Week 2 lecture 2 Flashcards
different ‘layers’ of electricity infrastructure entered the villages in time frames of a few decades.
Sometimes new infrastructural arrangements replaced existing ones, for example, after breakdown; at other times, new layers were constructed alongside what was already there
At the most basic level, we can identify three different kinds of rapid infrastructural change:
(1) the development of new transmission lines, sewage systems and roads where there was nothing before;
(2) the upgrading of infrastructure, referring to situations in which infrastructures are replaced by newer, bigger or otherwise improved systems;
(3) the breakdown of infrastructure, either temporary or permanent, in which the system is suddenly or gradually no longer available. This chapter deals mainly with the first and the third kind
supply vs. demand alternative
the subtleties of the social and environmental costs and benefits of specific infrastructural projects;
and of how material innovations work out in practice – which areas of daily life are affected, which are not, and how do changes in what people do figure in the future constitution of demand?
‘electrification’ as a varied and situated process,
characteristics of which depend on how existing practices and conventions are modified, on a range of appliance-practice relations, and on institutional arrangements through which electricity is provided and through which it has effect in daily life.
meaning of electrification
bound up with the practicalities of specific infrastructural configurations, including state control and related systems and economics of provision.
it is the emergence of newly electrified practices that leads to
the ‘need’ for new infrastructure.
the ‘arrival’ of electricity means
these material arrangements change, often leading to the requirement for more materials (e.g., more light bulbs, bigger televisions), which in turn triggers the need for more or bigger systems of provision.
systems and technologies of supply are not simply outcomes or expressions of ‘large’ political-economic forces.
Rather, they are constituted and reproduced through the practices of different stakeholders, acting in relation to each other and their environment (Peck, 2004).
first large appliances to be acquired when electricity becomes available, and because televisions also figure as pervasive and powerful symbols of modernity
s, people are rarely alone in the living room (the key space in which the television is located), a feature which makes watching television part of a broader set of social relations
Indeed, it would often be the head of the village, or people of the local elite (e.g., members of the village committee) who would be the first to get a television.
However, actively watching is not the only mode of ‘viewing’. In some of the households that were observed, the television was often on in the background, just to break the silence or because it was considered ‘normal’
This form of watching happened in the two villages, especially when the electricity tariffs became less significant, either because they reduced, or because they became a smaller part of a household’s disposable income
Introduction of light
Before the availability of an electric infrastructure, people in Nam Ka and Mae Kampong would live, work and read by daylight, or by the light of open fires or candles.
Relying on non-electric light sources calls for a range of related skills including those involved in maintaining and trimming candles, or in keeping a fire alight, both of which generally give a lower quantity and quality of light than that provided by an electric bulb
One of the clear benefits of having access to electricity, and one often mentioned in interviews in Mae Kampong, was the option to continue working at night, and especially to continue work on preparing miang tea, which is traditionally one of the main economic activities in the village. The villagers would pick the tea leaves during the day, steam them in the late afternoon for several hours and then sort and package them during the evening.
In detail, the meaning of ‘good’ or sufficient light was not an abstract concept: rather it was related to the types of light-demanding activities involved. For example, interviewees’ indicated that the meaning of ‘necessary’ light, meaning the minimum amount required to read or work during the night, is flexible and changed over time
In the two case study villages, people would often start with one or two light bulbs, typically one in the kitchen and one in the bedroom. As they got more used to electric lighting, they would – if their budget and the systems allowed for it – expand the number and types of lights, for example, having a light outside, installing CFL lights, and so on. In this way, the availability of an electric infrastructure apparently led to a ‘ratcheting’ of demand, as new ideas about the ‘normal’ amount of light took hold (Shove, 2003).
y. As a result, the village was divided in two groups, those with and those without effective access to electricity. In this way, the rapid change in electricity infrastructure (and associated institutions of pricing and provision) had a profound influence on the unequal social distribution of electrified practices
socio-economic and demographic factors influenced
the changes in energy and CO2 requirements.
Temperature
is the most significant factor influencing energy and CO2 requirements (a 1 °C increase in temperature resulted in a 200% increase in energy and CO2 requirements).
Education
key driving factor which positively influenced direct energy and CO2 requirements but negatively influenced the indirect energy and CO2 requirements.
Addressing consumption-based CO2 emissions, often called CO2 requirements
of households is key for developing a low carbon society.
World energy consumption is predicted
to increase by 28% between 2015 and 2040.
This is more prominent in non-OECD countries (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development).