Topic 4: Demography Flashcards

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1
Q

What is demography?

A

The study of populations and their characteristics is called demography. These characteristics include:

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2
Q

What are the characteristics of demography

A

Size: is the population large or small, growing or declining?
• Age structure: is the average age of the population rising or falling?
As Figure 4.1 shows, the factors that most directly affect the size of a country’s population are:
• Births: how many babies are born.
• Deaths: how many people die.
• Immigration: how many people enter the country from elsewhere.
• Emigration: how many people leave the country to live elsewhere.

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3
Q

What are the main testifies of the UK population

A

In this Topic, we examine some of the main features of the UK population, and how and why it has changed. Britain in 1801 had a population of 10.5 million. By 1901, this stood at 37 million. The current population of the UK is approximately 65 million and one projection is that it will rise to 71 million by 2031.
Until the 1980s, UK population growth was largely the product of natural change - that is, the result of there being more births than deaths. However, since the 1980s, most of the growth has come from net migration - that is, more immigration than emigration.

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4
Q

Births

A

The number of births obviously affects population size.
Sociologists use the concept of birth rate to measure births. The birth rate is defined as the number of live births per thousand of the population per year.
As Figure 4 2 shows, there has been a long-term decline in the number of births since 1900. In that year, England and Wales had a birth rate of 28.7, but by 2014 it had fallen to an estimated 12.2.
However, as Figure 4.2 shows, there have been fluctuations in births, with three ‘baby booms’ in the 20th century. The first two came after the two world wars (1914-18 and
1939-45), as returning servicemen and their partners started families that they had postponed during the war years.
There was a third baby boom in the 1960s, after which the birth rate fell sharply during the 1970s. The rate rose during the 1980s, before falling again after the early 1990s, with some increase since 2001.

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5
Q

The total fertility rate

A

The factors determining the birth rate are, firstly, the proportion of women who are of childbearing age (usually taken to be aged 15-44) and, secondly, how fertile they are - that is, how many children they have. The total fertility

rate (TFR) is the average number of children women will have during their fertile years.
The UK’s TFR has risen in recent years, but it is still much lower than in the past. From an all-time low of 1.63 children per woman in 2001, it rose to 1.83 by 2014. However, this is still far lower than the peak of 2.95 children per woman reached in 1964 during the 1960s baby boom.
These changes in fertility and birth rates reflect the fact that:
• More women are remaining childless than in the past.
• Women are postponing having children: the average age for giving birth is now 30, and fertility rates for women in their 30s and 40s are on the increase. Older women may be less fertile and have fewer fertile years remaining, and so they produce fewer children.

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6
Q

Reasons for the decline in the birth rate

A

Sociologists have identified a number of reasons for the

long-term decline in the birth rate since 1900. These reasons

involve a range of social, economic, cultural, legal, political

and technological factors.

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7
Q

Reasons for the decline in the birth rate

Change in the position of women

A

There were major changes in the position of women during the 20th century. These include:
• Legal equality with men, including the right to vote.
• Increased educational opportunities - girls now do better at school than boys.
• More women in paid employment, plus laws outlawing unequal pay and sex discrimination.
• Changes in attitudes to family life and women’s role.
• Easier access to divorce.
• Access to abortion and reliable contraception, giving women more control over their fertility.
According to Sarah Harper (2012), the education of women is the most important reason for the long-term fall in birth and fertility rates. It has led to a change in mind-set among women, resulting in fewer children. Not only are educated women more likely to use family planning, they now see other possibilities in life apart from the traditional role of housewife and mother. Many are choosing to delay childbearing, or not to have children at all, in order to pursue a career. For example, in 2012, one in five women aged 45 was childless - double the number of 25 years earlier.
Harper also notes that, once a pattern of low fertility lasts for more than one generation, cultural norms about family size change. Smaller families become the norm and large ones come to be seen as deviant or less acceptable.

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8
Q

Reasons for the decline in death rate:

Decline in infant mortality

A

The infant mortality rate (IMR) measures the number of infants who die before their first birthday, per thousand babies born alive, per year.
Harper argues that a fall in the IMR leads to a fall in the birth rate. This is because, if many infants die, parents have more children to replace those they have lost, thereby increasing the birth rate. By contrast, if infants survive, parents will have fewer of them.
In 1900, the IMR for the UK was 154. In other words, over 15% of babies died within their first year. These figures are higher than those of less developed countries today. For example, in 2014, the world’s highest estimated IMR was that of Afghanistan, at 117.

During the first half of the 20th century, the UK’s IMR began to fall. This was due to several reasons:
• Improved housing and better sanitation, such as flush toilets and clean drinking water, reduced infectious disease. Infants are much more susceptible to infection because of their less developed immune system.
• Better nutrition, including that of mothers.
• Better knowledge of hygiene, child health and welfare, often spread via women’s magazines.
• A fall in the number of married women working may have improved their health and that of their babies.
• Improved services for mothers and children, such as antenatal and postnatal clinics.
Before the mid-20th century, it is doubtful whether specifically medical factors had much effect on the IMR - although indirectly, the medical profession had a significant impact through its campaigns to improve public health measures.
However, from about the 1950s, medical factors began to play a greater role. For example, mass immunisation against childhood diseases such as whooping cough, diphtheria and later measles, the use of antibiotics to fight infection and improved midwifery and obstetric techniques, all contributed to a continuing fall in the IMR.
As a result of all the above developments, by 1950 the UKS IMR had fallen to 30 and by 2012 it stood at 4 - barely one fortieth of its 1900 figure.,t

However, while many sociologists claim that the falling IMR ted to a fall in birth families began not in (1978) argue that the trend to smaller to tailles bein u not in rural areas, where IMR remained higher for longer.
the MR first began to for longein urban areas,

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9
Q

Reasons for the decline in the birth rate

Children are an economic liability

A

Until the late 19” century, children were economic assets to their parents because they one. He sent out to work from an early age to earn an income. However, since the late 19* century children have gradually become an economic ability. (See Topic 2, page 181)
• Laws banning child labour, introducing compulsory schooling and raising the school leaving age mean that children remain economically dependent on their parents for longer and longer.
• Changing norms about what children have a right to expect from their parents in material terms mean that the cost of bringing up children has risen.
As a result of these financial pressures, parents now feel less able or willing than in the past to have a large family.

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10
Q

Reasons for the decline in the birth rate

Child centredness

A

As we saw in Topic 2, the increasing child centredness both of the family and of society as a whole means that childhood is now socially constructed as a uniquely important period in the individual’s life. In terms of family size, this has encouraged a shift from ‘quantity’ to ‘quality’ - parents now have fewer children and lavish more attention and resources on these few.

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11
Q

Future trends for the birth rate

A

As a result of the above factors, birth rates, fertility rates and family sizes have fallen over the last century. However, as we saw earlier, there has been a slight increase in births since 2001.
One reason for this is the increase in immigration because, on average, mothers from outside the UK have a higher fertility rate than those born in the UK. Babies born to mothers from outside the UK accounted for 25% of all births in 2011. However, as Figure 4 2 shows, the projection for the period up to 2041 expects the annual number of births to be fairly constant, at around 800,000 per year.

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12
Q

Effects of changes in fertility

A

Changes in the number of babies born affect several aspects of society. These include the family, the dependency ratio, and public services and policies

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13
Q

Effects in the change of fertility

The family

A

Smaller families mean that women are more likely to be free to go out to work, thus creating the dual earner couple typical of many professional families. However, family size is only one factor here. For example, better off couples may be able to have larger families and still afford childcare that allows them both to work full-time.

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14
Q

Effects on the change in fertility

The dependcey ratio

A

The dependency ratio is the relationship between the size of the working or productive part of the population and the size of the non-working or dependent part of the population.
The earnings, savings and taxes of the working population must support the dependent population. Children make up a large part of the dependent population, so a fall in the number of children reduces the ‘burden of dependency’ on the working population.
However, in the longer term, fewer babies being born will mean fewer young adults and a smaller working population and so the burden of dependency may begin to increase again.
Vanishing children Falling fertility rates mean fewer children. As a result, childhood may become a lonelier experience as fewer children will have siblings, and more childless adults may mean fewer voices speaking up in support of children’s interests. Conversely, fewer children could mean they will come to be more valued.

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15
Q

Effects of the change in fertility

Public services and policies

A

A lower birth rate has consequences for public services.
For example, fewer schools and maternity and child health services may be needed. It also affects the cost of maternity and paternity leave and the types of housing that need to be built. However, we should remember that many of these are political decisions. For example, instead of reducing the number of schools, the government could decide to have smaller class sizes.
An ageing population One effect of women having fewer babies is that the average age of the population is rising: there are more old people relative to young people. This ageing of the population has a number of important effects, which we deal with later in this Topic,

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16
Q

The death rate

A

The death rate is the number of deaths per thousand of the population per year. In 1900, the death rate stood at 19, whereas by 2012 it had more than halved, to 8.9
The death rate had already begun falling from about 1870 and continued to do so until 1930. It rose slightly during the 1930s and 1940s - the period of the great economic depression, followed by World War II - but since the 1950s it has declined slightly.
Reasons for the

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17
Q

Reasons for the decline in the death rate

A

There are several reasons why the death rate declined during the 20* century.
According to Tranter (1996), over three-quarters of the decline in the death rate from about 1850 to 1970 was due to a fall in the number of deaths from infectious diseases such as diphtheria, measles, smallpox, typhoid and above all tuberculosis (TB). Deaths from infectious disease were commonest in the young and most of the decline in the death rate occurred among infants, children and young adults.
By the 1950s, so-called ‘diseases of affluence’ (wealth) such as heart disease and cancers had replaced infectious diseases as the main cause of death. These degenerative diseases affect the middle aged and old more than the young.
There are several possible reasons for the decline in deaths from infection. It is possible that the population began to develop some natural resistance or that some diseases became less virulent (powerful).
However, social factors probably had a much greater impact on infectious diseases. These include the following:

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18
Q

Reasons for the decline in the death rate

Improved nutrition

A

Thomas McKeown (1972) argues that improved nutrition accounted for up to half the reduction in death rates, and was particularly important in reducing the number of deaths from TB. Better nutrition increased resistance to infection and increased the survival chances of those who did become infected.
However, McKeown does not explain why females, who receive a smaller share of the family food supply, lived longer than males. Similarly, he fails to explain why deaths from some infectious diseases, such as measles and infant diarrhoea, actually rose at a time of improving nutrition.

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19
Q

Reasons for the decline in the death rate

Medical improvements

A

Before the 1950s, despite some important innovations, medical improvements played almost no part in the reduction of deaths from infectious disease.
However, after the 1950s, improved medical knowledge, techniques and organisation did help to reduce death rates. Advances included the introduction of antibiotics, immunisation, blood transfusion, improved maternity services, as well as the setting up of the National Health Service in 1948. More recently, improved medication, bypass surgery and other developments have reduced deaths from heart disease by one-third.

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20
Q

Reasons for the decline in the death rate

Smoking and diet

A

According to Harper, the greatest fall in death rates in recent decades has come not from medical improvements, but simply from a reduction in the number of people smoking. However, in the 21 century, obesity has replaced smoking as the new lifestyle epidemic. For example, in 2012, one quarter of all UK adults were obese.
Yet, although obesity has increased dramatically, deaths from obesity have been kept low as a result of drug therapies Harper suggests that we may be moving to an ‘American’ health culture where lifestyles are unhealthy but where a long lifespan is achieved by use of costly medication.

21
Q

Reasons for the decline in the death rate

Public health measures

A

In the 20” century, more effective central and local government with the necessary power to pass and enforce laws led to a range of improvements in public health and the quality of the environment.
These included improvements in housing (producing dries, better ventilated, less overcrowded accommodation), purer drinking water, laws to combat the adulteration of food and drink, the pasteurisation of milk, and improved sewage disposal methods, Similarly, the Clean Air Acts reduced air pollution, such as the smog that led to 4,000 deaths in five days in 1952

22
Q

Other social changes that affected the decline of the death rate

A

Other social changes also played a part in reducing the death rate during the 20* century. These included:
• The decline of dangerous manual occupations such as mining
• Smaller families reduced the rate of transmission of infection

Greater public knowlege of the causes of iliness
• Ltestyle changes, especiaily the reduction in the number
of men who smoke.
, Higher incomes, alowing for a healthier ifstyle.

longevity, with many more centenarians (people aged over
100). Currently there are about 10,000 in the UK, by 2100 there are projected to be one million.

23
Q

Reasons for the decline in the death rate

Life expectancy

A

Life expectancy refers to how long on average a person born in a given year can expect to live. As death rates have tallen, so life expectancy has increased. For example:
• Males born in England in 1900 could expect on average to live until they were 50 (57 for females).
• Males born in England in 2013 can expect to live for 90.7 years (94 for females).
Over the past two centuries, life expectancy has increased by about to years per decade.
One reason for lower average life expectancy in 1900 was the fact that so many infants and children did not survive beyond the early years of life. To put the improvement in Ife expectancy into perspective, we can note that a newborn baby today has a better chance of reaching its 65th birthday than a baby born in 1900 had of reaching its first birthday.
If the trend to greater longevity (long lifespan) continues, Harper predicts that we will soon achieve ‘radical

24
Q

Reasons for the decline in the death rate

Class, gender and regional differences

A

Despite the overall reduction in the death rate and the increase in life expectancy over the last 100 years, there are still important class, gender and regional differences. For example, women generally live longer than men - although the gap has narrowed due to changes in employment and in lifestyle (such as more women smoking).
Similarly, those living in the North and Scotland have a lower life expectancy than those in the South, while working-class men in unskilled or routine jobs are nearly three times as likely to die before they are 65 compared with men in managerial or professional jobs.
According to Walker (2011), those living in the poorest areas of England die on average seven years earlier than those in the richest areas, while the average difference in disability-free life expectancy is 17 years.

25
Q

Reasons for the decline in the death rate

Class, gender and regional differences

A

Despite the overall reduction in the death rate and the increase in life expectancy over the last 100 years, there are still important class, gender and regional differences. For example, women generally live longer than men - although the gap has narrowed due to changes in employment and in lifestyle (such as more women smoking).
Similarly, those living in the North and Scotland have a lower life expectancy than those in the South, while working-class men in unskilled or routine jobs are nearly three times as likely to die before they are 65 compared with men in managerial or professional jobs.
According to Walker (2011), those living in the poorest areas of England die on average seven years earlier than those in the richest areas, while the average difference in disability-free life expectancy is 17 years.

26
Q

An ageing population

A

The average age of the UK population is rising. In 1971, it-was 34.1 years. By 2013, it stood at 40.3. By 2037, it is projected to reach 42.8. There are fewer young people and more old people. The number aged 65 or over equalled the number of under- 15s for the first time ever in 2014.
Another way of illustrating the changing age-profile of the population is by means of ‘age pyramids’ such as the ones in Figure 4.3. These show how older age groups are growing as a proportion of the population, while younger groups are shrinking, in fact, as Donald Hirsch (2005) notes, the traditional age ‘pyramid” is disappearing and being splaced by more or less equal-sized ‘blocks’ representing the different age groups. For example, by 2041 there will be as many 78 year olds as five year olds.
This ageing of the population is caused by three factors.
• Increasing life expectancy - people are living longer into old age
• Declining infant mortality, so that nowadays hardly anyone dies early in life
• Declining fertility - fewer young people are being tom in relation to the number of older people in the population

27
Q

An ageing population

A

The average age of the UK population is rising. In 1971, it-was 34.1 years. By 2013, it stood at 40.3. By 2037, it is projected to reach 42.8. There are fewer young people and more old people. The number aged 65 or over equalled the number of under- 15s for the first time ever in 2014.
Another way of illustrating the changing age-profile of the population is by means of ‘age pyramids’ such as the ones in Figure 4.3. These show how older age groups are growing as a proportion of the population, while younger groups are shrinking, in fact, as Donald Hirsch (2005) notes, the traditional age ‘pyramid” is disappearing and being splaced by more or less equal-sized ‘blocks’ representing the different age groups. For example, by 2041 there will be as many 78 year olds as five year olds.
This ageing of the population is caused by three factors.
• Increasing life expectancy - people are living longer into old age
• Declining infant mortality, so that nowadays hardly anyone dies early in life
• Declining fertility - fewer young people are being tom in relation to the number of older people in the population

28
Q

The effects of an ageing population

A

We have already examined the reasons for changes in life expectancy, infant mortality and fertility that are causing an ageing population. We shall now focus on the effects or consequences of an ageing population.

29
Q

The effects of an ageing population

Public services

A

Older people consume a larger proportion of services such as health and social care than other age groups. This is particularly true of the old old (usually defined as 75 or over) as against the young okf (65-74). However, we should beware of over-generalising, since many people remain in relatively good health well into old age.
In addition to increased expenditure on health care, an ageing population may also mean changes to policies and provision of housing, transport or other services.

30
Q

The effects of an ageing population

One person pensioner households

A

One-person pensioner households
The number of pensioners Iving alone has increased and one-person pensioner households now account for about

12.5% or one in eight of all households. Most of these are female, both because women generally live longer than men, and because they are usually younger than their husbands.
Among the over-75s, there are twice as many women as men.
This has been described as the ‘feminisation of later life’.

31
Q

The effects of an ageing population

One person pensioner households

A

One-person pensioner households
The number of pensioners Iving alone has increased and one-person pensioner households now account for about

12.5% or one in eight of all households. Most of these are female, both because women generally live longer than men, and because they are usually younger than their husbands.
Among the over-75s, there are twice as many women as men.
This has been described as the ‘feminisation of later life’.

32
Q

The effects of an ageing population

The dependency population

A

Like the non-working young, the non-working old are an economically dependent group who need to be provided for by those of working age, for example through taxation to pay for pensions and health care.
As the number of retired people rises, this increases the dependency ratio and the burden on the working population. In 2015, there were 3.2 people of working age for every one pensioner. This ratio is predicted to fall to 2.8 to one by 2033.
However, it would be wrong to assume that ‘old’ necessarily equals ‘economically dependent’, For example, the age at which people can draw their pension is rising - from 2020 both men and women will have to wait until they are 66 to access the state pension, rising to 67 from 2026.
Also, while an increase in the number of old people raises the dependency ratio, in an ageing population this is offset by a declining number of dependent children.

33
Q

The effects of an ageing population

Ageism,

A

One consequence of the ageing population in modern society is the growth of ageism - the negative stereotyping and unequal treatment of people on the basis of thei age. Ageism towards older people shows itself in many
ways, such as discinination in employment and unequa
treatment in health care. Similarly, much of the discourse (way of speaking and thinking) about old age and ageing has been constructed as a ‘problem’ - for example in ters. of the cost of pensions or health care for the old.

34
Q

Modern society and old age

A

Many sociologists argue that ageism is the result of structured dependency’. The old are largely excluded from. paid work, leaving them economically dependent on their families or the state. In modern society, our identity and status are largely determined by our role in production.
Those excluded from production by compulsory retirement have a dependent status and a stigmatised identity.
Similarly, from a Marxist perspective, Phillipson (1982) argues that the old are of no use to capitalism because they are no longer productive. As a result, the state is unwilling to support them adequately and so the family, especially fernale relatives, often has to take responsibility for their care.
In modern society, life is structured into a fixed series of stages, such as childhood, youth and so on. Age becomes important in role allocation, creating fixed life stages and age-related identities, such as worker or pensioner. The old are thus excluded from a role in the labour force and made dependent and powerless.
Postmodern society and

35
Q

Modern society and old age

A

Many sociologists argue that ageism is the result of structured dependency’. The old are largely excluded from. paid work, leaving them economically dependent on their families or the state. In modern society, our identity and status are largely determined by our role in production.
Those excluded from production by compulsory retirement have a dependent status and a stigmatised identity.
Similarly, from a Marxist perspective, Phillipson (1982) argues that the old are of no use to capitalism because they are no longer productive. As a result, the state is unwilling to support them adequately and so the family, especially fernale relatives, often has to take responsibility for their care.
In modern society, life is structured into a fixed series of stages, such as childhood, youth and so on. Age becomes important in role allocation, creating fixed life stages and age-related identities, such as worker or pensioner. The old are thus excluded from a role in the labour force and made dependent and powerless.
Postmodern society and

36
Q

Post modern society and old age

A

Postmodernist sociologists argue that in today’s postmodern society, the fixed, orderly stages of the life course have broken down. For example, trends such as children dressing in adult styles, later marriage and early retirement all begin to blur the boundaries between the life stages. This gives individuals a greater choice of lifestyle, whatever their age.
Unlike in modern society, consumption, not production, becomes the key to our identities. We can now define ourselves by what we consume. As Hunt (2005) argues, this means we can choose a lifestyle and identity regardless of age: our age no longer determines who we are or how we live,
As a result, the old become a market for a vast range of
‘body maintenance’ or ‘rejuvenation’ goods and services through which they can create their identities. These include cosmetic surgery, exercise equipment, gym memberships and anti-ageing products.

These trendern society. Two other te ageist stereotypes Abund in modern society vo other features of postmodern society also undermine old age as a stigmatised life stage:
The centrality of the media Media images now portray postie aspects of the lifestyles of the elderly.
The emphasis on surface features The body becomes 3 surface on which we can write identities. Anti-ageing products enable the old to write different identities r themselves.

37
Q

How an elderly population effects policies

A

Donald Hirsch (2005) argues that a number of important social policies will need to change to tackle the new problems posed by an ageing population. The main problem will be how to finance a longer period of old age. This can be done by paying more from our savings and taxes while we are working, or by working for longer, or both.
Similarly, housing policy may need to change to encourage older people to ‘trade down’ into smaller accommodation.
This would release wealth to improve their standard of living and free up housing for younger people.
As Hirsch recognises, these policy changes also require a cultural change in our attitudes towards old age. His view illustrates the notion that old age is a social construct - not a fixed, purely biological fact, but something shaped and defined by society. For example, in an ageing society, our idea of how old is old enough to retire may change.

38
Q

Migration

A

in adotion to natural change (births and deaths), the migra actor affecting the size and age of the population is migration.
Migration refers to the movement of people from place to pace. It can be internal, within a society, or international.
• Immigration refers to movement into a society.
• Emigration refers to movement out.
• Net migration is the difference between the numbers of migrants and the numbers of emigrants, and is expressed as a net increase or a net decrease due to migration. it the UK, for most of the 20” century until the 19805, there were fewer immigrants than emigrants.

39
Q

Immigration

A

tom 1900 until the Second World War (1939-45), the argest immigrant group were the rish, mainly for economic

reasons, followed by Eastern and Central European Jews, who were often refugees fleeing persecution, and people of British descent from Canada and the USA. Very few immigrants were non-white.
By contrast, during the 1950s, black immigrants from the Caribbean began to arrive in the UK, followed during the 1960s and 1970s by South Asian immigrants from India.
Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, and by East African Asians from Kenya and Uganda.
One consequence is a more ethnically diverse society. By 2011, ethnic minority groups accounted for 14% of the population. One result has been a greater diversity of family patterns. (See Topic 5.)
However, as previously, more people left the UK than entered and most immigrants were white.

Despite this, however, a series of immigration and nationality acts from 1962 to 1990 placed severe restrictions on non-white immigration. By the 1980s, non-whites accounted for little more than a quarter of all immigrants, while the mainly white countries of the European Union became the main source of settlers in the UK.

40
Q

Emigration

A

From as early as the mid-16th century until the 1980s, the UK was almost always a net exporter of people: more emigrated to live elsewhere than came to settle in the UK.
Since 1900, emigrants have gone to the USA, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa.
The main reasons for emigration have been economic:
• ‘push’ factors such as economic recession and unemployment at home
• ‘pull’ factors such as higher wages or better opportunities abroad.
These economic reasons for migration contrast with those of some other groups, who have been driven to migrate by religious, political or racial persecution.

41
Q

The impact of migration on UK population structure

A

Recent years have seen an increase in both immigration and emigration. These trends affect the size of the UK population, its age structure and the dependency ratio.
Population size The UK population is currently growing, partly as a result of immigration:
• Net migration is high (for example, 260,000 in 2014), with more immigrants (583,000) than emigrants (323,000). 47% of the immigrants were non-EU citizens, 38% were EU citizens (mainly from Eastern Europe) and
14% were British citizens returning to the UK.
• There is also a natural increase, with births exceeding deaths. However, births to UK born mothers remain low.
Births to non-UK born mothers are higher (see Table 4D) and account for about 25% of all births, but even with

these, births remain below the replacement level of 2.1 per woman (the number needed to keep population size stable). If not for net migration, therefore, the UK’s population would be shrinking.

Age structure Immigration lowers the average age of the population both directly and indirectly:
• Directly Immigrants are generally younger. For example, in 2011, the average age of UK passport holders was 41, whereas that of non-UK passport holders living in Britain was 31.
• Indirectly Being younger, immigrants are more fertile and thus produce more babies.
The dependency ratio Immigration has three effects:
• Immigrants are more likely to be of working age and this helps to lower the dependency ratio. In addition, many older migrants return to their country of origin to retire However, because they are younger, immigrants have more children, thereby increasing the ratio. Over time, however, these children will join the labour force and help to lower the ratio once again.
Finally, the longer a group is settled in the country, the closer their fertility rate comes to the national average, reducing their overall impact on the dependency ratio.

42
Q

Globalisation and migration

A

‘Globalisation’ is the idea that barriers between societies are disappearing and people are becoming increasingly interconnected across national boundaries.
Globalisation is the result of many processes, including the growth of communication systems and global media,

the creation of global markets, the fall of communism in Eastern Europe and the expansion of the European Union.
Many see globalisation as producing rapid social changes.
One such change is increased international migration - the movement of people across borders. We can identify severa. trends in global migration.

the creation of global markets, the fall of communism in Eastern Europe and the expansion of the European Union.
Many see globalisation as producing rapid social changes.
One such change is increased international migration - the movement of people across borders. We can identify severa. trends in global migration.

43
Q

Acceleration

A

There has been a speeding up of the rate of migration. For erample, according to the United Nations (2013), between 2000 and 2013 intero 302% migration increased by 33%, to reach 232 million or 3.2% of the world’s population. in the same year, 862,000 people either entered or left the UK.

44
Q

Differentiation

A

There are many types of migrant. These include permanent such as refugees and asylum seekers. Some may have gates, temporary workers, spouses, Sod emed migrants legal entitement while others enter without permission.
Globalisation is increasing the diversity of types of migrant.
For example, students are now a major group of migrants: n the UK in 2014, there were more Chinese-born (26%) than UK-born (23%) postgraduate students.
Before the 1990s, immigration to the UK came from a fairly narrow range of former British colonies. Most of these migrants had the right to settle and become citizens.
They formed a small number of stable, geographically concentrated and homogenous ethnic communities.
Super-diversity However, since the 1990s globalisation has led to what Steven Vertovec (2007) calls ‘super-diversity’.
Migrants now come from a much wider range of countries.
Even within a single ethnic group, individuals differ in terms of their legal status; for example, as citizens or spouses. A given ethnic group may also be divided by culture or religion and be widely dispersed throughout the UK.
There are also class differences among migrants. For example, Robin Cohen (2006) distinguishes three types of migrant:
• Citizens with full citizenship rights (e.g. voting rights and access to benefits). Since the 1970s, the UK state has made it harder for immigrants to acquire these rights.
• Denizens are privileged foreign nationals welcomed py the state, e.g. billionaire ‘oligarchs’ or highly paid employees of multinational companies.
• Helots (literally, slaves) are the most exploited group.
States and employers regard them as disposable units of labour power’, a reserve army of labour. They are found in unskilled, poorly paid work and include illegally trafficked workers, and those legally tied to particular employers, such as domestic servants.

45
Q

The feminisation of migration

A

The feminisation of migration
in the past, most migrants were men. Today, however, almost half of all global migrants are female. This has been called the globalisation of the gender division of labour, where female migrants find that they are fitted ir Patriarchal stereotypes about women’s roles as carers or providers of sexual services.

Barbara Ehrenreich and Arlie Hochschild (2003) observe that care work, domestic work and sex work in western countries like the UK and USA is increasingly done by women from poor countries. This is a result of several trends:
1 The expansion of service occupations (which traditionally employ women) in western countries has led to an increasing demand for female labour.
2 Western women have joined the labour force and are less willing or able to perform domestic labour.
3 Western men remain unwilling to perform domestic labour.
4 The failure of the state to provide adequate childcare.
The resulting gap has been partly filled by women from poor countries. For example, Isabel Shutes (2011) reports that 40% of adult care nurses in the UK are migrants. Most of these are female.
There is also a global transfer of women’s emotional labour.
For example, migrant nannies provide care and affection for their employers’ children at the expense of their own children left behind in their home country.
Migrant women also enter western countries as ‘mail order’ brides. This often reflects gendered and racialised stereotypes, for example of oriental women as subservient.
Women migrants also enter the UK as illegally trafficked sex workers, often kept in conditions amounting to slavery.

46
Q

Migrant identities

A

We all have multiple sources of identity: family, friends, neighbourhood, ethnicity, religion, nationality and so on all give us a sense of belonging and of who we are. For migrants and their descendants, their country of origin may provide an additional or alternative source of identity.
For example, migrants may develop hybrid identities made up of two or more different sources. John Eade (1994) found that second generation Bangladeshi Muslims in Britain created hierarchical identities: they saw themselves as Muslim first, then Bengali, then British. Those with hybrid identities may find that others challenge their identity claims (‘you’re not really one of us’) or accuse them of not
‘fitting in’.

47
Q

Migrant identities:

Transnational identity

A

According to Thomas Hylland Eriksen (2007), globalisation has created more diverse migration patterns, with back-and-forth movements of people through networks rather than permanent settlement in another country,
As a result, migrants are less likely to see themselves as belonging completely to one culture or country. Instead, they may develop transnational ‘neither/nor’ identities and loyalties. Modern technology also makes it possible to sustain global ties without having to travel.

The globalised economy means that migrants may have more links to other migrants around the world than to either their country of origin or of settlement.
For example, Eriksen describes Chinese migrants in Rome who found Mandarin (the main language of China) more useful for everyday life than Italian - simply because Mandarin was important for their global connections with Chinese in other countries around the world. Migrants in a globalised world are thus less likely to desire assimilation into the host culture.

48
Q

The politisation of migration

A

With increased global flows of migrants, migration has become an important political issue. States now have policies that seek to control immigration, absorb migrants into society and deal with increased ethnic and cultural diversity.
More recently, immigration policies have also become linked to national security and anti-terrorism policies.
Assimilationism was the first state policy approach to immigration. It aimed to encourage immigrants to adopt the language, values and customs of the host culture to make them ‘like us’.
However, assimilationist policies face the problem that transnational migrants with hybrid identities may not be willing to abandon their culture or to see themselves as belonging to just one nation-state.
Multiculturalism accepts that migrants may wish to retain a separate cultural identity. However, in practice, this acceptance may be limited to more superficial aspects of cultural diversity. For example, Eriksen distinguishes between
‘shallow diversity’ and ‘deep diversity:
• Shallow diversity, such as regarding chicken tikka masala as Britain’s national dish, is acceptable to the state.
• Deep diversity, such as arranged marriages or the veiling of women, is not acceptable to the state.
Similarly, critics argue that multicultural education policies celebrate shallow diversity - superficial cultural differences, such as ‘samosas, saris and steel bands’ - while failing to address deeper problems facing children from migrant backgrounds, such as racism.
From the 1960s there was a move towards multiculturalism but since the ‘9/11’ Islamist terror attack in 2001, many politicians have swung back towards demanding that migrants assimilate culturally. For example, in France, veiling of the face in public was made illegal in 2010.

However, Castles (2000) argues that assimilationist policies are counter-productive because they mark out minority groups as culturally backward or Other’. This can lead to minorities responding by emphasising their difference, as in the case of Islamic fundamentalism. This increases the hosts’ suspicion of them as an ‘enemy within’ and may promote anti-terrorism policies that target them. This breeds further marginalisation, defeating the goal of assimilation.
A divided working class Assimilationist ideas may also encourage workers to blame migrants for social problems such as unemployment, resulting in racist scapegoating.
According to Castles and Kosack (1973), this benefits capitalism by creating a racially divided working class and
preventing united action in defence of their interests.

However, Castles (2000) argues that assimilationist policies are counter-productive because they mark out minority groups as culturally backward or Other’. This can lead to minorities responding by emphasising their difference, as in the case of Islamic fundamentalism. This increases the hosts’ suspicion of them as an ‘enemy within’ and may promote anti-terrorism policies that target them. This breeds further marginalisation, defeating the goal of assimilation.
A divided working class Assimilationist ideas may also encourage workers to blame migrants for social problems such as unemployment, resulting in racist scapegoating.
According to Castles and Kosack (1973), this benefits capitalism by creating a racially divided working class and preventing united action in defence of their interests.

49
Q

Summary of demography

A

Population size is influenced by natural change (births and deaths) and net migration (immigration and emigration).
Since 1900, the birth rate has declined, producing smaller family sizes. Reasons include lower infant mortality and changes in the position of women and children.
The death rate declined and life expectancy increased, largely due to social changes. Effects of an ageing population include greater costs of health care and pensions, ageism, and an increase in the dependency ratio. In modernity, exclusion from work makes old age a dependent status, but in postmodernity. age no longer determines identity.
Migration affects age structure and fertility rates.
Reasons for migration can involve push and pull factors.
Globalisation has increased migration. There is more diversity in types of migration, and transitional identities are more common. Migration has become politicised, but assimilationist policies may be self-defeating.