Welfare state Flashcards

1
Q

Judt - postwar economic of planning

A

Drew directly upon lessons of 1930s

Successful recovery must preclude any return to economic stagnation, depression, and unemployment

Lay behind creation of the Modern European welfare state

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2
Q

Judt - 1940s conventional wisdom on causes of the war

A

Political polarisation came due to economic depression and its social costs

Fascists and Communists thrived on social despair, so the ‘condition of the people’ question must be addressed

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3
Q

Judt - examples of rudimentary welfare provisions

A

Germany typically most advanced, instituted pension, accident and medical insurance under Bismarck

Pre-WW1 embryonic national insurance and pension schemes in Britain

Britain and France introduced ministries of health just after WW1

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4
Q

Judt - limits of initial welfare reforms

A

None of these arrangements were comprehensive welfare systems

They were cumulative ad hoc reforms, each dressing a particular social problem or improving on previous schemes

E.g. scope of British pension and medical insurance schemes very limited (only working men)

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5
Q

Judt - lack of pre-war state responsibility

A

Nowhere was there yet any recognition of an obligation upon the state to guarantee a given set of services to all citizens

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6
Q

Judt - role of the war in transforming state obligation

A

Just as WW1 precipitated legislation and social provision, WW2 transformed the role of the modern state and the expectations placed upon it

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7
Q

Judt - general points about postwar welfare states

A

Provision of social services chiefly concerned education, housing and medical care, as well as transport

Social security consisted mainly of state insurance agains illness, unemployment, accident, and the perils of old age

Every European state in the postwar years provided or financed most of these resources, some more than others

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8
Q

Judt - difference between postwar welfare states

A

Lay in the schemes set in place to pay for the provisions

Some collected revenue through tax and provided free/heavily subsidised care and services e.g. Britain

In France and smaller countries, citizens had to pay up front for medical provision, but could then claim most expenses from the state

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9
Q

Judt - reason for differences between postwar welfare states

A

Systems of national finance and accounting, but also a differing strategy choice

In isolation, social insurance, however generous, was not in principal politically radical (present in most conservative regimes)

Comprehensive welfare systems, however, were inherently re-distributive due to their universal character and sheer scale

Thus the welfare state in itself was a radical undertaking, and the variations in states reflected political calculation also

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10
Q

Judt - Eastern European opinion of welfare states

A

Communist regimes after 1948 did not usually favour universal welfare systems

They did not need to as they were at liberty to redistribute resources with force without spending scarce state funds on public services

E.g. they frequently excluded peasants from social insurance and political arrangements on political grounds

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11
Q

Judt - Catholic Europe

A

Long-established local and communal coverage against unemployment probably impeded the development of universal systems by reducing the need for the,

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12
Q

Judt - desire for full employment

A

Particularly marked in countries where inter-war unemployment had been especially traumatic (UK, Belgium), and so there was a clear desire to keep employment close to full

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13
Q

Judt - comparative ambitiousness

A

Sweden and Norway were vanguard of benefit provision, and West Germany kept in place Nazi era chilbirth programmes

However, Britain saw the most ambitious effort to build, from scratch, a genuine ‘Welfare State’

Reflected outright 1945 Labour majority, leaving them free to legislate unlike many other coalition governments

Also derived from rather distinctive sources of British reformism

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14
Q

Judt - Beveridge report

A

In 1942 - it was an indictment of the social injustices of pre-1939 British society and a policy template for root and branch reform once war was over

Even the Conservatives did not dare oppose its core recommendations, and it was the moral basis for the most popular and enduring elements of Labour’s postwar programme

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15
Q

Judt - Beveridge report assumptions

A

Four key assumptions, all of which were to be incorporated into British policy for the next generation

There should be an NHS, adequate state pension, family allowances and near-full employment

On this assumption generous provisions could be made, paid by levies on wage packets and progressive taxation

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16
Q

Judt - welfare state implications in Britain

A

Non working women got first coverage; humiliation and social dependency of Poor Law system removed; free medicine and dentists at point of service

British Welfare State was both a completion of earlier reforms and a genuinely radical departure

Most comprehensive social coverage attempted on so generous a scale all at once

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17
Q

Judt - cost of the welfare state

A

Heavy - French spending on social services increased 64% 1938-49

Britain - by 1949 nearly 17% of all public expenditure was on social security alone

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18
Q

Judt - reasons why Europeans were willing to pay so much

A

Because times were difficult, and welfare systems guaranteed a minimum of fairness

Welfare states were not politically divisive (not revolutionary) and long term beneficiaries often middle classes - bound the classes together

Chief basis that these services corresponded with the proper tasks of government

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19
Q

Judt - differences in achieving aims

A

Easier in the small population of a wealthy, homogenous country like Sweden than in one like Italy

But faith in the state was at least as marked, possibly more, in poor countries as in rich ones, since only the state could offer hope

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20
Q

Judt - state as a source of community and social cohesion

A

For the generation of 1945, some workable balance between political freedoms and the rational, equitable function of the administrative state seemed the only sensible route out of the abyss

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21
Q

Garland - three concentric circles of welfare state government

A

First characterises it as welfare for the poor - narrowest conception, preferred by the opponents of the welfare state

Second focuses on social insurance, social rights, and social services (core elements abidingly popular with the electorate)

Third highlights economic management and the role of the government in regulating the state

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22
Q

Garland - metaphor for the welfare state

A

Capitalist economy - a dynamic machine for generating private profits through competitive production and market exchange

Welfare state - retrofitted set of gears, breaks, and distributors to steer the capitalist juggernaut along a socially acceptable course

23
Q

Garland - lack of utopian ideals in welfare states

A

Product not of revolutionary idealism but piecemeal reform and cross-class coalitions, principles created by civil servants

Therefore they rarely provide unbridled enthusiasm, open to attack from both sides by committing to ‘middle way’ solutions

Ameliorative rather than curative - rarely achieve complete success or large-scale victory

24
Q

Garland - range of ideals from welfare state creators

A

From conservative Bismarck, liberal Beveridge and Keynes and democratic socialists Attlee and Bevan

All fought for welfare state as they were troubled by recurring evidence of economic instability and uncertainty

Case rested on real world problems and practical solutions

25
Q

Garland - best welfare

A

Would be no welfare at all - would be fine it markets, families and communities all workers of their own accord

In the real world, all can fail, and therefore welfare states are nothing short of indispensable

26
Q

Garland - state by 1960

A

Every developed nation had a core of welfare state institutions and every government had accepted responsibility for managing the economy

27
Q

Garland - generalised nature of welfare state development

A

Development was very much generalised despite the different legislative histories of different states

At its heart, this was due to a functional response to the insecurities of capitalism

28
Q

Garland - discrediting of traditional economic orthodoxies

A

In 1918, the victorious nations had hastened back to their pre-war economic policies, re-establishing the orthodoxies of free trade, the Gold Standard, and minimum public spending

By 1945, these orthodoxies had been utterly discredited by the economic collapse of the 1930s

29
Q

Garland - five institutional sectors of the welfare state

A

Social insurance (against loss of earnings, cornerstone)

Social assistance (safety net of non-contributory income support)

Publicly funded social services

Social work and personal social services

Economic governance

30
Q

Matsuura - permeation of the term ‘welfare’

A

Only in the second half of the 1960s

31
Q

Matsuura - 1955-65 targets

A

Targets were full employment and economic growth

Although successful, this policy was criticised as most growth was in the private sector, leaving a lack of social capital

Also poorer classes less able to share in the income

32
Q

Matsuura - post-1967 policy

A

1967 white paper called Improvement of Efficiency and Welfare indicated an expectation that welfare policies would change

Priority of targets in 1970 plan were stabilisation of prices, efficient allocation of resources and the repletion of social needs

33
Q

Ernst - pre WW2 Japanese developments

A

Most important parts concerned pensions, health insurance, and establishment of the Ministry of Welfare in 1938

34
Q

Ernst - post-WW2 welfare

A

More comprehensive social policy, dealing with all the major risks and applying to the majority of the population

Basis is Article 25 in the 1946 Constitution - all to have rights to minimum standards of wholesome living, and state shall extend social welfare and security and public health to all

35
Q

Ernst - core areas of Japanese social security

A

Consist of as many as 19 systems

36
Q

Britain’s five giants to kill

A

Want, disease, ignorance, squalor and idleness

Four lay in the sphere of welfare policy, and the other in education

37
Q

Churchill’s stance on welfare

A

Sceptical, but since the Beveridge report sold 600,000 copies, the later stages of the war were punctuated with white papers

Most significant was 1944 Employment Policy, committing the state to systematically reducing employment

38
Q

Butler’s Education Act

A

1944 - did create a tripartite system, but also raised leaving age to 15 and provided compulsory and free secondary education

39
Q

Britain - 1945 verdict

A

Unequivocal - Labour gained 48% of popular vote and 61% of seats in the commons

40
Q

Key labour government acts

A

1946 NI Act enshrined the principle of universality and flat rate contributions for flat rate benefits

1948 National Assistance Board repealed the Poor Law formally, becoming a means-tested safety net

41
Q

Britain NHS development

A

Aneurin Bevan had to fight a war of attrition as Minister of Health - in 1946, 64% of GPs were against the NHS

National Health Act of 1948 created a national insurance-funded, free-at-use health service

Came into operation in 1948 with 18,000 participatory doctors

42
Q

Briggs - origin of the term in relation to Britain

A

First used to describe post-1945 Labour Britain, but seldom clearly defined

Dealt primarily with contrast between C19 and 20

Past seen as leading inevitably along broad highway to the ‘welfare state’

However reforms like National Health Insurance Act of 1911 were designed to remedy specific problems; poor law more eroded than broken up

43
Q

Briggs - ‘welfare state’ characteristics

A

Uses organised power to modify the play of market forces in at least 3 directions:

Guaranteeing individuals/families minimum income irrespective of market value of work/property

Narrowing extent of insecurity by enabling individuals/families to meet certain ‘social contingencies’ e.g. unemployment that would otherwise lead to crisis

Ensuring all citizens are offered the best standards of social services irrespective of status or class

44
Q

Briggs - historical considerations

A

Concept of ‘market forces’ sets the problem of the ‘welfare state’ within the age of the modern political economy

Concept of ‘social contingencies’ strongly influenced by experience of industrialism

45
Q

Briggs - factors beyond dispute in C20 welfare

A

Transformation in attitude towards poverty

Investigation of ‘social contingencies’, which directed attention to the need for political social policies

Development within market capitalism of ‘welfare’ philosophies and practices

46
Q

Wincott - argument centring around Britain

A

Suggestion of Britain as the original and exemplary welfare state is anglo-centric hubris - has shaped general comparative analysis

Dominant of the idea of the Golden Age of welfare state form 1945

47
Q

Wincott - Esping-Anderson definition of welfare state

A

The extent to which it ‘decommodified ‘ labour power and entrenched social rights of citizenship

48
Q

Wincott - data examples

A

Uses social insurance replacement rates - shows UK levels lower than mean rate for 17 areas in social insurance

Provision for sickness, accidents and pensions higher in 1945 than before war, but stagnant until 1960 (when it rose greatly)

49
Q

Wincott - picture painted of Britain

A

Relatively niggardly welfare state - Attlee’s administrative efficiency should not be overlooked, but not significant in economic terms

50
Q

Madison - key Soviet issues

A

Child labour, homelessness among children, juvenile delinquency

Accentuated by WW1, Revolution, famine, rise in cost of living up to 1930

1923 - 7 mullion registered homeless children

51
Q

Madison - Soviet social insurance up to 1956

A

Social insurance benefits for age and salaried workers and dependents were too low for even sub-standard living

Assistance doled out by the collective farm mutual aid societies were also pitifully inadequate

52
Q

Madison - Soviet planner belief

A

Saw people presenting social problems as a product of capitalism

Therefore thought it better to use available resources to replace capitalism with socialism, for when that was accomplished, such people would disappear

Therefore welfare problems persisted into the 1950s

53
Q

Madison - soviet welfare complications

A

Society was in constant flux - continued migration from rural into urban communities brought about terrible housing conditions

Lack of privately-supported agencies, obliging the state to carry the burden of social needs