The Second World War Flashcards
The scale of propaganda during World War II
The Second World War witnessed the greatest propaganda battle in the history of warfare. For six years, all the participants employed propaganda on a scale that dwarfed all other conflicts, including even the First World War.
The reasons behind a high propaganda scale
There were several reasons why this was so. In the first place, this was a war between entire nations, even more so than in 1914-18. Modern democracy and totalitarian dictatorship had both emerged from the First World War and 1 9 3 9 was a testimony to their mutual incompatibility. There followed a struggle between mass societies, a war of political ideologies in which propaganda was merely one, albeit a significant, weapon.
Moreover, the continued development of the communications revolution had, since the advent of sound cinema and radio, provided a direct link between government and those they governed, and between the government of one nation and the people of another.
Propaganda was in this respect the alternative to diplomacy. The old rule that governments did not interfere with the internal affairs of others had been swept away by the Russian revolution. In addition, there was also the impact of modern technology on warfare, particularly the advent of the bomber which, for the first time, brought war ‘into the front garden’.
The British view on propaganda when Germany was occupied with other front lines
While the Germans fought the courageous Poles in the East, and divided the spoils with Stalin’s Russia in accordance with the terms of the Nazi-Soviet Pact, war seemed a long way off for the majority of the British people. Britain prepared and took advantage of the time bought for it by the Poles. The cinemas were reopened by the end of September to cater for the increasing boredom caused by the absence of any war action in the West. In the meantime, the propaganda machinery was primed for the crisis to come. Whether through civilian bombing or through a war of attrition, morale would obviously be a crucial factor and the Ministry of Information, set up on the outbreak of war, would have to compete with a German propaganda machine under Joseph Goebbels that had already had six years of experience. Planning for the Ministry of Information (MOI) had in fact begun as early as 1935, but it was far from complete by 1939. Again, the time provided by the ‘Phoney War’ allowed the M O I an invaluable opportunity to prepare itself adequately for the tasks to come.
The British cencorship
Most attention had been devoted, perhaps typically for the British, to the question of censorship. Censorship as negative propaganda, designed not only to prevent valuable information from reaching the enemy but also to prevent news that might damage morale, had long been recognized as invaluable in the manipulation of opinion.
British in the battle field
So keen were the authorities at the start of the war on censoring virtually all news of interest that film cameramen were not allowed to accompany the British Expeditionary Force to France.
The 1939 story was the victim of a total news blackout that was only lifted after a Paris radio announcement that the BEF had actually arrived in France; it Was then reimposed after the newspapers had actually gone to press.
British pre-censorship
The essential point was that all quick (or ‘hot’) news was censored at source. The British news media - the press, BBC, newsreels - relied upon the news agencies for most of their information. Before the First World War, the Post Office had re-routed Britain’s world-wide cable network so that all commercial cables came together at a single point. The London headquarters of the Press Association (which supplied the domestic press) was also in the same building as Reuters (which supplied the overseas press). It was here that the censors controlled the bulk of news passing to the media before it actually reached them. It was, in other words, pre-censorship (newsreels were also subject to post- censorship). Once the censored news left the M O I , editors and journalists were allowed to do with it what they liked in accordance with their own house style. Their opinions were not censored, which gave the impression that little censorship was being imposed. It also gave the impression of a voluntary system, and this provided an effective disguise for official propaganda and a clearer conscience for a liberal democracy at war.
The Daily Mirror supression
In May 1940, the government banned the export of communist journals. Stalin had signed a non-aggression pact with Hitler in August 1939 and Russia had to be treated as unfriendly, if not as an enemy, until June 1941 when the Germans attacked them. The ban was only lifted after the battle of Stalingrad. In July 1940, the Daily Worker was warned that its pacifist line contravened Defence Regulation 2D, which made it an offence under the Defence of the Realm Act ‘systematically to publish matter calculated to foment opposition to the prosecution of the war’. The warning was ignored, and in January 1941 the Home Secretary, Herbert Morrison, ordered Scotland Yard into the offices of the Daily Worker, together with those of The Week, to stop the presses. They were only allowed to resume publication in August 1942 when a comprehensive re-education campaign about ‘Our Soviet Friends’ was in full flight. Far more serious, due to the size and nature of its circulation, was the constant sniping of the Daily Mirror. In January 1941, Churchill summoned its owners and virtually ordered them to desist.
British posters
And although posters were less important in 1939 than they had been in 1914, the country was nonetheless littered with examples that adopted this old-fashioned approach. This merely served to create an ‘us and them’ attitude, the folly of which was soon realized. This was, after all, to be the People’s War in which the previous gap between soldier and civilian and between politician and public was to be narrowed almost to the point of invisibility. The MOI quickly learned its mistake; hence the Churchill posters, ‘Let Us Go Forward Together’ and ‘We’re Going to See It Through’.
Posters were also used to convey information (‘Coughs and Sneezes Spread Diseases’), suggest economies (‘Make Do And Mend’ and ‘A Clean Plate Means a Clear Conscience’), prevent rumours (‘Careless Talk Costs Lives’, ‘Keep it under your Hat’, ‘Tittle Tattle Lost the Battle’, and ‘Keep Mum - She’s Not So Dumb’), and reinforce the will to persevere and sacrifice, (‘Women of Britain, Come into the Factories’ and ‘Back Them Up’).
Obstacles for propaganda posters
Propaganda posters had to overcome three obstacles:
Firstly, a general aversion to reading any notice of any sort, secondly a general disinclination to believe that any notice, even if it was read, can possibly be addressed to oneself; thirdly, a general unwillingness, even so, to remember the message long enough to do anything about it.
British film propaganda
It was for these reasons that the spoken word, as conveyed by radio and, in conjunction with images, film was far more potent an instrument of propaganda.
The MOI was at first slow to act in the case of film propaganda. The first propaganda film of the war, The Lion Has Wings (1939), was made independently of MOI influence by Alexander Korda. But by 1940 the MOI had drawn up a programme for film propaganda and it had taken over the old GPO Film Unit, renaming it the Crown Film Unit, to produce its own official films. Going to the pictures remained what it had become in the 1930s - a normal part of most people’s life, an ‘essential social habit’, by far the most popular form of entertainment, particularly for the working classes who were now being called upon to fight the People’s War.
The changing image of the working class in Britain
One of the reasons for this was that British films were now portraying ordinary working people - the bulk of their audiences - in a serious light. Before the war, the working man and woman had been largely caricature figures of fun. The People’s War, however, demanded that they were now taken seriously and in many respects the strict censorship of the pre-war years, as exercised by the British Board of Film Censors (BBFC), was now relaxed in its treatment of social issues.
Film control in Britain
due to the fact that film stock (i.e. celluloid) was classified as a vital war material and was rigorously controlled by the Board of Trade, no film could actually have been made without government approval.
Differences between official movies and newsreels in Britain
The official films were more like documentaries, short informational films explaining how to plant potatoes, how and when to wear a gas mask, how fires were extinguished, how tanks were built, and so on. They might not appear to be propagandist but they were designed to serve the war effort in its widest sense.
Like the newsreels, therefore, the official films presented, not reality but an illusion of reality, an illusion determined by the cameraman and where he pointed his camera, the director and where he placed his subjects.
German potraylar in British propaganda
n a series of broadcasts made on the BBC’s overseas service in late 1940 by Lord Vansittart, former Permanent Under Secretary at the Foreign Office, the Germans were portrayed as historically violent and aggressive, with Nazism being merely the latest manifestation of this national characteristic.
The Casablanca conference of January 1943, it was no longer easy to distinguish between Germans and Nazis. Atrocity propaganda was never used on the same scale as in the First World War: that had long been discredited. But the underlying message of all this material was that Nazism itself was an atrocity and all Germans were guilty of it.
White propaganda: what in Britain was understood as white propaganda?
Thus far, we have been dealing with ‘white’ propaganda, namely propaganda emanating from a clearly identifiable source. The most potent source of white propaganda in Britain during the entire war was the BBC. The significance of radio depended not just upon its universality or its immediacy; like the other news media, its potency as a medium of news communication and of propaganda rested on the entertainment context in which it operated. The BBC’s wartime role extended even further, from monitoring to overt and covert broadcasting and even to the air defence of Great Britain.