Residential Mobility 2 Flashcards
Why do metropolitan areas dominated by manufacturing employment experience higher levels of segregation?
Population dynamics and social-structural characteristics shaped by decades of racial separation help maintain higher levels of segregation between multiple racial and ethnic groups (Logan et al. 2004) and may limit the likelihood of mobility into integrated neighborhoods.
What effects do education and income have on the likelihood that black householders will avoid racial isolation and gain access to more integrated neighborhoods?
These factors tend to increase the likelihood. (Crowder et al 2012)
What effects do education and income have on the likelihood that white householders will avoid racial isolation and gain access to more integrated neighborhoods?
These factors improve whites’ ability to shield themselves from residence in neighborhoods containing many minority residents, especially neighborhoods containing significant shares of blacks. (Crowder et al 2012)
What do Crowder et al. (2012) find are the results of the housing availability thesis for whites?
the odds of whites moving into a mixed- white/other-race tract were higher in metropolitan areas with a relative abundance of new housing. This suggests that the net influence of new housing construction on residential integration observed in aggregate-level studies operates not by increasing the likelihood that white householders will move to neighborhoods with sizable black populations, but rather by increasing the likelihood that they will move to destinations with substantial non-black minority representation.
What do Crowder et al. (2012) find about white and black householders and their mobility to multiethnic neighborhoods?
Our findings show that despite increasing numbers of multiethnic neighborhoods, relatively few white or black householders originate in or move between neighborhoods that could reasonably be defined as multiethnic.
What is Wolpert’s (1965) place utility model?
That the individual evaluates his residence in terms of its benefits and costs, arriving at an assessment of its net utility, termed “place utility.” PU is compared to expected utility of a move, cost/benefit.
What do Landale et al. (1985) find in regards to satisfaction and its impact on mobility?
Satisfaction has little direct or indirect impact on actual mobility. But satisfaction is a strong predictor of thoughts about moving. Thoughts about moving are a good predictor of actual mobility.
Are married couples and families with children favored consistently in suburbanization?
Yes, typically by large margins at both national and regional levels. (Alba & Logan 1991).
How does English-language proficiency effect the assimilation into suburban areas?
It has a positive effect (Alba & Logan 1991)
What effect does marital status and couples with children have on suburbanization for blacks, Mexicans, and Puerto Ricans?
These groups are more likely to be found in suburbs. Yet there is an unusually small effect, which indicates a relative disadvantage in suburbanization for families from the lowest-status minorities. (Alba & Logan 1991).
What is the effect of human capital on the likelihood of whites and blacks moving to “whiter” neighborhoods (<= 10% black)?
Positive, movers to whiter neighborhoods are the more advantaged. But even dramatic improvements in human capital will fall short of equalizing black/white mobility patterns (South & Crowder 1998)
Are blacks more or less likely to move out of racially-mixed tracts and into predominantly whites ones, also are they more or less likely than whites to leave racially-mixed (10 & 89% black) areas for predominantly black areas (> 89% black)?
substantially less, substantially more (South & Crowder 1998)
What facet of MSAs is positively associated with black mobility into whiter areas (<= 10% black)?
MSAs with substantial new housing (South & Crowder 1998)
What effect does parental wealth have on blacks and whites migration into white neighborhoods and how strong is that effect?
There is a modest and positive significant effect for black renters. The net effect of wealth on white homeowners and renters is even smaller, thus the “weak version” of the place stratification applies, in that parental wealth is stronger for blacks than for whites (Crowder et al. 2006)
What evidence is there of the effect of household and parental wealth on explaining markedly lower rate of black than white migration into neighborhoods with sizable white populations?
There is very little evidence. Controlling for racial differences in household and parental wealth reduces only negligibly the black-white difference in their migration propensities, and even those blacks with the highest level of household and parental wealth tend to move into areas with substantially fewer white residents than do even the least wealthy non-Hispanic whites. (Crowder et al. 2006)