’ 8th C 396
· Byz Church/ visual world changing 401-2
· Byz incr distant and less directly relevant to West 405
Tho still signif. West determined to do opposite 406
· Violence creating sense of difference. V valuable footnote xxxvii
· Fall of Byz seen as mark of end times. Psych impact of fall of Byz 296
· Importance of religious thoughts. Pre-existing explan for occurances. Methodology. Isl anxiety 297
· Collaboration of provincial elites w Islam. Strong rule. People want peace. Christ in Near East respectful of Arab rulers 299
· Inward-looking Arab historical trad 301
· Influence of Byz, consciously competing 302
· Byz crucial in understanding attitudes of diff Christian groups to Islam. E.g. Melkites’ bitterness - humiliated 308
· Identities. Byz image of Isl basis of all later West images. Import of Constant as Muslim goal 318
· Obliviousness of Westerners to seismic change 319
· Islam defining itself through criticism of Christianity 390
· Interconnectedness. Importance of Byz/ Christian ideas to general milieu from which Islam emerged xix
· Islam taking and adapting Christian cultures xx
· Roots of Islam in milieu that came before it
· Importance of dialogue between religions. Christ fundamental to Islam. Engagement in these debates xx to xx1
· Legacy of dialogue. Muslim identity/ practices. VVV IMPORTANT. ‘negative image’ west-centred view xxi
· Absorption of Christians into Islam. Understand of Byz world/ local trad before essential in understanding this
· Isl culture developed in constant debate w C + Jews in territories 3
· Cultural vortex of 6th C 274
· Arab peninsula echo-chamber of politics and religion. Contact w Byz in trade and spread of relig ideas 286
· Position of Arabs between 2 emps and condescension towards them source of ident formation 287
· Christian Arabs. Arab melting pot. Christian conquest of Yemen. Great religious debate. Era of debate, challenging ideas 288
· Not economics but religion = reason for Islam’s emergence in Mecca 290
· Dialogue w C + J essential in form of Islam. Even in Koran 291
· Isl as reaction to East Roman troops’ behaviour 293
· Impact of Byz on what was considered pious in Is 298
· Need to rebuke Christ in Islam 304
· Islam defining itself through criticism of Christianity 390
· Byz-Persian, huge wars xii
· Monophysite strength. Sense of community detached from emp xviii
· Absorption of Christians into Islam. Understand of Byz world/ local trad before essential in understanding this xxi
· Much of strength of medieval Islam from dialogue w Christians xxi
· Disillusionment and easy break away of West Roman subjects part of general incr in ‘Local Romanness’ vs ‘Central Romanness’. Parallel: Romans/ barbarian, Roman/ Arab collab? xxvi
· Parallel between barbarians in West and the rise of Islam in East later on?
· Syriac Nestorian use of hist to reinforce ident free from emp xxxix
· For East Romans, Emp central to spread of Christianity. Two inseparably intertwined xl
· War Byz/ Persia. Exhaustion but not total destab 272/3
· Heyday of Christian village, in which Monophysite ‘dissidence’ throve 273-4
· Local religion prospering separate from centre - 274
· Meaninglessness of polit borders. True borders ecological - 274-5
· Distinct Syrian identity. Consciousness of Byz arrogance 275
· Armenia distinct, warlike culture and identity. Would fight for whichever ruler as long as could practice own religion. Defined by battle. 279
· Christ as integral unifying factor of Arminia split politically. Monophysitism - identity/ religion distinct from Byz and Syrians’ Church of the East
· Chalcedonian repercussions, Monophysite Church est. Radical Christianity 279
· Nestorian Church conservative. Loyal to roots. Chalcedon not far enough. East Syria and Persia - 280
· Culture, worship filled w sound (diff to Byz?). C of East main role in spreading Christ 282
· C of East used to living under non-Christian state. C of East spread 283, 5
· Huge destruction after 603 Pers + Byz. Mid E war war weary 286
· Arab power from Byz/ Persian war 287
· Limits of Byz signif in rise of Is. Import of Is ideology/ theology. Role of M as leader 292
· Isl as reaction to East Roman troops’ behaviour 293
· Milit challenge in time of weakness by group w powerful new ideology 294
· Collaboration of provincial elites w Islam. Strong rule. People want peace. Christ in Near East respectful of Arab rulers 299
· Mus adoption of local admin systems
· Limit - internal factors of Arab success 300
· Influence of Byz on Arab leaders’ behaviour 302
· Importance of religion. God supports emp so Isl must be true religion 304
· Mass conversions not until Middle ages 304
· Arab Muslims supremely confident, no need to make converts among subject religions. Apartheid 305
· Christians settled down, protected
· Tax on ‘people of the book’ 306
· Still largely Christian landscape 306
· Diff Christian communities, distinctive pasts 308
· Byz crucial in understanding attitudes of diff Christian groups to Islam. E.g. Melkites’ bitterness - humiliated 308
· Monophysites less anti-Muslim 309
· Chalcedonian/ Monophysite rivalry 310
· Flowering of Eastern Hellenism. Role of Monasteries 310
· Arab invasions just hastening this process 311
· Continuity, significance of Syriac 312-3
· Mus rulers improvement on Persians to C of East 313-4
· Beginning of Islamization w fall of Ummayads 750 315
· Import of Spread of Arabic 315
· Cultural allure of Arabic/ Arabs leading Christians to forget own rich heritage 316
· Rise of Icons. Uncertainty over them 389
· Islam sparking iconoclast controversy 390
· Relat w Arabs/ Islam shaping Iconoclast controv 395
· Islam necessitating Iconoclasm 396
· John of Damascus great defender of icons 397
· Regionalism of Christianity 398
· Influence of Islam 398
· Braudel developed Pyyrenne. Concrete role of Mediterranean, decisive role in pre-Carolingian West European unity 11
· Byz vital for protecting Europe 318
Conversion of Slavs 404
· Much of strength of medieval Islam from dialogue w Christians xxi
· Isl getting Greek cult from Syriac versions of texts 3
· Isl art influenced by Byz 300
· Influence of Byz on Arab leaders’ behaviour 302
· Influence of Byz, consciously competing
· Cultural dialogue. Limit. How much due to Byz? 307
· Transfer of knowledge 317
Pirenne, Mohammed and Charlemagne:
· Constant founded on site of Greek Byz 22
· Enduring influence of Byz, which had become Oriental. Rome still capital of Ch. Popes returned to old loyalty soon as Emps ceased to support Eastern heresy 73
· Byz cultural influence on West 73
Byz lost infl over Rome 216-7
· Byz foreign pol under Justinian 63
· J’s achievements. Short-lived gains. Weakness 69
· Crisis dated from Monophys, iconoclasty 74
· Isl expansion bc of poor prep by Byz and Persia. Invasion unexpected. Exhaustion of 2 emps. 148-9
· Arabs’ new faith prevented assimilation into emp 150
· Diff between German and Arab 152
· Account of Mus expan 153-
· West Med Muslim lake. Byz protecting Italy, Venice. Stopping Is from absorb whole Med 162
· Failure of Isl to absorb whole Med leading to grav towards Baghdad 163
· Isl preventing Europe from being Byzantinised. Byz stop East Med being muslim lake. Reduc of Byz power 164
· Byz saved Europe and Christianity 175
· Venice as prolongation of Byz emp 175
· Byz prevent Is from mastey of sea 185
· Isl destroyed unity of Med, moving axis of Occ civ North 185
· Mus couldn’t take place of merchant of Byz Levant
