Wreckers Flashcards

1
Q

E.P. Thompson on wreckers

A

“the crowd was informed by the belief that they were defending traditional rights/customs…rooted in consistent traditional views of social norms and obligations”.

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2
Q

Andrew Brown opinion on wreckers

A

didn’t view it as a form of protest, sees wreckers as rational self-interest people who believed they owned those goods regarding customary practices, not a specific rebellion.

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3
Q

how does John G. Rule define wrecking?

A

defines wrecking as a wide spectrum of activities, ranging from opportunistic plundering of goods washed ashore to organised efforts to dismantle and loot shipwrecked vessels, he emphasises that these activities were often conducted in defiance to laws prohibiting such acts, illustrating how entrenched these practices were in coastal communities - “it was a ‘social crime’ – criminal activity communally accepted despite its illegality”.

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4
Q

‘Wrecking and Coastal Plunder’

A

John G. Rule

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5
Q

Cultural and economic context: Rule

A
  • Deeply rooted in the customs of coastal communities, with many participants believing they had a legitimate right to goods brought ashore by the sea.
  • Rule cites local notions of entitlement that were often at odds with the law.
  • Economic necessity played a significant role, as coastal populations, often impoverished, depended on the materials and goods salvaged from shipwrecks for survival or profit.
  • Rule notes that timber, metal, and other cargo were frequently repurposed for local use or sold in nearby markets.
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6
Q

Community and social dynamics rule

A
  • Not limited to marginalised individuals, but involved entire communities, including farmers, labourers, and occasionally wealthier individuals.
  • Collective action & rudimentary systems to claim ownership of salvaged goods, such as the “first to touch” rule.
  • Resistance to enforcement was common, with communities banding together to protect their wrecking practices from law enforcement efforts.
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7
Q

moral and legal tensions rule

A
  • Rule highlights the tension between legal frameworks and customary practices, wreckers often viewed their actions as morally justified, even though they violated formal laws.
  • Persistence of wrecking despite centuries of prohibitive legislation, such as statutes from Edward I to the Merchant Shipping Acts of 1854, underscores the resilience of customary practices.
  • He notes the complicity or passive acceptance of wrecking by some local officials and clergy, further complicating enforcement efforts.
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8
Q

regional and folkloric associations rule

A
  • Cornwall particularly associated with wrecking, contributing to broader cultural mythology
  • Rule mentions literary depictions, such as Daniel Defoe’s harsh portrayal of Scilly islanders
  • Folklore surrounding wrecking, including the use of false lights to lure ships to dangerous shores, adds to the mystique, though Rule finds little evidence to substantiate some of these claims.
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9
Q

resistance to enforcement rule

A
  • Efforts to curb wrecking faced significant challenges, including the hostility of local populations and insufficient manpower among law enforcement, like the coastguard.
  • Rule describes numerous instances where wreckers resisted authorities through violence or collective action, highlighting the difficulty of imposing external control on tightly knit communities.
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10
Q

historical and structural insights Rule made on wreckers

A
  • Rule situates wrecking within broader patterns of conflict between law and custom in 18th and 19th century England, akin to smuggling or poaching
  • He underscores how wrecking reveals the complexities of rural law enforcement and the persistent challenges of integrating customary practices into formal legal systems.
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11
Q

Albion’s Fatal Tree

A
  • Examines complex interplay between coastal communities
  • Local customs clashed with national laws, leading to persistent practices of wrecking despite legal prohibitions
  • Rule emphasised not lawlessness but deeply rooted in the economic needs and cultural traditions of coastal populations.
  • Challenges authorities faced enforcing anti-wrecking laws, given the communal support for such practices – ambiguous moral perspectives surrounding them.
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12
Q

‘Cornish Wrecking 1700-1860: Reality and Popular Myth’

A

Cathryn Pearce

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13
Q

Pearce historical and socila context

A
  • Wrecking deeply imbedded in local culture – “social crime”
  • The act of wrecking ranged from opportunistic gathering of goods to violent plundering and deliberate destruction of shipwrecks
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14
Q

pearce community involvement

A
  • Not confined to lower classes, spanned all social strata, such as miners, fisherman, clergy, and even the gentry
  • Motivations and justifications for involvement varied widely, including economic necessity, communal solidarity, and moral or cultural beliefs.
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15
Q

pearce on wreckers’ justification

A
  • Providence – wrecking as an act of divine providence, believing that goods washed ashore were gifts from God
  • Moral entitlement – extended to protests perceived injustices in salvage operations and government control, where locals felt their customary rights were being violated.
  • Economic and Cultural Factors – provided access to goods otherwise unaffordable or culturally inaccessible, often serving as a form of resistance against taxation and economic inequality.
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16
Q

pearce on legal and moral ambiguity

A
  • Distinction between legitimate salvage and illegal wrecking was blurred, as many participants engaged in both
  • While some forms of wrecking, like harvesting goods washed ashore, were tolerated, violent plundering or destruction of ships faced greater societal and legal disapproval.
17
Q

pearce on complex morality

A
  • The practice reflected a complex moral economy where actions were justified based on local customs, economic needs, and community dynamics rather than formal legal frameworks.
18
Q

‘The Abominable Plunderer of Wrecks’

A

Andrew m. Brown

19
Q

What is brown’s overarching argument in the abominable plunderer of wrecks

A

he highlights need to reconsider historical narrative around wrecking by including nuanced perspectives on its social and economic dimensions and by critically analysing the interplay between community actions and state responses.

20
Q

main primary source for wrecks we can use

A

The Wreck - late eighteenth century literary pamphlet London 1796

21
Q

another primary source that highlights community support for wrecks

A

the trial of the wreckers of the Hornby at Caernarfon 1825

22
Q

trial of the 13 wreckers of the Hornby at Caernarfon 1825

A
  • Justice Kendrick tried 13 of the wreckers
  • Recognition in judges’ belief, that the jury would refuse to convict someone on wrecking charge, as the sentence was death.
  • Engaged in ‘plea bargain’ reducing the charge to secure conviction.
  • Court could downgrade charge to make it a non-capital offence
  • Jury could do a partial verdict, do this themselves.