Week 8 Lecture I Flashcards
Vast numbers of people in rapidly growing cities throughout the developing world depend on
informal transport services for their mobility needs. Thus far the field of transition studies has
addressed the dynamics of socio-technical change in situations where regimes of automobility
and sanctioned public transport constitute the dominant order, but not in contexts of cities in
the developing world, where informal transit thrives
e evolution of Bangkok’s motorcycle taxi industry
, we trace
the evolution of Bangkok’s motorcycle taxi industry including recent efforts to introduce a
potentially radical innovation: an information and communications technology (ICT) platform
used as a taximeter
questions about an informal transport system
How should we conceive of these systems in the
wider context of urban transport, sustainability and sustaining urban mobility? Does it make
sense to make concerted efforts to introduce new technologies for systems at the margin, which
are not on the receiving end of government support or funding, but rather on the receiving end
of government scorn and repression? Is the provision of transport by many small – often old and
polluting – vehicles a carbon-inefficient way to move millions and a barrier for city governments
to implement ‘proper’ CO2-saving large-scale public transport systems? Is there no viable future
for these systems in this era of globalisation and are they destined to ‘die out’as developing-world
cities modernise, or are these informal systems a form of locally rooted appropriate technology to
be encouraged and applauded as possibly giving rise to alternative flourishing pathways to social
and environmental sustainability, and will they perhaps even expand to find a place in first-world
cities as well?
s emerging research
agenda is the field of
A promising field of research to address these questions and to pick-up this emerging research agenda is the field of transition studies. The community of scholars working in this field draws on insights from a broad range of disciplines, such as evolutionary economics, science and technology studies (STS), innovation systems and the history of technology, in order to investigate the
dynamics of change and stability in the way societal functions (such as transport provision) are fulfilled. Transitions are conceived as major shifts in socio-technical systems and this implies the re-configuration
of system elements including technologies, policies, infrastructures, industry structures, markets, user practices, cultural meanings and various forms of knowledge (
The term ‘informal’1 best reflects this
situation:
casually disguised by lack of supervision and hidden in the background of both the
officially sanctioned public sector and the registered/formal market economy
Most authorities in cities throughout the developing world can barely cope with
h the rapid
urban growth driven by the massive influx of new urban dwellers and are barely able to maintain
existing transport services, let alone plan for expansion in order to come to terms with the fastincreasing demand for transit (Kumar and Barrett 2008). As a result, diverse arrays of unregulated
(shared) taxi-like transport systems have organically sprung up without any centrally coordinated
planning.
. Three processes
are considered to be key for the potential of experiments to contribute to broader transformations:
(1) articulating promising expectations to attract resources; (2) building resourceful networks and
constituencies around the innovation; and (3) reflexive learning on multiple dimensions.
Moreover, informal transport provision can be viewed
as part of a subversive
domain, deeply linked to the presence of historically disadvantaged groups of people and the influx
of poor rural dwellers. Other case studies show, for example, how rickshaw pullers challenge
hegemonic ideas and practices in order to negotiate a ‘place’ in the city (Hyrapiet and Greiner
2012) or how the use of minibuses gained popularity as a community resistance response to state
power (Venter 2013).
how many bicycles in Bangkok
Every day, around 200,000 motorcycle taxi drivers operate on Bangkok’s vast network of broad
arterial roads and labyrinthine alleyways. This number for Bangkok alone is approaching the total
annual number of taxi rides in the whole of the USA (239,000 in 2012).
Most locations
can only be accessed via long narrow side roads
s (soi), which emerged without any central planning. It is virtually impossible to serve this network of thin winding alleyways by means of any
public transport mode except with small vehicles. The motorcycle taxi can adequately navigate
traffic jams and narrow alleys in order to meet the increased demand for movement better than
any other mode
flock to Bangkok for work and opportunity
The motorcycle taxi profession provides such opportunity for young uneducated males; it is one of the few
relatively well-paying jobs open to these marginalised migrants
In recent years, however, a number of efforts to ‘formalise the informal’ have been undertaken.
To keep mafia control from creeping back, Bangkok’s
municipal government fitted the drivers with personally registered homogenised orange vests. The
House of Representatives passed a bill that officially changed the organisation of the sector and its
legal standing. Thailand became the first country in the world to legalise such a large motorcycle
taxi force and the drivers hailed Thaksin as their saviour (Int. 38). The legacy of these measures is
that the regime now ‘looks’ more formal, but in reality only about half of the drivers are actually
officially registered and ‘while lauding state attempts to wipe out dark influence and regulate the
motorcycle taxi business, taxi motorcyclists say authorities are always one step behind racketeers’
An interesting next step would be to investigate how the West could learn from cities in
the developing world
in order to incorporate some of the advantages of these highly responsive,
self-organising, flexible, resilient and robust systems – elements which are also present in the
envisioned smart and sustainable systems that mobility transition scholars argue for (Geels et al.
2012).
In our view, this implied the need to bring to the fore
the livelihoods for those at the margins of society in the context of (sustainable) development;
the
informal hierarchies stabilising day-to-day practice in informal economies; and the strategic work
performed as part and parcel of (entrepreneurial) interventions
geography and landscape matters
In addition to power, geography
also matters and we tried to show in particular how the spatial scales of the street, the city, the
nation-state and the international community interacted to produce the particular location, form
and outcome of the experiment
mobility is a
basic human right and informal transport systems do provide access for the urban
masses and job opportunities for the poor. In some cities, informal operations are the only transit
options available and in other cities they patch together a broader collection of public transport
systems and contribute to the package of multi-modality geared to stymie the relentless rise of the
private motorcar
The transport sector revolution has been spurred on by three major trends in the past few years:
the electrification of mobility, the integration of artificial intelligence and big data in shared transport solutions and autonomous mobility.
The electric vehicle (EV) transition is an example of a socio-technical transition happening in major economies such as China, Norway and the US.
CLD
Sterman [14] says that Causal Loop Diagrams (CLDs) are
an important tool for representing the feedback structure of systems. A CLD consists of variables connected by arrows denoting the causal influence among the variables.
Figure 2
The Figure 2 presents the initial Mobility loop, which is
constructed as a balancing loop. For simplicity’s sake the Demand for mobility is thought of as increasing the Met demand for mobility, which decreases the Unmet demand for mobility, which in turn leads to Demand for mobility. Since these three variables are connected in a loop, and of thethree links, two are reinforcing links, and one is a balancing link, this loop is a balancing loop. From herein, balancing links (negative polarity) are given in red color, while reinforcing links are given in blue color, in addition to the
polarity signs.