Ch.8, Somatic Disorders Flashcards

1
Q

SOMA

A

means body

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2
Q

DSM 4 VS DSM 5 MEDICALLY EXPLAINED VS MEDICALLY UNEXPLAINED SYMPTOMS

A

-In DSM-IV a great deal of emphasis was placed on the idea that the symptoms were medically unexplained. In other words, although the patient’s complaints suggested the presence of a medical condition, no physical pathology could be found to account for them
-DSM-5, an important change was introduced. No distinction is now made between medically explained and medically unexplained symptoms. The idea of medically unexplained symptoms is less prominent because it is recognized that medicine is fallible and that a medical explanation for symptoms cannot always be provided. Whether symptoms are deemed to have a medical cause or not could also depend on the personality of the doctor or on his or her predominant cultural beliefs

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3
Q

Somatic symptom disorder

A

-most major diagnosis in its category-The diagnosis of somatic symptom disorder is a descriptive one
-individuals must be experiencing chronic somatic symptoms that are distressing to them. They must also be experiencing dysfunctional thoughts, feelings, and/or behaviors.

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4
Q

3 disorders present in DSM-IV that became somatic symptom disorder in the DSM 5

A

hypochondriasis, (2) somatization disorder, and (3) pain disorder are gone

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5
Q

DSM 4 vs DSM 5 somatic symptom disorder criteria

A

DSM-IV all that was required was that people experience somatic symptoms that were medically unexplained. In other words, no psychological features were required. This was a rather strange omission because a common characteristic of DSM mental disorders is that there are psychological features in addition to other signs and symptoms
-DSM-5 only one somatic symptom is required. In other words, if a person has any physical problem that they find distressing (even if it involves only a single symptom and is medically explained), the diagnosis of somatic symptom disorder is possible = new DSM-5 criteria will likely lead to an increase in the diagnosis of somatic symptom disorder for this reason.

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6
Q

DSM 5 new diagnostic criteria of somatic symptom disorder and women

A

It has also been suggested that women will be disproportionately affected because they are more frequent users of medical services and because they are most at risk of being dismissed by their doctors as “catastrophizers”

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7
Q

CAUSES Why do people develop somatic symptom disorders? psychodynamic vs current views

A

. It was long thought that symptoms developed as a defense mechanism against unresolved or unacceptable unconscious conflicts. Rather than being expressed directly, psychic energy was instead channeled into more acceptable physical problems.
cognitive approach explains it: person is hypervigilant and has an increased awareness of bodily changes. Second, the person tends to see bodily sensations as somatic symptoms, meaning that physical sensations are attributed to illness. Third, the person tends to worry excessively about what the symptoms mean and has catastrophizing cognitions. Fourth, because of this worry, the person is very distressed and seeks medical attention for his or her perceived physical problem

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8
Q

CAUSES Sensitive to body sensations vs illness info biases

A
  • Individuals who are especially anxious about their health tend to believe that they are very aware of and sensitive to what is happening in their bodies. But this does not seem to be the case. Rather, experimental studies show that these individuals have an attentional bias for illness-related information
    In other words, top-down (cognitive) processes, rather than bottom-up processes (such as differences in bodily sensations), seem to account for the problems that they have.
  • individual’s past experiences with illnesses (in both him- or herself and others, and also as observed in the media) contribute to the development of a set of dysfunctional assumptions about symptoms and diseases that may predispose a person to developing a somatic symptom disorder
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9
Q

CAUSES Absorption and alexithymia in somatic symptom disorder

A

Absorption is a tendency to become absorbed in one’s experiences and is often associated with being highly hypnotizable. Alexithymia, on the other hand, refers to having difficulties identifying one’s feelings. People who report many symptoms but who do not have any medical conditions tend to score high on all of these three traits

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10
Q

CAUSES Negative mood and increase in somatic symptom disorder symptoms

A

? People who have difficulty identifying their feelings and who are also highly susceptible to being absorbed in their own experiences may be especially sensitive to having certain attentional (top-down) processes activated when they experience negative events.

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11
Q

malingering—

A

consciously faking symptoms to achieve a specific goal such as winning a personal injury lawsuit. They experience physical problems that cause them great concern.

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12
Q

TREATMENT,

A
  • cognitive-behavioral treatments are widely used to treat these disorders
    -Sometimes patients treated with CBT are also directed to engage in response prevention by not checking their bodies as they usually do and by stopping their constant seeking of reassurance.
    -General practitioners can be educated in how to better manage and treat patients with these disorders so that they are less frustrated by them: One moderately effective treatment involves identifying one physician who will integrate the patient’s care by seeing the patient at regular visits (thereby trying to anticipate the appearance of new problems) and by providing physical exams focused on new complaints (thereby accepting all symptoms as valid; At the same time, however, the physician avoids unnecessary diagnostic testing and makes minimal use of medications or other therapies: improvement in physical functioning (although not necessarily in psychological distress; e.g., Rost et al., 1994). That is why this approach is best combined with CBT
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13
Q

antidepressants and somatic symptoms

A

antidepressant medications (especially the tricyclic antidepressants) and certain selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors have been shown to reduce pain intensity in a manner independent of the effects the medications may have on mood

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14
Q

Illness anxiety disorder

A

-People with this disorder have high anxiety about having or developing a serious illness. This anxiety is distressing and/or disruptive, but there are very few (or very mild) somatic symptoms

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15
Q

conversion disorder (function neurological symptom disorder)

A

-Historically this disorder was one of several disorders that were grouped together under the term hysteria.
- presence of neurological symptoms in the absence of a neurological diagnosis: patient has symptoms or deficits affecting either the senses or motor behavior. These would ordinarily strongly suggest a medical or neurological condition. However, the pattern of symptoms or deficits is not consistent with any neurological disease or medical problem.

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16
Q

la belle indifférence conversion disorder

A

-Freud suggested that most people with conversion disorder showed very little of the anxiety and fear that would be expected in a person with a paralyzed arm or loss of sight
-Lack of concern about symptoms or their implications is also not specific to conversion disorder. For these reasons, this phenomenon has become de-emphasized in more recent editions of the DSM

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17
Q

4 categories of conversion disorder symptoms

A

four categories of symptoms: (1) sensory: can involve almost any sensory modality. The diagnosis is often made when symptoms in the affected area are inconsistent with how known anatomical sensory pathways operate. Sensory symptoms or deficits are most common in the visual system (especially blindness and tunnel vision), in the auditory system (especially deafness), or in the sensitivity to feeling (especially the anesthesias)= ***sensory input is registered but is somehow screened from explicit conscious recognition (explicit perception)
(2) motor: . The most common speech-related conversion disturbance is aphonia. Here, the person is able to talk only in a whisper although he or she can usually cough in a normal manner= In true, organic laryngeal paralysis, both the cough and the voice are affected.)
(3) seizures = These resemble epileptic seizures, although they are not true seizures
and , patients do not show any EEG abnormalities and do not show confusion and loss of memory afterward, as patients with true epileptic seizures do.
(4) a mixed presentation of the first three categories

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18
Q

anesthesias conversion disorder/ glove anasthesia

A

In the anesthesias, the person loses feeling in a part of the body. One of the most common is glove anesthesia, where the person cannot feel anything on the hand in the area where gloves are worn, although the loss of sensation usually makes no anatomical sense (nerves do not stop at the wrist).

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19
Q

How to differentiate between an actual neurological diagnosis and conversion disorder

A

The frequent failure of the dysfunction to conform clearly to the symptoms of the particular disease or disorder simulated. For example, little or no wasting away or atrophy of a “paralyzed” limb occurs in conversion paralyses, except in rare and long-standing cases.

The nature of the dysfunction is highly selective. As already noted, in conversion blindness the affected individual does not usually bump into people or objects, and “paralyzed” muscles can be used for some activities but not others.

Under hypnosis or narcosis (a sleeplike state induced by drugs), the symptoms can usually be removed, shifted, or reinduced at the suggestion of the therapist. Similarly, a person abruptly awakened from a sound sleep may suddenly be able to use a “paralyzed” limb.

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20
Q

Most common psychiatric syndrome in WWI soldiers

A

Conversion disorder typically occurred under highly stressful combat conditions and involved men who would ordinarily be considered stable. Here, conversion symptoms—such as paralysis of the legs—enabled a soldier to avoid an anxiety-arousing combat situation without being labeled a coward or being subject to court-martial.

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21
Q

Medical basis and conversion disorder symptoms

A

conversion disorder apparently loses its defensive function if it can be readily shown to lack a medical basis. When it does occur today, it is most likely to occur in people who are medically unsophisticated.
MORE OFTEN IN WOMEN BY TWO TO THREE TIMES

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22
Q

conversion hysteria FREUD/ primary and secondary gain

A

he believed that the symptoms were an expression of repressed sexual energy—that is, the unconscious conflict that a person felt about his or her repressed sexual desires. However, in Freud’s view, the repressed anxiety threatens to become conscious, so it is unconsciously converted into a bodily disturbance, thereby allowing the person to avoid having to deal with the conflict. This is not done consciously, of course, and the person is not aware of the origin or meaning of the physical symptom. Freud also thought that the reduction in anxiety and intrapsychic conflict was the primary gain that maintained the condition, but he noted that patients often had many sources of secondary gain as well, such as receiving sympathy and attention from loved ones.

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23
Q

Primary and secondary gain modern science

A

many of Freud’s clinical observations about primary and secondary gain are still incorporated into contemporary views of conversion disorder. For example, viewed through the lens of learning theory, the physical symptoms can be seen as providing negative reinforcement (relief or removal of an aversive stimulus) because being incapacitated in some way may enable the individual to escape or avoid an intolerably stressful situation without having to take responsibility for doing so. In addition, they may provide positive reinforcement in the form of care, concern, and attention from others. = person is not deliberately choosing to lose his or her sight or become unable to walk. Instead, unconscious processes are thought to be at work.

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24
Q

stressful life events and conversion disorder vs depression

A

the frequency of stressful life events in the recent past in patients with conversion disorder and depressed controls and did not find a difference in frequency between them. However, the greater the negative impact of the preceding life events, the greater the severity of the conversion disorder symptoms

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25
Q

fmri data and conversion disorder

A

This functional magnetic resonance image shows somatosensory activity evoked by stimulation in a patient with sensory conversion disorder affecting the left hand. When the patient’s left hand was stimulated, no activity was seen in the primary somatosensory cortex (arrow). However, increased activity was seen in this area of the brain when the patient’s right hand was stimulated (circle) = there was activation in somatosensory areas of the brain on the opposite side to the side being stimulated. (This is because most human motor and sensory fibers cross the midline and so stimulation of the right side of the body affects the left side of the brain.) However, when tactile stimulation was applied to the affected (numb) body part, there was no activation in the contralateral area of the sensory cortex. Figure 8.2 provides an illustration of this. Instead, the tactile stimulus activated regions in the orbitofrontal cortex and the anterior cingulate cortex (Ghaffar et al., 2006). This is interesting because both of these brain regions are involved in neural networks that are thought to regulate emotion and the expression of emotion.
=anesthetic body part is stimulated, there is decreased activation in the somatosensory cortex but increased activation in areas such as the anterior cingulate cortex, insula, and other brain areas implicated in emotion processing

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26
Q

Treatment for conversion disorder

A

Some hospitalized patients with motor conversion symptoms have been successfully treated with a behavioral approach in which specific exercises are prescribed in order to increase movement or walking, and then reinforcements (e.g., praise and gaining privileges) are provided when patients show improvements.
-At least one study has also used cognitive-behavior therapy to successfully treat conversion seizures

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27
Q

Facticious disorder

A

people do deliberately and consciously feign disability or illness. person intentionally produces psychological or physical symptoms (or both). Although this may strike you as strange, the person’s goal is to obtain and maintain the benefits that playing the “sick role” (even to the extent of undergoing repeated hospitalizations) may provide, including the attention and concern of family and medical personnel.

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28
Q

DSM IV VS DSM 5 categorization of facticious disorder

A

In DSM-IV, factitious disorder was in a category of its own. In DSM-5 it has been moved into the category of somatic symptom and related disorders. in most cases of factitious disorder, the person presents with somatic symptoms and with the expressed belief that he or she is ill.

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29
Q

Why is it a problem that facticious disorder is in the somatic disorder section of the DSM 5?

A

These disorders have a history of being stigmatized and many doctors do not take them very seriously. To group them now with a disorder that is characterized by deliberately feigning illness runs the risk of further perpetuating these negative stereotypes.

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30
Q

What is the difference between factitious disorder and malingering?

A

The key difference is that, in factitious disorder, the person receives no tangible external rewards. In contrast, the person who is malingering is intentionally producing or grossly exaggerating his or her physical symptoms and is motivated by external incentives such as avoiding work or military service or evading criminal prosecution

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31
Q

risks with fictious disorder

A

In factitious disorder, patients may surreptitiously alter their own physiology—for example, by taking drugs—in order to simulate various real illnesses. Indeed, they may be at risk for serious injury or death and may even need to be committed to an institution for their own protection.
MORE COMMEN IN WOMEN

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32
Q

factitious disorder imposed on another (sometimes referred to as Munchausen’s syndrome by proxy).

A

the person seeking medical help has intentionally produced a medical or psychiatric illness (or the appearance of an illness) in another person. This person is usually someone (such as a child) who is under his or her care =a mother presents her own child for treatment of a medical condition she has deliberately caused. = the health of the victims is often seriously endangered by this form of child abuse and the intervention of social service agencies or law enforcement is sometimes necessary. In as many as 10 percent of cases, the actions of the mother may lead to a child’s death

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33
Q

When is facticious disorder imposed by another suspected?

A

this disorder may be suspected when the victim’s clinical presentation is atypical, when lab results are inconsistent with each other or with recognized diseases, or when there are many frequent returns or increasingly urgent visits to the same hospital or clinic. The perpetrators (who often have extensive medical knowledge) tend to be highly resistant to admitting the truth about what they are doing = average length of time to confirm the diagnosis is 14 months

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34
Q

video survaillence and facticious disorder imposed on another

A

One technique that has been used with considerable success is covert video surveillance of the mother and child during hospitalizations. In one study, 23 of 41 suspected cases were finally determined to have factitious disorder by proxy, and in 56 percent of those cases video surveillance was essential to the diagnosis

35
Q

Distinguishing Between Different Types of Somatic Symptom and Related Disorders

A

Persons engaged in malingering (for which there are no formal diagnostic criteria) and those who have factitious disorder are consciously perpetrating frauds by faking the symptoms of diseases or disabilities. This fact is often reflected in their defensive demeanor. In contrast, individuals with conversion disorders (as well as with other somatic symptom disorders) are not consciously producing their symptoms.

36
Q

Dissociative disorders and why they often occur

A

group of conditions involving disruptions in a person’s normally integrated functions of consciousness, memory, identity, or perception- , dissociative disorders appear mainly to be ways of avoiding anxiety and stress and of managing life problems that have overwhelmed the person’s usual coping resources.

37
Q

dissociation

A

first promoted over a century ago by the French neurologist Pierre Janet (1859–1947). Dissociation can be defined as “a disruption of and/or discontinuity in the normal, subjective integration of one or more aspects of psychological functioning, including— but not limited to—memory, identity, consciousness, perception and motor control”

38
Q

implicit memory and implicit perceptin

A

all people routinely show indirect evidence of remembering things they cannot consciously recall (implicit memory) and respond to sights or sounds as if they had perceived them even though they cannot report that they have seen or heard them (implicit perception

39
Q

How are symptoms of dissociation transdiagnostic?

A

that they are associated with many different forms of psychopathology. As we might expect, the highest levels of dissociation are reported by patients with dissociative disorders, followed by patients with post-traumatic stress disorder, borderline personality disorder, and conversion disorde

40
Q

Depersonalization/derealization disorder

A

derealization one’s sense of the reality of the outside world is ­temporarily lost. In depersonalization one’s sense of one’s own self and one’s own reality is temporarily lost.
-In this disorder, people have persistent or recurrent experiences of feeling detached from (and like an outside observer of) their own bodies and mental processes. They may even feel they are, for a time, floating above their physical bodies, which may suddenly feel very different—as if drastically changed or unreal. In contrast to what happens during psychotic states, during depersonalization, reality testing remains intact.

41
Q

Emotional experiences during depersonalization

A

emotional experiences are attenuated or reduced during depersonalization—both at the subjective level and at the level of neural and autonomic activity that normally accompanies emotional responses to threatening or unpleasant emotional stimuli

42
Q

Memory fragmentation in depersonalization cases

A

Memory fragmentation is marked by difficulties forming an accurate or coherent narrative sequence of events, which is consistent with earlier research suggesting that time distortion is a key element of the depersonalization experience

43
Q

DSM IV VS DSM 5 derealization and depersonalization

A

In DSM-IV, derealization and depersonalization were treated as two distinct conditions. In DSM-5 they are combined. This is because research suggests that people who have prominent derealization or prominent depersonalization look rather similar in terms of demographic characteristics, the course and severity of their problems, and their comorbid conditions

44
Q

Derealization and depersonalization occurence in healthy samples

A

Because transient symptoms of depersonalization or derealization are widespread in the general population, to qualify for a diagnosis, episodes of depersonalization or derealization must be persistent or recurrent.

45
Q

gender differences, derealization/depersonalization, age onset, comorbid disorders most common

A

equal numbers of males and females being affected
age onset: Although the disorder can start in childhood, the mean age of onset is around age 16, with only a minority of people developing it after age 25
-disorder has a fairly chronic course with little or no fluctuation in intensity (Baker et al., 2003). Comorbid conditions can include mood or anxiety disorders. Avoidant, borderline, and obsessive-compulsive personality disorders are also elevated in people with depersonalization and derealization experiences

46
Q

treatments for depersonalization/derealization

A

Unfortunately, however, as of yet there are no clearly effective treatments—either through medication or psychotherapy.

47
Q

Dissociative Amnesia vs retrograde vs anterograde amnesia

A

dissociative amnesia is usually limited to a failure to recall previously stored personal information (retrograde amnesia) when that failure cannot be accounted for by ordinary forgetting: The gaps in memory most often occur following intolerably stressful circumstances—wartime combat conditions, for example, or catastrophic events such as serious car accidents, suicide attempts, or traumatic experiences
Retrograde amnesia is the partial or total inability to recall or identify previously acquired information or past experiences; by contrast, anterograde amnesia is the partial or total inability to retain new information

48
Q

Dissociative amnesia and “truth serum”

A

apparently forgotten personal information is still there beneath the level of consciousness. It sometimes becomes apparent in interviews conducted under hypnosis or narcosis (induced by sodium amytal, or so-called truth serum) and (obviously) in cases where the amnesia spontaneously clears up.

49
Q

Symptoms of dissociative amnesia/ types of memory affected

A

In typical dissociative amnesic reactions, individuals cannot remember certain aspects of their personal life history or important facts about their identity. Yet their basic habit patterns—such as their abilities to read, talk, perform skilled work, and so on—remain intact, and they seem normal aside from the memory deficit
=Thus, the only type of memory that is affected is episodic (pertaining to events experienced) or autobiographical memory (pertaining to personal events experienced).

50
Q

Disscoiative fugue

A

In rare cases a person may retreat still further from real-life problems by going into an amnesic state called a dissociative fugue. This, as the name implies (the French word fugue means “flight”), is a defense by actual flight. The person is not only amnesic for some or all aspects of his or her past but also departs from home surroundings. This is accompanied by confusion about personal identity or even the assumption of a new identity (although the identities do not alternate as they do in dissociative identity disorder). During the fugue, such individuals are unaware of memory loss for prior stages of their life, but their memory for what happens during the fugue state itself is intact
Days, weeks, or sometimes even years later, such people may suddenly emerge from the fugue state and find themselves in a strange place, working in a new occupation, with no idea how they got there.

51
Q

DSM 5 VS DSM 4 dissociative fugue

A

In DSM-5 dissociative fugue is considered to be a subtype of dissociative amnesia rather than a separate disorder as it was in DSM-IV.

52
Q

How is dissociative amnesia similar to conversion symptoms?

A

The pattern in dissociative amnesia is essentially similar to that in conversion symptoms, except that instead of avoiding some unpleasant situation by becoming physically dysfunctional, a person unconsciously avoids thoughts about the situation or, in the extreme, leaves the scene= Thus, people experiencing dissociative amnesia are typically faced with extremely unpleasant situations from which they see no acceptable way to escape. Eventually the stress becomes so intolerable that large segments of their personalities and all memory of the stressful situations are suppressed.

53
Q

semantic memory and disscoiative fugue, implicit memory

A

semantic knowledge (assessed via the vocabulary subtest of an IQ test) seems to be generally intact. The primary deficit these individuals exhibit is their compromised episodic or autobiographical memory. Indeed, several studies using brain imaging techniques have confirmed that when people with dissociative amnesia are presented with autobiographical memory tasks, they show reduced activation in their right frontal and temporal brain areas relative to normal controls doing the same kinds of tasks
-uggested that implicit memory is generally intact.

54
Q

future categorizationns of conversion disorder and disscoiative disorders

A

conversion disorders involve disruptions in explicit perception and action. That is, people with conversion disorders have no conscious recognition that they can see or hear or feel, or no conscious knowledge that they can walk or talk or feel. However, patients with conversion disorder can see, hear, feel, or move when tricked into doing so or when indirect physiological or behavioral measures are used (see Janet, 1901, 1907; Kihlstrom, 2001, 2005). Thus, an argument can be made that, in future editions of the DSM, the term conversion disorder should be dropped and the sensory and motor types of the syndrome should be reclassified as forms of dissociative disorders. This way, the central feature of all dissociative disorders would be a disruption of the normally integrated functions of consciousness (memory, perception, and action). Such a proposal is also consistent with observations that dissociative symptoms and disorders are quite common in patients with conversion disorder (Lyssenko et al., 2017) as well as with the neuroimaging findings we described earlier. This proposal was seriously considered and heavily debated by the DSM-5 task force. For now, however, conversion disorder remains in the category of somatic symptom disorder and related disorders.

55
Q

Dissociative identity disorder

A

Dissociative identity disorder (DID), formerly known as multiple personality disorder, is a dramatic dissociative disorder.

56
Q

DSM 4 VS DSM 5 DID

A

. In DSM-IV, it was required that the person manifest two or more distinct identities (or personality states) that alternated in some way in taking control of behavior. This was accompanied by an inability to recall important personal information that could not be explained by ordinary forgetting.

In DSM-5 there is a subtle shift of emphasis. What is required now is a disruption of identity characterized by two or more distinct personality states as well as recurrent episodes of amnesia. Importantly, this disruption in identity can either be self-reported or observed by others. In other words, DID can now be diagnosed without other people witnessing the different personalities.

57
Q

Pathological possession DSM 5 DID/ trance/possession trance

A

trance is said to occur when someone experiences a temporary marked alteration in state of consciousness or identity. It is usually associated with either a narrowing of awareness of the immediate surroundings, or stereotyped behaviors or movements that are experienced as beyond one’s control. A possession trance is similar except that the alteration of consciousness or identity is replaced by a new identity that is attributed to the influence of a spirit, deity, or other powe

58
Q

host identity and alter identity DID

A

In most cases the one identity that is most frequently encountered and carries the person’s real name is the host identity. Also in most cases, the host is not the original identity, and it may or may not be the best-adjusted identity. The alter identities may differ in striking ways involving gender, age, handedness, handwriting, sexual orientation, prescription for eyeglasses, predominant affect, foreign languages spoken, and general knowledge.

59
Q

Why was multiple personality disorder as a term thrown out?

A

multiple personality disorder in favor of DID was the growing recognition that it had misleading connotations. One thing it suggested was the presence of organized and coherent “personalities.” But alters are not in any meaningful sense personalities. Rather they reflect a failure to integrate various aspects of a person’s identity, consciousness, and memory (Spiegel, 2006). The term DID better captures this, as do the DSM-5 criteria (see the DSM-5 box). Indeed Spiegel (one prominent theorist in this area) has argued that “the problem is not having more than one personality, it is having less than one

60
Q

other symptoms and most common comorbid disorders

A

include depression, self-injurious behavior, frequent suicidal ideation and attempts, erratic behavior, headaches, hallucinations, posttraumatic symptoms, and other amnesic and fugue symptoms (APA, 2013; Maldonado et al., 2002). Depressive disorders, PTSD, substance-use disorders, and borderline personality disorder are the most common comorbid diagnoses; PTSD MOST COMMON

61
Q

DID onset

A

DID usually starts in childhood, although most patients are in their teens, 20s, or 30s at the time of diagnosis. Approximately three to nine times more females than males are diagnosed as having the disorder, and females tend to have a larger number of alters than do males (Maldonado & Spiegel, 2007). Some believe that this pronounced gender discrepancy is due to the much greater proportion of childhood sexual abuse among females than among males, but this is a highly controversial point.

62
Q

Why has The number of alter identities in DID varies tremendously and has increased over timE?

A

This historical trend of increasing multiplicity suggests the operation of social factors, perhaps through the encouragement of therapists, as we discuss later (e.g., Kihlstrom, 2005; Lilienfeld et al., 1999; Piper & Merskey, 2004a, 2004b). Another recent trend is that many of the reported cases of DID now include more unusual and even bizarre identities than in the past (such as being an animal) and more highly implausible backgrounds

63
Q

difference between DID and schizophrenia

A

Rather, Bleuler was referring to the splitting of the normally integrated associative threads of the mind—links between words, thoughts, emotions, and behavior. Splits of this kind result in thinking that is not goal directed or efficient, which in turn leads to the host of other difficulties known to be associated with schizophrenia.

It is very important to remember that people diagnosed with schizophrenia do not have multiple distinct identities that alternately take control over their mind and behavior. They may have a delusion and believe they are someone else, but they do not show the changes in identity accompanied by changes in tone of voice, vocabulary, and physical appearance that are often seen when identities “switch” in DID. Furthermore, people with DID (who are probably closer to the general public’s notion of “split personality”) do not exhibit such characteristics of schizophrenia as disorganized behavior, hallucinations coming from outside the head, and delusions, or incoherent and loose associations

64
Q

IS DID A REAL DISORDER OR ARE PEOPLE FAKING?

A

it is very rare for people to fake

65
Q

HOW DOES DID DEVELOP?

A

-According to trauma theory, DID starts from early childhood traumatization and reflects an attempt to cope with an overwhelming sense of hopelessness and powerlessness in the face of repeated traumatic abuse = It reflects an attempt to “compartmentalize” traumatic experiences = In support of trauma theory, the vast majority of patients with DID (over 95 percent by some estimates) report memories of severe and horrific childhood abuse
-his suggests that a diathesis–stress model may be more appropriate here. That is, children who are prone to fantasy and those who are easily hypnotizable may have a diathesis for developing DID (or other dissociative disorders) when severe abuse occurs (e.g., Butler et al., 1996; Kihlstrom et al., 1993). However, it is important to keep in mind that, in isolation, there is nothing inherently pathological about being prone to fantasy or being highly hypnotizable

66
Q

sociocognitive theory DID

A

-ccording to this theory, DID develops when a highly suggestible person learns to adopt and enact the roles of multiple identities, mostly because clinicians have inadvertently suggested, legitimized, and reinforced them and because these different identities are geared to the individual’s own personal goals
-t is important to understand that the sociocognitive perspective does not view this as being done intentionally or consciously by the person involved. Rather, it occurs spontaneously with little or no awareness
- The suspicion is that overzealous clinicians, through fascination with the clinical phenomenon of DID and unwise use of such techniques as hypnosis, are themselves largely responsible for eliciting this disorder in highly suggestible, fantasy-prone people

67
Q

Cultivating symptoms of DID vs the disorder in lab conditions

A

hypnotized participants in this and other experiments showed only a few of the most obvious symptoms of DID (such as more than one identity) and showed them only under short-term and contrived laboratory conditions. Thus, although some of the symptoms of DID could be created by social enactment, this is not the same thing as demonstrating that the disorder can be created this way

68
Q

ARE RECOVERED MEMORIES OF ABUSE IN DID REAL OR FALSE?

A

Critics further argue that many of the memories that come up during the course of therapy may be false memories—products of leading questions and suggestive techniques applied by well-meaning but inadequately skilled and careless psychotherapist

69
Q

IF ABUSE HAS OCCURRED, DOES IT PLAY A CAUSAL ROLE IN DID?

A

nother challenge is that people with symptoms of DID and histories of childhood abuse may be more likely to seek treatment than people with symptoms of DID who did not experience abuse. Thus, the individuals in most studies on the prevalence of child abuse in DID may not be representative of the population of all people with DID. Finally, childhood abuse is thought to play a role in many different forms of psychopathology including depression, PTSD, eating disorders, somatic symptom disorder, and borderline personality disorder, to name just a few. So why do we think it plays a key causal role in DID? Perhaps the most we will ever be able to say is that childhood abuse may play a nonspecific role for many disorders, with other, more specific factors determining which disorder develops

70
Q

Increase in DID PREVALENCE

A

Many factors likely contributed to the drastic increase in the reported prevalence of DID that we saw after 1980. Some of the increase almost certainly occurred because some therapists looked for evidence of DID in certain patients and hinted at the existence of alter identities (especially when the person was under hypnosis and very suggestible; e.g., Kihlstrom, 2005; Piper & Merskey, 2004b). Therapists may also have subtly reinforced the emergence of new identities by showing great interest if any emerged. Nevertheless, such factors probably did not (and do not) explain all cases of diagnosed DID.
The prevalence of DID is even higher (around 6 percent) when groups with high exposure to trauma or cultural oppression are studied

71
Q

simulators vs diagnosed DID patients

A

One way in which simulators and diagnosed patients differ is that diagnosed patients show more symptoms of DID than simulators do. This, of course, could be related to the quality of training the simulators had. Another potentially more important difference is that, compared to simulators, patients with DID show more cognitive processing problems. Deficits in performance are apparent on tasks involving recognition of previously seen material, as well as on recall and reaction time tasks. However, cognitive problems (compared to healthy controls) are seen in patients with many types of disorders (including anxiety disorders, mood disorders, and schizophrenia). So they could be a result of psychopathology in general rather than DID in particular.

72
Q

Does any information transfer from one identity to another?

A

self-reported amnesia across identities is incomplete. In other words, when information is given to Identity 1 and then the person switches to Identity 2, Identity 2 performs better on the memory task than would be the case if there were complete amnesia across the two identities. This is true regardless of whether explicit or implicit memory tasks are used. What is also important is that the transfer of information on implicit tasks (which do not require the intentional or conscious processing of information) is similar for diagnosed patients as well as for simulators.

73
Q

What does the lack of evidence of complete amnesia in DID mean for our understanding of the disorder?

A

The fact that simulators and diagnosed patients are similar in this regard might argue against the validity of the DID diagnosis. However, we know little about how the memories of people with DID can or should function. As Boysen and VanBergen (2014) note, in DID memory may be available but not be subjectively accessible. Our brains naturally integrate and incorporate new material. But there may be an important difference between what our brains know and what we are aware that we know.

74
Q

current views of did

A

Over time, the sociocognitive model has evolved. It is now, in essence, a diathesis–stress model, as mentioned earlier. It is thought that some people are more predisposed than others to develop DID when exposed to socio-cultural influences such as media portrayals of DID, therapist cueing, and the like. A relevant factor here is having a propensity to fantasize. It is also thought that having a variety of sleep-related problems (such as waking dreams, nightmares, and unusual perceptual experiences while falling asleep or during waking) might provide a bridge between sociocognitive models and trauma models of DID because these seem to increase risk for dissociative symptoms

75
Q

DID as a variant of PTSD

A

And, increasingly, those who view childhood abuse as playing a critical role in the development of DID are beginning to see DID as perhaps a complex and chronic variant of posttraumatic stress disorder, which by definition is caused by exposure to some kind of highly traumatic event(s), including abuse (e.g., Brown, 1994; Maldonado & Spiegel, 2007; Maldonado et al., 2002). Anxiety symptoms are more prominent in PTSD than in DID, and dissociative symptoms are more prominent in DID than in PTSD. Nevertheless, both kinds of symptoms are present in both disorders (Putnam, 1997; Lyssenko et al., 2017). Moreover, some (but not all) investigators have estimated that a very high percentage of individuals diagnosed with DID have a comorbid diagnosis of PTSD, suggesting the likelihood of some important common causal factors (Vermetten et al., 2006; see also Rodewald et al., 2011). Recognizing this, DSM-5 now includes PTSD with dissociative symptoms as a new subtype.

76
Q

cultural context and dissociation

A

-Many related phenomena, such as spirit possession and dissociative trances, occur frequently in many different parts of the world where the local cultures sanction them (Krippner, 1994; Spiegel et al., 2013). Such experiences are not necessarily problematic when they are volitional, transient, and occur as a normal part of religious or spiritual practices. However, when they are involuntary and cause distress, possession states are considered to be pathological.

77
Q

pathological possession and DID

A

The features of pathological possession are very similar to DID. They include distinct changes in identity as well as full or partial amnesia for the event. In pathological possession, however, the other identity is not experienced as another internal personality state but as an external spirit, power, or deity. The inclusion of pathological possession into the diagnostic criteria for DID in DSM-5 has made the diagnosis more applicable to people from a wide range of cultural backgrounds. The inclusion of pathological possession also acknowledges that DID can present in two different forms: a possession form and a nonpossession form. In other words, how the disorder presents may be very much determined by cultural factors

78
Q

amok,

A

which is often thought of as a rage disorder. Amok occurs when a dissociative episode leads to violent, aggressive, or homicidal behavior directed at other people and objects. It occurs mostly in men and is often precipitated by a perceived slight or insult. The person often has ideas of persecution, anger, and amnesia, often followed by a period of exhaustion and depression. Amok occurs in places such as Malaysia, Laos, the Philippines, Papua New Guinea, Puerto Rico, and among Navajo Indians.

79
Q

treatment for depersonalization and derealization

A

Some think that hypnosis, including training in self-hypnosis techniques, may be useful because patients with depersonalization disorder can learn to ­dissociate and then “reassociate,” thereby gaining some sense of control over their depersonalization and derealization experiences

80
Q

disscoiative amnesia treatment

A

In dissociative amnesia, it is important for the person to be in a safe environment. Simply removing the person from what he or she perceives as a threatening situation sometimes allows for spontaneous recovery of memory. Hypnosis, as well as drugs such as benzodiazepines, barbiturates, sodium pentobarbital, and sodium amobarbital, is often used to facilitate recall of repressed and dissociated memories

81
Q

DID and merging into a host personality

A

Most therapists set integration of the previously separate alters, together with their collective merging into the host personality, as the ultimate goal of treatment (e.g., Maldonado & Spiegel, 2007). There is often considerable resistance to this process by patients with DID, who consider dissociation as a protective device (e.g., “I knew my father could get some of me, but he couldn’t get all of me”; Maldonado & Spiegel, 2007, p. 781). If successful integration occurs, the patient eventually develops a unified ­personality, although it is not uncommon for only partial integration to be achieved; Typically the treatment for DID is psychodynamic and insight oriented, focused on uncovering and working through the trauma and other conflicts that are thought to have led to the disorder
hypnosis; Most patients with DID are hypnotizable and when hypnotized are able to recover past unconscious and frequently traumatic memories, often from childhood.

82
Q

DID and recovered memories

A

In many cases, these memories of abuse are “recovered” during therapy, meaning that the person was unaware of these experiences before entering therapy. This has raised questions about the validity or accuracy of recovered memories of abuse and led to intense and often bitter debate
. Hence, those who doubt the validity of memories of abuse are also likely to regard the phenomenon of DID as stemming from the social enactment of roles encouraged or induced—like the memories of abuse themselves—by misguided therapy

83
Q

scientific evidence for repression

A

Disbelievers, on the other hand, note that scientific evidence in support of the repression concept is quite weak (e.g., Kihlstrom, 2005; Loftus & Davis, 2006; Piper, 1998). In many alleged cases of repression, the event may have been lost to memory in the course of ordinary forgetting rather than repression, or it may have occurred in the first 3 to 4 years of life, before memories can be recorded for retrieval in adulthood. In many other cases, evidence for repression has been claimed in studies where people may simply have failed to report a previously remembered event, often because they were never asked or were reluctant to disclose such very personal information