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Crime and Punishment - France > Quotes EXTRA > Flashcards

Quotes EXTRA Flashcards

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French flashcards
1
Q

‘model for most of the sovereigns of Europe’

A

Emsley

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2
Q

why was the force created?

A

Emsley

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3
Q

‘enabling men to rise in different careers by their own merits & talents rather than by birth, but patronage and who a man knew remained important’

A

Emsley

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4
Q

‘each political upheaval led to a change of personnel’

A

Emsley

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5
Q

‘make room for those with ideas more amenable to their own’

A

Emsley

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6
Q

‘amount of information sent to the Prefect by his agents, then, indeed, the paris police were efficient’

A

Emsley

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7
Q

‘apprehended by victims, the relatives of victims, or by people in the street’

A

Emsley

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8
Q

‘rough, sometimes violent and illegal ways’

A

Emsley

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9
Q

‘opportunities for profit for those policemen charged with the supervision of prostitutes and brothels

A

Emsley

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10
Q

‘five century decline in rates of violent crime’

A

Gillis

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11
Q

‘a broader interest in repressing ‘dangerous classes’… social protest and political challenge to the state’

A

Gillis

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12
Q

‘non-violent ways to settle disputes’

A

Gillis

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13
Q

‘expanded and intensified the integration and regulation of individuals by broader collectives

A

Gillis

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14
Q

‘reducing the capacity of the opposition to resist’

A

Gillis

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15
Q

‘maintenance of order’

A

Gillis

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16
Q

‘wholesale transferral of populations from rural to urban environments’

A

Giddens in Gillis

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17
Q

‘embedded in the social relation between the landed gentry and peasantry’

A

Hay in Gillis

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18
Q

‘a more formal and specific institutional one’

A

Gillis

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19
Q

‘inclination to redefine criminal behaviour as less serious’

A

Gillis

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20
Q

‘tendency to reduce charges in an effort to clear overburdened courts’

A

Gillis

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21
Q

‘obsession with decadence and crime ‘endured at all levels of French society’

A

Beirne

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22
Q

‘number of people living in urban areas in France almost tripled’

A

Gillis

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23
Q

‘specialist purveyor of the means of violence’

A

Giddens in Gillis

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24
Q

‘the presence of policemen’

A

Stead in Gillis

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25
Q

‘certainty of punishment’

‘giving it a greater capacity to deter’

A

Gillis

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26
Q

‘amplified informal public surveillance’

‘more visible’

A

Gillis

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27
Q

‘industrialisation produced more items to steal and urbanisation may have produced more opportunities to steal’

A

Gillis

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28
Q

‘crime was a social disease’

A

Weber

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29
Q

‘derived from an interest on the part of whatever elite was ruling in protecting itself’

A

Gillis

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30
Q

‘security of the state was always an essential element of policing’

A

Gillis

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31
Q

‘basis of surveillance was frequently the maintenance of the social and political order’

A

Gillis

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32
Q

‘where the principle authority was situated’

A

Emsley

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33
Q

‘had acquired an unenviable reputation for roughness and brutality’

A

Emsley

34
Q

‘knew what the public wanted to read and consequently offered its readings thrilling, sensational stories’

A

Emsley

35
Q

‘individuals who committed a variety of crimes / offences’

A

Emsley

36
Q

‘most influential figures in Europe’

A

Piers Beirne

37
Q

‘new prominence of crime in the description of urban life’

A

Piers Beirne

38
Q

‘far more an influential factor than absolute poverty was the perturbing effect of inequality in wealth’

A

AQ in Beirne

39
Q

‘largest consequences of the growth of the city’

A

Louis Chevalier

40
Q

‘one of the most normal aspects of daily life’

A

Louis Chevalier

41
Q

‘something ordinary and genuinely social’

A

Louis Chevalier

42
Q

‘unwilling to assert a direct link’

A

Ruth Harris

43
Q

‘anatomical study of the individual is still powerless in determining whether he has been or will become a villain’

A

Ruth Harris

44
Q

‘social pathology rather than as an individual moral failing’

A

Ruth Harris

45
Q

‘criminals had no conscience or moral sense’

A

Despine - Verplaetse

46
Q

‘Lombroso saw him as a valuable predecessor’

A

Despine - Verplaetse

47
Q

‘has met with the most commercial and critical success’

A

Andrea Goulet and Susanna Lee

48
Q

‘juvenile delinquency became a widespread public concern’

‘deviant subculture’

A

Lenard R. Berlanstein

49
Q

‘authorities of Paris most frequently incarcerated the isolated vagrant, charged simply with lacking a domicile and means of support. Begging was a frequent cause of prosecution. Together these offences accounted for 53% of all detentions during the mid 19th century’

A

Lenard R. Berlanstein

50
Q

‘a failure of the rural people to adjust to the new urban environment’

A

Lenard R. Berlanstein

51
Q

‘rests on no substantial foundatoin’

A

A. Lodhi and C. Tilly

52
Q

‘french social critics of the time tended to believe’

A

A. Lodhi and C. Tilly

53
Q

‘growing awareness that rural crime was far more prevalent in the C19th than has generally been conceded to date’

A

A. Cohen and E. A. Johnson

54
Q

‘urban growth doesn’t cause crime’

A

A. Cohen and E. A. Johnson

55
Q

‘criminal violence was as prevalent in the countryside as it was in the city’

A

A. Cohen and E. A. Johnson

56
Q

‘concur with Lodhi and Tilly’s verdict that French urban environments promoted property crime’

A

A. Cohen and E. A. Johnson

57
Q

‘fewer public places’

A

Stinchcome in A. Cohen and E. A. Johnson

58
Q

‘modernisation may have acted to promote criminality as much as to retard it’

A

A. Cohen and E. A. Johnson

59
Q

‘absorbed into the very structure of the social order’

A

Ave-Lallement in A. Lindesmith and Y. Levin

60
Q

‘police power remained relatively centralised - potentially a major weapon for ambitious ruling’

A

H. C. Payne

61
Q

‘vast parts of the C19th France were inhabited by peasants’

A

E. Weber

62
Q

‘the peasant is just that, sin, original sin, still persistent and visible in all its naive brutality’

A

E. Weber

63
Q

‘early C19th folklorists were criticised for showing interest in the low class of population’

A

E. Weber

64
Q

‘he is simply a savage’

A

E. Weber

65
Q

‘police and judicial files offer an endless recital of fires, attributed to envy, resentment, spite, greed or sometimes, lightening’

A

E. Weber

66
Q

‘whatever he was, he could only be bad’

A

E. Weber

67
Q

‘violence was a fact of everyday life’

A

E. Weber

68
Q

‘modernisation creation crime too’

A

E. Weber

69
Q

‘taken a quarter century or more’

A

E. Weber

70
Q

‘the concentration of private property, the good and alms the rich and pious distributed on regular days and hours’

A

E. Weber

71
Q

‘400000 beggars and tramps in 1905’

A

Jules Meline

E. Weber

72
Q

‘dangers of the city that enveloped rural districts in the romantic notion of a simpler, less fearful existence’

A

B. Martin

73
Q

‘brutal but cunning peasant and the ruthless but degenerate urban swindler’

A

B. Martin

74
Q

‘contemporary sociology to associate CPr with urban life and CPe with rural life’

A

B. Martin

75
Q

‘greater degree of violence’

A

B. Martin

76
Q

‘The police are part of a corrupt society. If mankind cannot be perfected, neither can the police’

A

B. Martin

77
Q

‘Prefects, sub-prefects and mayors were ‘agents of government’’

A

H. C. Payne

78
Q

‘maintain the security of the state’

A

H. C. Payne

79
Q

‘complete surveillance was the essence of political police’

A

H. C. Payne

80
Q

‘incompetence and lack of initiative among police personnel in the grades of commissaire and below were the subject of frequent complaints by the higher officials’

A

H. C. Payne

Crime and Punishment - France (10 decks)

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