Self-knowledge Flashcards

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1
Q

How do we find out knowledge about ourselves through introspection? Can we accurately gauge what we are like through introspection?

A

We examine our internal thoughts and feelings to look at what we are like
Problem: We are often unaware of our internal states and their causes

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2
Q

What does the stocking experiment conducted by Nisbett and Wilson (1997) reveal about using introspection to access self-knowledge?

A
  • Participants asked to choose a pair of stockings they like the best (from an array of identical stockings) and why they chose them
  • They showed a right-hand bias (societal influence), yet justified with random answers (e.g. resilient, shiny, etc.)
    Main point: We often cannot access the reasons behind our decisions/behaviours
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3
Q

Wilson, Laser and Stone (1982) conducted an experiment where participants estimated the influence of specific factors on their mood. What does this study reveal about introspection and self-knowledge?

A
  • Introspection group: Used diary to record their mood and factors that influenced their mood (e.g. weather, tiredness etc.), and had to estimate how much influence the factors had on their mood
  • Control group: Just had to estimate how much some factors may influence someone’s mood (no data)
    FOUND: No difference in estimation accuracy between introspective and control group. (although introspection group should be more accurate, as they have data)
    Main point: Introspection does not give insight into causes of moods
  • People always rely on the same causal theories to assess reasons behind their mood
  • Introspection, as a source of self-knowledge, is not accurate.
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4
Q

What does Bem’s Self-Perception Theory (1967) posit about how can we infer knowledge about ourselves?

A

Self-perception theory: We infer who we are from our behaviour
e.g. Star in play –> I am extraverted

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5
Q

Under what situations do we use [Bem’s Self-Perception Theory] to infer knowledge about ourselves? (4)

A
  1. When we are unsure of our internal states/feelings (e.g. star in play, but feeling anxious)
  2. When internal cues are weak
  3. When we are uncertain of the influence of external/situational cues on our behaviour
  4. When we choose the behaviour freely
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6
Q

After we examine our behaviour within its situation, what is the logic we follow to determine if it reveals something about ourselves?

A

2 questions:
“Is the situation sufficient to explain behaviour?”
Yes –> Unlikely that it reveals something about ourselves
No –> Can infer smth about self
But how do we know the above? “Is the behaviour freely chosen?”
Yes - Intrinsically motivated –> can infer smth about ourselves/attitudes/feelings from behaviour
No - Extrinsically motivated –> doesn’t reveal things about self

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7
Q

What does the study by Lepper, Green, and Nisbett (1973) reveal about the relationship between rewards and motivation? And what are two ways by which rewards can boost internal motivation?

A

External reward can decrease intrinsic motivation
Children allocated to 3 groups: (Drawing)
- Expectation/received reward
- No expectation/received reward
- Neither expectation or reward
Measured children on time spent drawing after [reward]
FOUND: Children had much less intrinsic motivation if they had expected reward
- Self-Perception progress (theory): Attributed their drawing to desire to gain reward, and not as out of intrinsic motivation

Rewards can still be made salient if:

  • Rewards are unexpected
  • Choice of behaviour is emphasised
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8
Q

What does Festinger’s (1954) Social Comparison Theory propose about how we derive knowledge about ourselves?

A

We learn about our own abilities through comparing ourselves to other people.

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9
Q

When do we engage in social comparison? (2)

A

We engage in social comparison when:

  • We have no objective standard by which to compare our performance to (e.g. donating to charity)
  • We are uncertain about ourselves in a particular domain (e.g. receiving 15/20 on a test on geology)
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10
Q

What does Gilbert, Gresler and Morris’ (1995) experiment reveal about the nature of social comparisons?

A

We automatically make social comparisons, even when it is not appropriate - but this can be undone if we are not cognitively busy.
1. Participants were asked to complete a novel task “Schizophrenia detection task”
2. Were told they were to watch a video of a staged model complete the task, and they performed either:
- Well (16/18)
- Poorly (4/18)
3. Performed the task either:
- Cognitively busy (had to count out digits while performing task)
- Normally
4. Received ambiguous feedback (got 10/18) and rated their own performance in the task
FOUND:
- Normal cog: Took into account the staged aspect of model, and thus their self-judgements were not affected by model’s perf
- Cog busy: Did not take staged model into account, and thus participants’ self-judgements were affected by model’s perf (high model

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11
Q

With whom do we compare ourselves to? And is this always consistent?

A

We compare ourselves to people who are similar to us, as we want to perceive ourselves accurately.
Who we actually compare ourselves to is not consistent, as it depends on other people’s ability and our motives: Diff motivations –> different social comparisons

Want to know level we can aspire to –> Make upward social comparison (others > you) –> can motivate perf

Want to feel better about self –> Make downward comparison (others maintain positive self-image

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