Voting behaviour and media Flashcards

1
Q

Define and briefly outline Class dealignment

A

Class dealignment the process where individuals no longer identify themselves as belonging to a certain class and - in political terms - fail to make a class connection with their voting choice.

Class dealignment is the weakening of the relationship between social class and party support. Social class may nevertheless remain a significant factor influencing electoral choice. Class dealignment is reflected in a declining proportion of working-class voters supporting Labour, and a fall in the proportion of middle- class voters supporting the Conservatives. Among the consequences of class dealignment has been a shift in the policies and ideas of the major two parties (especially Labour) as they have been forced to seek votes from ‘natural’ supporters of other parties

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2
Q

Give some explanations for class dealignment

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Suggested explanations for class dealignment include the following:

  • Changing class system. The manual work force has shrunk (from 58 per cent in 1961 to 29 per cent in 2013), and the ‘traditional’ working class has given way to the ‘new’ working class.
  • Cross-class locations. Social class has become less clear-cut, through, for instance, the decline in trade union membership and the rise in home ownership.
  • Embourgeoisement. Growing affluence has encouraged some working-class voters to think of themselves as being middle-class. Affluent workers are less ‘solidaristic’ and may be more concerned about material self-interest.
  • Sectoral cleavages. Voters have been increasingly affected by whether they work in the public sector or the private sector. These cleavages cut across class differences.
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3
Q

Outline the diminishing proportion of the population in class dealignment

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A diminishing proportion of the population consider themselves a member of a specific class. Class is less important in society than it used to be. The parties have tended to move towards the centre of the political spectrum which means they appeal to people across the class boundaries.

Other factors than class have become important. Increasingly, voters have become unpredictable in their voting and are more influenced by the image of the parties than which class they seem to favour

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4
Q

Define and briefly Outline Partisan dealignment

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Partisan dealignment the process where individuals no longer identify themselves on a long-term basis by being associated with a certain political party.

Partisan dealignment is a decline in the extent to which people align themselves with a party by identifying with it. What is seen as the ‘normal’ support of parties falls, and a growing number of electors become ‘floating’ voters. The main consequence of partisan dealignment has been greater electoral volatility. This has been reflected in increased uncertainty about electoral outcomes, as ‘swings’ from one party to another become larger and, perhaps, in the rise of new parties or the decline of old ones

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5
Q

Give some reasons for partisan dealignment

A

A variety of explanations have been offered for partisan dealignment:

  1. Increased education. The expansion of education in recent decades has encouraged voters to question traditional, party-based loyalties, and perhaps to take policies and issues more seriously
  2. Impact of the media. Voters have access to wider sources of political information, particularly through television. They are therefore less dependent on party-supporting newspapers.
  3. Ideological change. Shifts in parties’ policies and ideological beliefs since the 1980s (often in response to class dealignment) have alienated some of their traditional supporters.
  4. Decline in ‘social capital’. As post-industrial societies have become more diverse, fluid and consumer-orientated, social attachments and loyalties of all kinds have weakened
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6
Q

Causes of a decline of partisanship

A

The main factor in partisanship today is a trend known as partisan dealignment. This means that a progressively smaller proportion of voters feel a strong attachment to one of the major parties. This decline in partisanship has a number of causes:

  1. Class dealignment has occurred, This means that the old strong links between the working class and Labour and the middle class and the Conservatives have weakened . As a result of class dealignment people have weaker party attachments.
  2. The parties have tended to adopt centrist policies which can attract a wider range of voter support. There is a growing support for smaller parties such as the Green Party and Scottish Nationalists.
  3. There is a general widespread dissatisfaction with the performance of parties at Westminster (demonstrated by UKIP voting and low turnouts up to 2017) so people feel less attachment to them. Nevertheless there was something of a revival in support for the two main parties in 2017.
  4. There has been a long-term decline in party membership, with the exception of a revival in Labour membership and activism in 2016–17, so there are fewer committed party supporters. Despite these trends, class remains a fairly good predictor of how an individual will vote
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7
Q

Briefly outline issue voting

A

Voting behaviour that is shaped by party policies and (usually) a calculation of personal self-interest.

Where issue voting takes place, voters place one issue above all others and cast their vote based on that issue. They judge a party or candidate by their position on the issue and choose the one that most closely reflects their own opinion. This can mean they vote for a candidate whose other policies would be to their detriment.

Elections in the UK are rarely dominated by one issue-although the health of the economy is consistently significant- but 2019 could be described a s the Brexit election.

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8
Q

Outline the Rational choice theory in Issue Voting

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Rational choice theory assumes that voters will make a rational, or logical, judgement based on what is in their own best interests. In an ideal version, voters will be fully informed about the various options and will choose the option that is best for them. By aggregating these views, the winning verdict will reflect what is best for society as a whole. The assumption here is that a voter will conduct a cost/benefit analysis of all options and make their choice accordingly.

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9
Q

Outline Tactical Voting

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First used on a large scale in 1997, tactical voting occurs when two parties are sufficiently close to one another in policy and ideological terms for their supporters to be willing to vote for the ‘other’ party in order to keep their ‘least preferred’ party out of power. In 1997 and 2001, tactical voting favoured Labour and the Liberal Democrats and damaged the Conservatives. However, more complex patterns of tactical voting appeared to have taken place in 2005 and 2010. Divisions between Labour and the Liberal Democrats over the Iraq War may have meant that – in those elections – fewer Liberal Democrat supporters were willing to ‘lend’ their vote to Labour, while former Labour supporters disaffected by the war were happy to switch their vote to the Liberal Democrats.

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10
Q

Define Governing Competency

A

Governing competency the perceived ability of the governing party in office to manage the affairs of state effectively. It also applies to how voters regard the potential competency of an opposition party, if it were to win office.

Another way of explaining voting behaviour is known as rational choice theory: the idea that voters behave like consumers, deciding how to vote by evaluating what is the most beneficial option for them as individuals. Voters look at the policies on offer and choose the party most closely aligned to their preferences. This is linked to the growth of a more educated electorate, with more access to political information, particularly since the rise of the Internet. This approach is problematic because it assumes that voters make rational choices based upon a knowledge of party policies. It does not explain elections where voters feel differently about different issues, or where there is no single overriding issue.

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11
Q

Define Performance of government in Governing Competency

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The conventional wisdom on elections has long been that ‘governments lose elections; oppositions do not win them’. This suggests that elections are largely decided by the performance of the government of the day, and particularly by its economic performance. As the reminder on the wall of Bill Clinton’s office during the 1992 presidential election put it: ‘It’s the Economy, Stupid’. If the 2010 general election could be regarded as a ‘referendum’ on Labour’s performance, the party was fatally damaged by the loss of its reputation for economic competence following the global financial crisis and the subsequent sharp recession. In the case of the Conservatives in 2015, it was notable that the claim that their ‘plan is working’ was sustained by an economic recovery that had started two years earlier.

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12
Q

Define Valence in the Governing Competency

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Valance is the image of the party and how well they are liked and trusted. Theresa May identified the Conservative’s valence problem after 1997 when she described them has becoming seen as ‘the nasty party’.

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13
Q

Define Disillusion and apathy

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Disillusion and apathy refers to the extent to which individuals increasingly become disengaged with politics. Disillusion and apathy might be measured in several ways, such as low turnout in elections, or declining membership of political parties.

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14
Q

Define Manifesto

A

The document in which a political party details what actions and programmes it intends to introduce if it is successful in the next election — a set of promises for future action.

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15
Q

Define Mandate

A

The authority to govern, which a government derives from an election victory. This means that it has the right to introduce its policies as stated in its manifesto. It also allows it to take decisions on other issues as they arise during its term of office, which could not have been foreseen when the manifesto was produced

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16
Q

Case study: Fulfilling a manifesto pledge: extending free childcare

A

In the Conservative manifesto of 2017 there was a promise to offer working parents of 3 and 4-year-olds 30 hours of free childcare a week instead of 15 hours.

This was primarily designed to increase the number of parents in work (and therefore paying taxes and contributing to the nation’s economy) who might otherwise not be able to afford the cost of additional childcare. It was also felt that some young children might benefit from the opportunities for socialisation and would be taught basic skills by nurseries or childminders. Only those earning less than £100,000 would be eligible. This scheme was rolled out and in operation by September 2017.

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17
Q

Outline the Case Study of the 1945 elections

A

The 1945 election marked a watershed in British history. The successful Conservative wartime leader, Sir Winston Churchill, was defeated by Clement Attlee’s Labour Party.
Attlee’s landslide victory ushered in the welfare state and the National Health Service. The commanding heights of the British economy were nationalised. India was granted independence.

Background - Winston Churchill’s national government, established in 1940 to guide Britain through World War II, ended on May 23, 1945. The Labour Party re-engaged in politics, but Churchill was hesitant to dissolve Parliament before the Pacific war ended. The 1945 election marked the first in Britain for ten years, as the previous decade had seen significant changes and a new left-leaning consensus developed during the war. The Beveridge report, published in December 1942, recommended a welfare state and National Health Service, which received widespread support but received lukewarm support from Churchill and the Conservative Party. The nation had experienced war and anticipated victory.

Campaign - Despite polls showing Labour six points ahead of the Conservatives, most observers believed the Tories would win the election. Churchill’s popularity as a war leader led to the Conservatives’ appeal to the nation under the slogan “Vote National - Help him finish the job.” Churchill and Lord Beaverbrook criticized Labour’s proposals for a welfare state and nationalisation of key industries, stating they would need to “fall back on some kind of Gestapo” to implement them. The Labour manifesto, Let us Face the Future Together, offered a radical departure from the past.

Results- On 26 July 1945, Labour won the Parliamentary majority of 146 seats, the largest in post-war British history, with 48% of the vote. This unprecedented swing of 12 points was more a rejection of the Conservative Party than Winston Churchill’s performance as a war-leader. Many first-time voters and those in the forces voted Labour, as it persuaded voters that it could build the post-war world desired by the majority. Churchill’s refusal to embrace the Beveridge Report cost him dearly.

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18
Q

Outline the results of the 1945 General Election

A

Labour
Votes- 11,967,746, Seats- 393, Change - + 239
UK Vote Share (%)- 48.0 and GB Vote Share (%)- 48.8

Conservatives
Votes- 9,972,010, Seats-210, Change -219, UK Vote Share (%)- 39.6 and GB Vote Share (%)- 39.3

Liberal
Votes- 2,252,430, Seats- 12, Change- 9, UK Vote Share (%)- 9.0 and GB Vote Share (%)- 9.2

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19
Q

Outline the Case study of the 1997 election

A

Background and Campaign: “The Conservatives had taken a hit on their traditional reputation for economic competence. In September 1992 the pound spectacularly crashed out of the European Exchange Rate Mechanism. From this stage on Labour was ahead in the polls. In addition, there was open Conservative feuding on Europe and this was responsible for the government’s defeat on the Maastricht Bill in 1993 as well as for John Redwood’s 1995 leadership challenge. There were 12 Conservative resignations from office taking place over allegations of personal impropriety and misconduct, meaning the Conservatives were in a very weak position going into 1997

Tony Blair led Labour through a modernisation policy, abandoning traditional policies like nationalisation and tax increases. He emphasized tough signals on law and order and business links. Labour won the endorsement of the press, including The Sun and The Times, and its 1997 platform stressed policy details like reducing primary school classes and cutting hospital waiting lists. However, there was no stark difference between Labour and the Conservatives. John Major’s 21-seat majority had become a minority administration, and Labour won the Wirral South by-election, showcasing economic evidence of Britain’s “booming” economy

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20
Q

Outline the results of the 1997 election

A

The final result of the election 1997 revealed that Labour had won a landslide majority, making a net gain of 146 seats and winning 43.2% of the vote. 150 Members of Parliament, including 133 Conservatives, lost their seats.

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21
Q

Outline the factors which explain the results of the 1997 election

A

FPTP- Labour’s crushing victory nevertheless owed much to the Westminster electoral system, as it was based on just 43.2 per cent of the vote.

Not ‘the economy stupid’- The election was also a notable exception to the ‘rule’ that the key determinant of electoral success is the government’s economic performance. In this case, despite the fact that the economy had been growing strongly since about 1993, with unemployment falling steadily, the Conservatives lost 178 seats, the party’s vote having fallen to 30.7 per cent on the basis of a 10.2 per cent swing to Labour.

New Labour- In explaining the outcome of the 1997 election, most attention has focused on how, after four successive defeats, Labour managed to transform its electoral fortunes. In a process that had started under Neil Kinnock in the 1980s, but accelerated sharply once Blair became party leader in 1994, the Labour Party radically altered its image and policies. Rebranded as New Labour; the party abandoned left-wing policies which addressed the interests of the ‘traditional’ working class and adopted a centrist programme aimed at attracting support from the middle classes; rewriting the ‘socialist’ Clause IV of the party’s constitution in the process.

The media- Under Blair, Labour also launched a ‘charm offensive’ intended to win over the City and big business, and assiduously cultivated the Murdoch press, gaining the endorsement of The Sun in the 1997 election. The effectiveness of these strategies was evident in the success Labour had in 1997 in winning support from C1 and C2 voters, even attracting increased support from AB voters. Nevertheless, some argue that governments lose elections, oppositions do not win them. From this perspective, the parlous state of the Conservatives, rather than the transformation of Labour, was the principal explanation for the outcome of the 1997 election.

Events- Conservative misfortunes arguably began in September 1992 when a speculative surge against the pound forced the UK out of the Exchange Rate Mechanism, in the process damaging the party’s reputation for economic competence.

A disunited party- More seriously, John Major’s Conservative government was dogged throughout the 1990s by splits over Europe, which, combined with a small parliamentary majority from 1992, made the prime minister appear weak and the party hopelessly divided.

Time for a change- Finally, the Conservatives may have struggled precisely because they had been in power too long, parties that win a number of successive elections tending to experience a decline in support over time. The Conservatives were thus vulnerable to perhaps the most potent of all electoral slogans: ‘Time for a change’.

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22
Q

Outline the Case studies of the 2019

A

The 2019 United Kingdom general election was held on Thursday, 12 December 2019. The Conservative Party, having failed to obtain a majority in the 2017 general election, had faced prolonged parliamentary deadlock over Brexit while it governed in minority with the support of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), a situation which had forced the resignation of the previous Prime Minister, Theresa May. Boris Johnson took a huge gamble by calling a December general election for the first time in almost a century. But he was celebrating on Friday morning after the Conservatives scored one of their biggest general election victories in recent years

In July 2019, after May’s resignation, Boris Johnson was elected as Conservative leader and appointed as Prime Minister. Johnson could not induce Parliament to approve a revised withdrawal agreement by the end of October, and chose to call for a snap election. The House of Commons supported the Early Parliamentary General Election Act 2019 by 438–20, setting the election date for 12 December. Opinion polls up to polling day showed a firm lead for the Conservatives against Labour throughout the campaign

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23
Q

The results of the 2019 general election

A

Conservative and Unionist Party (UK): 365 seats
Labour Party (UK): 203 seats
Scottish National Party: 48 seats
Liberal Democrats (UK): 11 seats
Democratic Unionist Party: 8 seats
Sinn Féin: 7 seats
Plaid Cymru: 4 seats
Social Democratic and Labour Party: 2 seats
Green Party of England and Wales: 1 seat

24
Q

What is the Impact of FPTP in 2019

A

As usual the 2019 election shows how some parties in the UK dominate particular areas- Labour -urban, (even with the loss of some red wall seats) Conservatives rural- while the SNP dominates Scotland.

In the 2019 UK election, the ‘first-past-the-post’ electoral system was reverted to its historic pattern, awarding a significant ‘leader’s bonus’ of seats to the Conservatives in England and the SNP in Scotland. This resulted in a significant inequality for smaller parties, with the Green Party only electing one representative. The Conservative Party was rewarded with a majority of seats (56.2%) on a plurality of the vote (43.6%), with a 1.3 percentage point increase on its 2017 vote share, giving the party a 7.4 percentage point increase in seats. The Scottish National Party (SNP) also benefited from FPTP, gaining 7.4% of seats in Westminster on only 3.9% of the vote. The Liberal Democrats were disadvantaged by FPTP, with an increase of 4.2 percentage points in their overall share of the vote compared with 2017, but a net loss of seats at this election. The result delivered a decisive majority for one party, with the Conservative Party making a net gain of 48 seats, an increase of 7.4 percentage points compared to the 2017 general election and the largest majority for the Conservatives since 1987.

25
Q

Outline the campaign technique in the 2019 election

A

The Tories’ message was more focused on the “get Brexit done” slogan and pledges about more police officers and nurses. Labour’s manifesto focused on a few core pledges, such as mass nationalisation, free broadband, and compensating women born in the 1950s for the rise in the pension age. The Labour Party proposed a renegotiation of the withdrawal agreement and would present this as an option in a referendum alongside remaining in the EU. Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn remained neutral in the referendum campaign.

However, Labour’s manifesto was popular when individual policies were identified. They proposed increasing government spending to 45% of national output, introducing a National Care Service, moving to a net-zero carbon economy, nationalising key industries, scrapping universal credit, free bus travel for under-25s, and building 100,000 council houses per year. They also proposed nationalising part of BT, providing free broadband, and reducing full-time weekly working hours to 32.

26
Q

Outline the Corbyn Factor in the 2019 election

A

The Labour vote dropped dramatically in many areas. In some places, the Conservative vote did not go up hugely but Johnson’s candidate came out on top because traditional Labour voters appeared to have stayed at home or voted for the Brexit party. Some were put of by anti Semitism and the perception that Labour was in the hands of the far left. Defeated MPs have variously blamed the party’s Brexit position and Corbyn’s leadership for the suppression of the Labour vote. Candidates said throughout the election that while Jeremy Corbyn was unpopular on the doorstep, there was little enthusiasm for Johnson either. However, he was clearly a stronger candidate throughout the campaign than May in 2017, submitting to two head-to-head leadership debates in which he made no major slip-ups.

27
Q

Outline the different strengths of each party in the election

A

Labour won the social media campaign- The use of social media advertising is seen as particularly useful to political parties as they can target people by gender, age, and location. Labour is reported to have the most interactions, with The Times describing Labour’s “aggressive, anti-establishment messages” as “beating clever Tory memes”. In the first week of November, Labour is reported to have four of the five most “liked” tweets by political parties, many of the top interactions of Facebook posts, as well as being “dominant” on Instagram, where younger voters are particularly active. Bloomberg reported that between 6 and 21 November, the views on Twitter/Facebook were 18.7m/31.0m for Labour, 10m/15.5m for the Conservatives, 2.9m/2.0m for the Brexit Party, and 0.4m/1.4m for the Liberal Democrats.

The Conservatives managed TV exposure- Labour has emerged as the dominant party in the UK’s social media campaign, with the party having the most interactions and interactions on social media. Labour’s aggressive, anti-establishment messages have been described as “beating clever Tory memes.” The party has four of the five most “liked” tweets by political parties, many of the top interactions of Facebook posts, and is dominant on Instagram, where younger voters are particularly active. Between 6 and 21 November, the views on Twitter/Facebook were 18.7m/31.0m for Labour, 10m/15.5m for the Conservatives, 2.9m/2.0m for the Brexit Party, and 0.4m/1.4m for the Liberal Democrats. The Conservatives managed TV exposure through various debates, including a head-to-head election debate between Boris Johnson and Jeremy Corbyn on ITV and a regional debate on BBC Scotland, BBC Cymru Wales, and BBC Northern Ireland.

28
Q

Short term factors which explain election results

A
  1. Policies. Voters consider the policies presented in the party manifestos and make a decision based on which set of policies suits them best. This is rational choice theory in action. Voting Behaviour. Events- Governments will benefit from good news- economic in particular
  2. Key issues. Party campaigns increasingly focus on a clear message about one issue they think will win them the election because voters increasingly cast their vote based on the issue that is most important to them.
  3. Performance in office. Using the economic and valence issues theory, voters tend to simplify the election into a referendum on the current government. If the economy does well, the government is rewarded with another term; if the economy does badly, the government is removed and the opposition is given a chance to govern. Valence politics, also known as competence voting, is a model of voting behaviour that emphasises that individuals vote based upon “people’s judgements of the overall competence of the rival political parties”.
  4. Leadership. The role of the leader has become increasingly important since Harold Wilson’s time in office, and voters often take the view that they are selecting a prime minister rather than voting for a party or an MP. As a result, leaders must convince voters that they can be trusted to deliver and are capable of running the country, and they must deliver all this through a likable and engaging media presence.
  5. Image- Beyond the leadership issues, voters will make their choice based on their perception of the party’s image, which is connected to issue voting. see Governing competency
  6. Tactical voting. Due to the nature of the first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system, many voters use tactical voting to determine their choice. If their preferred candidate is unlikely to win the seat, the voter will vote for their next favoured candidate if they think they have more chance of success. This is often done to try to prevent the candidate of the least favoured party from winning the seat.
29
Q

Outline how campaigning may impact voting

A

Campaigning In the run up to the 2015 general election, the Conservatives amassed a war chest of £78 million, dwarfing the spending power of Labour, and exceeding all the other parties combined. A change to the law on candidates’ election spending which allowed spending levels to rise by 23 per cent, enabled the Conservatives to deploy this war chest during the campaign itself. However, the net impact of national campaigning (via party-political broadcasts, leafleting, newspaper advertising, media interviews, rallies and the like) may be less significant than, for example, getting the backing of major newspapers (especially the Murdoch group). Not uncommonly, party strength on polling day is often little different from what it was at the start of the election campaign. On the other hand, there is clear evidence that local campaigning can make a difference. This has led to a growing tendency for parties to ‘target’ key seats as a means of artificially concentrating their support where it will have the greatest impact.

30
Q

Outline how party leadership may affect voting

A

In an ‘age of dealignment’, parties place increasing faith in leaders and leadership to win elections. Successful leaders have to demonstrate a number of qualities:

  • Accessibility. Leaders must be telegenic and demonstrate a relaxed ‘likeability’.
  • Trust.Voters need to believe that what their leaders say is true.
  • Strength. Leaders have to demonstrate that they can ‘run the show’.
31
Q

Outline how leadership affects or doesn’t affect electoral outcome

A

Leadership does affect the electoral outcome
* Tony Blair: The labour party leader’s high approval ratings propelled Labour to big election wins in 1997 and 2001, but Blair’s wanting popularity after the Iraq War correlates to Labour’s reduced majority after the 2005 general election
* Jeremy Corbyn: A 2019 survey of former Labour voters found that 43% of respondents cast their vote on the abscess of ‘leadership’, perhaps highlighting how dislike of Corbyn helped shatter the so-called ‘red wall’ foreigner Labour-held safe seats that were won by Tories

Leadership does not affect the electoral outcome
* Clement Attlete: The Conservative Party leader and wartime prime minister, Winston Churchill, said of Battle that he was ‘a modest little man with much to be modest about’. Yet Labour under Attlee won a landslide victory in 1945
* Margret Thatcher: Labour’s James Callaghan had higher net approval rating than Margret Thatcher in 1979, but her Conservative Party still won back power

32
Q

Outline the effect of class-based voting

A

Social class - the classification of people based on their occupations and, to some extent, their income. Social class is often expressed using social grades AB, C1, C2 and DE, which divide the population up into different professions

AB - Higher and intermediate managerial, administrative and professional occupations, e,g, Banker, Doctor
C1 - Supervisory, clerical and junior managerial administrative and professional occupations, e.g., Teacher, Social worker
C2 - Skilled manual occupations, Plumber, Hairdressers
DE - Semi-skilled and unskilled occupations, unemployed and lowest-grade competitions, e.g. , Labourer Bar staff

Traditionally, the AB groups described in table 4.1 would largely vote Conservative, while the DE groups would largely vote Labour. They would do so based on perceptions that those parties would best represent their interests. In the 1964 general election, Labour won 64% of THE voters while 78% of AB voters chose the Conservatives. However, class dealignment has resulted in partisan dealignment affecting the importance of social class in determining electoral outcomes. Table 4.2 demonstrates that the story of social class and voting is one of steady decline in its influence

33
Q

Outline arguments for and against that social class is important

A

Social class is important
* Class divides in voting might be expressed in other, more subtle ways, such as the probability that black and minority ethnic (BME) voters in low-paid jobs might vote Labour, or that DE voters in Kent might vote Conservatives
* Education might be the new reflection of class, with 58% of those with GCSEs or below voting Conservative and 43% of those with a degree or higher voting Labour in 2019 election
* Equally, class plays a significant role in how political parties fight campaigns - the Tories targeted the ‘Left-Behind towns’ in 2017 and 2019

Social class is not important
* In the 21st century, class-based voting has been undercut by class dealignment and issue-based voting (e.g Brexit)
* In the 2017 general election, the DE vote was split: 43% of this group voted Conservative and 47% Labour
* In 2019, the Conservatives won support from all social grades, including AB and De Class is therefore no longer as important, as there is no clear divide between how different social grades vote

34
Q

Outline the factor of Age in Voting behaviour

A

2017 General Elections
* Age- 18-24/ Conservative - 27 and Labour - 62
* Age - 70+/ Conservative 69 and Labour - 19

2019 General elections
* Age- 18-24/ Conservative - 21 and Labour - 56
* Age - 70+/ Conservative - 67 and Labour - 14

The significance of age-based voting can be evaluated
1. Age has not always been as significant as it is today
2. In 1983, 42% of 18-24 years old voted Conservatives and 33% voted Labour, This age demographic was split in how i voted
3. Yet by 2017, Labour enjoyed a majority if support from all age groups between 18 and 39
4. The gap between how young people vote and how older people vote is therefore far greater than the gap between how Ab and DE voters cast their ballot. Age has therefore replaced class as the most significant indicator of voting behaviour
5. However, it must be noted that age has only appeared to be the most significant social factor for the past two elections- the next elections will likely determine whether this trend continues

35
Q

Outline Gender as a factor of voting behaviour

A
  • Gender appears to have little or no impact on voting intentions
  • In 2019, 46% of men and 44% of women voted Conservatives while 31% of men and 35% of women voted Labour. These statistics show that there is not a gaping gender divide in how people vote, as roughly similar proportions of men and women voted Conservative, and the same was the case for Labour
  • A clear gender divide appears to exist only among 18-24 year-olds, where 65% of women voted Labour compared to 46% of men
  • Yet both men and women in this age group still voted more heavily for Labour than Conservative in 2019 and so it is difficult to untangle the significance of age from that of gender
36
Q

Outline ethnicity as a factor of voting behaviour and

A

A major predictor of how people will vote
In 2019 20% of BME voted for conservatives, 64% voted for labour and 12 percent voted for Liberal democrats

37
Q

The arguments whether ethnicity is important or not

A

Ethnicity is significant
* In 2015, the Conservatives enjoyed an 11-point lead over Labour among white voters and this increased in 2019 to 19 points
* Labour has maintained its support form BME voters
* Non white voters tend to favour Labour, which stems from historical reasons:
* The anti-immigration sentiments of Conservative figures such as Enoch Powell
* The concentration of ethnic minority groups in urban industrial centres such as London, Birmingham, Manchester

Ethnicity is not significant
* Research has shown that the BME community is complex in its voting patterns, and that religious factors may play a bigger role. Hindu and Sikh communities appear to vote in higher numbers for the Conservatives
* The concentration of BME voters in lower-paid jobs might mean that support for Labour owes more to economic and class factors than to ethnicity
* Likewise, the fact that many Asian Hindu voters have become wealthier over time might explain bias towards the tories

38
Q

The role of the the press in elections

A

The daily mail, the sun, the daily express, the daily telegraph and the times all have a conservative party bias, to a greater or less extent. The Daily mirror and the Guardian generally supported by the Labour Party

39
Q

Outline Case Studies of the press in elections

A

Election year - 1979
* Press influence- The Sun headline ‘Crisis, what crisis?’ at the height of the ‘winter of discontent; suggested Labour lead James Callaghan was out of touch with ordinary voters and swing opinion against the formerly popular prime minister
* Limits to press influence - Perhaps the 1979 result is better explained by valence issues surrounding Labour’s inability to handle industrial relations

Election year - 1997
* Press influence-The sun switched support from the Conservatives to Labour. Tony Blair courted media mogul Rueprt Murdoch, and subsequently much of the Murdoch - owned press switched allegiance
* Limits to press influence The press was simply reacting to the prevailing mood of the time, reflected in the polls, which was clearly swinging towards Labour

Election year - 2017
* Press influence - According to YouGov, some 74% of Daily Mail readers voted Tory in 2017, demonstrating the influence of that paper’s right-wing bias upon its readers
* Limits to press influence- The press barrage against Corbyn didn’t work and failed to persuade enough voters to back the Tories. Despite the Sun’s Don’t chuck Britain in the Cor-bin’ headline and the Daily Mail’s 15-page anti- Labour spread the day before polling day, Labour saw its largest increase in vote share since 1945

40
Q

Outline Pressure influence between elections

A

To assess the influence of the press, it is important to consider how media reporting may shape the policies of the major political parties
* In the first term in office, Balir sought to hold a referendum on joining the euro but abandoned this plan in the face of hospitality from the Murdoch- owned press
* The Daily Mail’s campaign to seek justice for black teenager Stephen Lawerance in the early 1990s pushed the government into accepting an independent inquiry that found the Metropolitan Police to be institutionally racist

However, press influence in between elections should not overstated:
* Leaders of political parties arguably have the most influence over their party’s policies. Under Corbyn, the Labour Party appeared to have given up on trying to court the right-wing print media, adopting policies that were completely at odds with the Murdoch press, such as nationalising rail and the utility companies
* Political parties are complex organisations and formulate policies by taking on board the views of a range of different groups both inside and outside the the party structures, including think tanks and pressure groups

41
Q

Outline the role of Televisions and Tv debates

A

The role to television plays in election campaigns usually relates to how a party leader comes across to viewers, in what is referred to as their televisual image

  • In 2010, debate between the three main parties was credited with denying the Tories a parliamentary majority. Nick Clegg’s strong showing and the resultant ‘Cleggmania’ raised his profile at the expense of David Cameron’s resulting in a hung parliament
  • In 2015, Ed Miliband fell in off the stage in front of the live television audience, which did little to enhance his image as a strong leader
  • Theresa May’s refusal to participate in a live Tv debate became a means of attacking her leadership. Green Party leader Caroline Lucas MP, who did take part in the debate, said that ‘The first rule of leadership is that you show up’
42
Q

Outline the role of the social media in Voting behaviour

A

Influence of social media
* Labour’s use of viral videos in 2017, shared among young Facebook users at minimal cost, demonstrated how the party could circumvent traditional print and broadcast media to spread its message
* UKIP had begun to reach out voters on Facebook in 2015 and spent much of its campaign money on a social media campaign. This helped in with 3.8 million votes at the 2016 general election
* The winter general election of 2019 meant social media played a more important role than traditional canvassing, such as knocking on doors, due to adverse to weather

Limits to influence
* There have been many false dawns. The ‘Webcameron’ Youtube channel in 2010 was branded nothing more than a publicity stunt
* The Conservatives halved their spending on Facebook elections advert in 2019
* Use of social media is unlikely to win over new voters but rather ‘preach to the converted’, as the content consumed by users largely affirms their own views/ In this sense, social media simply acts as an echo chamber

43
Q

Outline voter turnout and electoral outcome in voting behaviour and the media

A

The level of turnout can influence the outcome of an election because different demographic groups usually demonstrate different turnout levels. The young tend to demonstrate greater levels of disillusionment and apathy. The 2015 and 2017 elections show the importance of turnout in determining general elections outcomes:

  • In 2017 the so-called ‘youthcake’, an increase in turnout among young voters who were energised by the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn, helped Labour reduce the gap between itself and the Conservative Party and may have denied Theresa May a parliamentary majority
  • In 2015 higher turnout appeared to come from disillusioned Tories who ‘came back home’ after fears that Labour and the SNP would form a ‘coalition of chaos’
44
Q

Outline the factors that affect turnout

A

Closeness of election- Many voters felt that the result of the 2001 general election was a foregone conclusion and Labour would win another landslide. As a result, turnout fell to 5%. Yet in 1992, the closeness of the election saw a 78% turnout

The choice between the two major parties - In 2017 the Labour Party offered a radically different manifesto from the Conservative Party, which may have encouraged young people to vote in greater numbers

Sialen tissues - The issue of Brexit may have encouraged voters on both sides of the debate to vote for candidate and parties who supported their position, ensuring turnout in 2017 was the highest since 1997

45
Q

Outline Opinion Polls in Voting behaviour and the media

A

Opinion polls are carried out by research organisations using a sample of typical voters. They are mainly used to establish voting intention. They can also be used to assess leaders’ popularity and the salience (importance) of specific issues. The main debates surrounding opinion polls centre upon the following:

Whether their use during a general election campaign may affect how people eventually cast their ballot
Whether the accuracy of opinion polls can be trusted
Their role in affecting party policy

Example - 2016 referendum the polls indicated that the remain side would win and yet it didn’t

46
Q

Give a recent example of Age as a factor of voting behaviour

A
  • Millennials are 15 points less conservative than the national average which breaks the rule that the older you get the more conservative you get
  • Ipsos MORI (2017): 62% of voters at age 18-24 voted for Labour (27% voted for Tories), 69% of 65+ voters voted for Conservatives (19% voted for Labour)
  • YouGov (2019): the vote preference diverge at the age of 39
47
Q

Give a recent example of Gender as a factor of voting behaviour

A
  • “Blair’s babes”, “Browns Sugars”, “Labour Lovelies” are examples of how the media in particular focuses on the “physical attributes of female candidates”. This could be said to be a major problem for female candidates.
  • 2019 - Nearly all parties had clear policies to address gender with the Conservatives having a commitment to tackle issues relating to violence against women including a commitment to appoint a violence against women commissioner.
  • Traditionally, women were believed to favour the Conservatives - this changed under Blair in 1997 with Labour winning a larger share of the female vote under him.
  • 1997 - Blair introduced all-women shortlists to increase the number of women in parliament.
48
Q

Give a recent example of Region as a factor of voting behaviour

A
  • The North is most likely to vote Labour e.g. Liverpool Walton with 87% vote share to Labour MP Dan Carden - last 4 GE’s Walton’s Labour vote share hasn’t dropped below 72%.
  • 2019 General Election - Conservatives broke down Labour’s so called “Red Wall” in Northern England where there were/are traditional Labour strongholds - due to Brexit and perceptions of party leadership.
49
Q

Give a recent examples of Class as a factor of voting behaviour

A
  • Class dealignment after 1970s — people no longer identify with a particular social class and social mobility is promoted
  • 2019 Red Wall: the North which is traditionally dominated by working class (C2,DE) had voted for Conservatives However, this can be argued that the valence of Labour party (disunited Labour Party led by Corbyn) and the salient issue (Brexit - Conservatives attracted votes due to the clear slogan and party goal, i.e. Get Brexit Done)
  • 1997: Blair gained votes from class AB and floating voters (~33%)
    However, this can be argued that Blair’s centrist manifesto (New Labour) attracted AB votes due to the party disunity in Conservatives on European issues
  • Ipsos MORI: 59% of class AB voted for Labour in 1997 whereas only 40% voted for Labour in 2010; only 21% of class DE voted for Conservatives in 1997 but 41% voted for Conservatives in 2019
50
Q

Give a recent examples of Ethnicity as a factor of voting behaviour

A
  • In a 2015 poll by Survation: the most common reason people don’t vote is ‘not believing it will make a difference’.
  • In 2015, 2017 and 2019: 18-24 turnout was just above 50% while over 75s was above 80%.
  • Voters who had their first vote at 16 (Scottish independence referendum) had higher turnout in Scottish parliament elections than voters who first voted at 18.
  • In 2022, the ex-YouGov president said the UK is now pro-remain because 2m Brexit voters have died.
  • Ethnic minorities are much more likely to vote for Labour than Conservative -in 2017 GE, Labour won 73% share of ethnic minority vote whilst Conservatives only got 19% (5/75 of the most ethnically diverse constituencies in the UK).
  • 2024 Local Elections saw a significant decrease of muslim voters voting for Labour - links to their abstain of a Gaza ceasefire - BBC analysed 58 local councils where ⅕ residents identify as Muslim, Labour’s share of the vote was 21% down on 2021, the last time most seats were contested.
51
Q

Give an examples of the press having an impact on politics

A
  • “NoPress barrage didn’t work for Corbyn — The Sun increased negative media coverage of Corbyn (e.g. Don’t chuck Britain in the Cor‘BIN’) and Daily Mail published a 15-page anti-Labour spread. But Labour still gained 32.1% of vote share in 2017. It could be because of factors like increased votes in age 18-24, popularity of party leaders, etc.
  • YouGov: 74% of Daily Mail readers voted Conservatives in 2017
  • In 2022, the ex-YouGov president said the UK is now pro-remain because 2m Brexit voters have died.
  • Ethnic minorities are much more likely to vote for Labour than Conservative -in 2017 GE, Labour won 73% share of ethnic minority vote whilst Conservatives only got 19% (5/75 of the most ethnically diverse constituencies in the UK).
  • 2024 Local Elections saw a significant decrease of muslim voters voting for Labour - links to their abstain of a Gaza ceasefire - BBC analysed 58 local councils where ⅕ residents identify as Muslim, Labour’s share of the vote was 21% down on 2021, the last time most seats were contested.
52
Q

Give an examples of the Broadcast (e.g.) having an impact on politics

A
  • First TV debate (2010) — Clegg’s excellent debate performance increased his high popularity (Cleggmania), supporting Lib Dem to gain a larger vote share (23%) so they formed coalition government with Conservatives (link back to minority parties)
  • TV debates only improve impression of party leader: vote share of Lib Dem only increased 1% and lost seats compared to 2005
    May’s refusal to participate in a live TV debate caused her to further decrease her popularity.
  • TV debates may not show “clear winners” in debates, e.g. 2019 Corbyn and Johnson — dull and repetitive arguments. Therefore, there is no need to appear on TV.
53
Q

Give an examples of the Social Media having an impact on politics

A
  • In 2015, 2017 and 2019: 18-24 turnout was just above 50% while over 75s was above 80%.
  • Voters who had their first vote at 16 (Scottish independence referendum) had higher turnout in Scottish parliament elections than voters who first voted at 18.
  • In 2022, the ex-YouGov president said the UK is now pro-remain because 2m Brexit voters have died.
  • Ethnic minorities are much more likely to vote for Labour than Conservative -in 2017 GE, Labour won 73% share of ethnic minority vote whilst Conservatives only got 19% (5/75 of the most ethnically diverse constituencies in the UK).
  • 2024 Local Elections saw a significant decrease of muslim voters voting for Labour - links to their abstain of a Gaza ceasefire - BBC analysed 58 local councils where ⅕ residents identify as Muslim, Labour’s share of the vote was 21% down on 2021, the last time most seats were contested.
54
Q

Evidence that suggests that campaigns are important:

A
  • Although some campaigns may simply reinforce existing attitudes, others may challenge them, especially if its a tight race. The growth of partisan dealignment suggests that campaigns do increasingly matter as voters have become more flexible in their voting intentions
  • In 1992 John Major’s decision to abandon stage managed events and take his soap box to town centres was in marked contrast to Neil Kinnock’s over-confidence at the Sheffield rally. This changed the dynamic of the general election, giving the conservatives an unexpected victory
  • In 2010, a strong Liberal Democrat campaign, including Nick Clegg’s impressive performance in the televised debates, significantly increased the Liberal Democrat support, mostly at the expense of the conservatives, leading to a hung parliament and a conservative Liberal democrat coalition
  • In 2017 Jeremy Corbyn’s optimistic rallies and popular manifesto commitments such as ending tuition fees contrasted sharply with Theresa May’s uninspiring campaign appearances and the widespread unpopularity with the ‘dementia tax’. As a result, Labour drastically increased its support as the campaign progressed, from less than 30% of the vote at the beginning of the election to 40% in the general election
55
Q

Evidence that suggests that campaigns aren’t important:

A
  • In a 2015 poll by Survation: the most common reason people don’t vote is ‘not believing it will make a difference’.
  • In 2015, 2017 and 2019: 18-24 turnout was just above 50% while over 75s was above 80%.
  • Voters who had their first vote at 16 (Scottish independence referendum) had higher turnout in Scottish parliament elections than voters who first voted at 18.
  • In 2022, the ex-YouGov president said the UK is now pro-remain because 2m Brexit voters have died.
  • Ethnic minorities are much more likely to vote for Labour than Conservative -in 2017 GE, Labour won 73% share of ethnic minority vote whilst Conservatives only got 19% (5/75 of the most ethnically diverse constituencies in the UK).
  • 2024 Local Elections saw a significant decrease of muslim voters voting for Labour - links to their abstain of a Gaza ceasefire - BBC analysed 58 local councils where ⅕ residents identify as Muslim, Labour’s share of the vote was 21% down on 2021, the last time most seats were contested.
56
Q
A