Poverty 2 Flashcards

1
Q

The length of a spell in a poor neighborhood is positively associated with what?

A

Low income, female headship, and, most of all, black race (Quillian 2003). A spell is a period of continuous exposure to a poor neighborhood.

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2
Q

What is the entrapment hypothesis?

A

That there is a subpopulation that experiences long overall exposure to poor neighborhoods.

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3
Q

More than ____ of blacks who exit a poor tract at a point in time will be living in a poor tract again within __ years.

A

half, 10 (Quillian 2003)

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4
Q

How do Mexicans, Puerto Ricans and Blacks compare to whites in moving from lower-poverty to high-povery neighborhoods?

A

Mexicans and Puerto Ricans are significantly more likely than Anglos to move from a lower-poverty to a high-poverty neighborhood, but blacks exhibit by far the highest rates of moving into high-poverty neighborhoods. (South, Crowder, Chavez 2005)

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5
Q

Who are less likely to escape high poverty neighborhoods: Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, and/or blacks?

A

Puerto Ricans and Mexicans (South, Crowder, Chavez 2005)

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6
Q

What version of the place stratification theory applies to blacks and Mexicans concerning staying in lower-poverty neighborhoods?

A

The weak version. It costs blacks and Mexicans more than Anglos to remain in lower-poverty neighborhoods. (South, Crowder, Chavez 2005)

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7
Q

How do blacks differ from Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans and especially Anglos in terms rate of moving into high poverty neighborhoods once they have attained residence in a lower-poverty area?

A

They have an inordinately high rate. (South, Crowder, Chavez 2005)

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8
Q

What type of black family is highly selected into high-poverty neighborhoods?

A

low-income (South, Crowder, Chavez 2005)

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9
Q

How does concentrated poverty raise costs for local government?

A

It can result in elevated welfare caseloads, high rates of indigent patients at hospitals and clinics, and the need for increased policing—burdens the fiscal capacity of local governments and can divert resources from the provision of other public goods. (Kneebone et al. 2011)

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10
Q

How does concentrated poverty hinder wealth building?

A

Many residents in extreme-poverty neighborhoods own their home, yet neighborhood conditions in these areas can lead the market to devalue these assets and deny them the ability to accumulate wealth through the appreciations of house prices. (Kneebone et al. 2011)

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11
Q

How does concentrated poverty reduce private-sector investment and increase prices for goods and services?

A

High concentrations of low-income and low-skilled households in a neighborhood can make the community less attractive to private investors and employers, which may limit local job opportunities and ultimately create a “spatial mismatch” between low-income residents and employment centers. (Kneebone et al. 2011)

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12
Q

How does concentrated poverty lead to increased crime rates and poor health outcomes?

A

Crime rates, and particularly violent crime rates, tend to be higher in economically distressed inner-city neighborhoods. Faced with high crime rates, dilapidated housing stock, and the stress and marginalization of poverty, residents of very poor neighborhoods demonstrate a higher incidence of poor physical and mental health outcomes, like asthma, depression, diabetes, and heart ailments. (Kneebone et al. 2011)

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13
Q

How does concentrated poverty lead limit educational opportunity?

A

Children in high-poverty communities tend to go to neighborhood schools where nearly all the students are poor and at greater risk of failure, as measured by standardized tests, dropout rates, and grade retention. Teachers in these schools tend to be less experienced, the student body more mobile, and additional systems must often be put in place to deal with the social welfare needs of the student body, creating further demands on limited resources. (Kneebone et al. 2011)

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14
Q

How much did the population in extreme-poverty neighborhoods increase from 2000 to 2005-09?

A

After declining in the 1990s, the population in extreme-poverty neighborhoods—where at least 40 percent of individuals live below the poverty line—rose by one-third from 2000 to 2005–09. (Kneebone et al. 2011)

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15
Q

What is the likelihood of a poor person living in concentrated poverty in a city as compared to a suburb?

A

Poor people in cities remain more than four times as likely to live in concentrated poverty as their suburban counterparts. (Kneebone et al. 2011)

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16
Q

How much did the population of poor residents in extreme-poverty tracts (where at least 40 percent of individuals live below the poverty line) increase in suburbs and cities between 2000 to 2005-09?

A

41 percent for suburbs, 17 percent in cities (Kneebone et al. 2011)

17
Q

How did the demographic profile of extreme-poverty neighborhoods change from 2000 to 2005-09?

A

Compared to 2000, residents of extreme-poverty neighborhoods in 2005–09 were more likely to be white, native-born, high school or college graduates, homeowners, and not receiving public assistance. However, black residents continued to comprise the largest share of the population in these neighborhoods (45 percent), and over two-thirds of residents had a high school diploma or less. (Kneebone et al. 2011)

18
Q

What racial group made up the the largest proportion in extreme-poverty neighborhoods and what was their educational make-up?

A

Black residents continued to comprise the largest share of the population in these neighborhoods (45 percent), and over two-thirds of residents had a high school diploma or less. (Kneebone et al. 2011)

19
Q

What effect did the recession have on the rate of concentrated poverty in 2010 alone?

A

Estimates suggest the concentrated poverty rate rose by 3.5 percentage points in 2010 alone, to reach 15.1 percent. (Kneebone et al. 2011)

20
Q

What was the concentrated poverty (the share of the poor population located in extreme-poverty tracts) rate in 1990?

A

14.1 percent (Kneebone et al. 2011)

21
Q

What are Quillian’s 3 segregations that lead to concentrated poverty?

A

racial segregation, poverty-status segregation within race, and segregation from high and middle-income members of other racial groups.

22
Q

What are the two segregations hypothesized by Massey that cause concentrated poverty?

A

segregation of non-white poor from members of other lower poverty racial groups (racial segregation with racial inequality) and from nonpoor of their own racial group (poverty-status segregation within race).

23
Q

What study found no evidence of an interactive effect between segregation and minority poverty rates? What study had many negative results?

A

Jargowsky (1997), however, found no evidence of an interactive effect in his analysis of data on U.S. cities. Massey and Fischer’s (2000) response and reanalysis found some support for an interaction but also many negative results, despite efforts to account for potential methodological problems.

24
Q

What was Jargowsky’s main finding from his book “Poverty and Place”? Also, who did he give more support to - Wilson or Massey?

A

In particular, he found that metropolitan opportunity structure—the average level of income or poverty—is by far the best predictor of metropolitan neighborhood poverty concentration. He also provides more support for Wilson.