Poverty and Witch Killing - Miguel (2005) Flashcards

1
Q

circumstances of rural western Tanzania (Meatu District)

A

poor, isolated, semi-arid district with lor per capita income
- no direct phone lines back in the 2000s

crop failures, bad rains, other misfortunes are blamed on witches

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2
Q

witchcraft, poverty and violence in Meatu

A

witchcraft beliefs strong among sukuma in tanzania

witches harness occult powers to harm others (not just weather and crops but other successes and misfortunes)

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3
Q

likelihood of witch murders

A

government figures suggest there were over 3000 murders from 1970-1988

more recent data shows over 3000 nationally during 2005-2011
- >500 annually

1 in 500 annual risk of witch murder for old women (roughly 40x the overall murder risk in the US)

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4
Q

witch killing statistics from data collected

A

about 1 witch killing every 11 years
- doubles in years of extreme weather

about half of attacks are fatal
- non-fatal attacks lead to women fleeing

half of all murders are witch murders

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5
Q

vulnerability of the area to economic shocks

A

1 out of 5-6 years with drought/flood
- drought more common

disease epidemics (e.g. cholera, measles) also very likely

many economic/health shocks where bad events are attributed to the malice of witches

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6
Q

population characteristics of the area

A

only about 4 years of average schooling per adult
- poor and remote part

very few women’s groups so little organising or activity
- more in other parts of Africa

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7
Q

who are ‘witches’ in Tanzania?

A

96% are female

average age of 58 years
- quite old in an area where life expectancy isn’t high

victims come from relatively poor households in terms of wealth, assets and livestock ownership

most victims are killed during the pre-harvest ‘hungry’ season of the year (April-July)
- typically killed by family members or other kin
- link between extreme poverty and witch attacks

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8
Q

perspectives from anthropology

A

families/communities that kill/neglect/allow people to die to deal with extreme resource scarcity

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9
Q

model of within-household resource allocation

A

biologically need to consume C* to survive

in good rainfall years, household income is greater than or equal to NC but in drought/flood years, it falls below this line

equal division of income among the household means everyone starves in the simple model
- unequal division with resources directed to more productive/powerful members is an option to allow some (N-1) to survive

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10
Q

main patterns in the data from Meatu

A

years with extreme rainfall shocks (e.g. droughts/famine) lead to sharp drops in household consumption and often to famine
- major difficulties with saving in this area

impact of disease epidemics on witch killing is weaker than the impact of rainfall shocks
- once in every 8 years, measles/cholera/other epidemic but no strong correlation with income levels

two types of misfortunes can befall a community (both which beliefs say witches can control)
- drought hits economic circumstances
- disease epidemic doesn’t hit economic circumstances as much

villages with moderate adherents of traditional religions have especially large increases in witch murders in extreme rainfall years

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11
Q

augmentation of data with information on localised temperature through satellite data

A

years with higher average temperatures associated with more witch killings
- drought years tend to be hot and dry (low rainfall)

upwards-sloping relationship between how much hotter it is on average in a year and the increased risk of witch killing in the year and village

going from -0.25 to 0.25C annually, there’s an increase of about 40% more witch killings on the base of 9% a year
- about 4 percentage points

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12
Q

lessons from witch killings in Tanzania

A

income shocks lead to violence against elderly women (witches)
- within-household resource conflicts might lie at the heart of this violence
- related findings for medieval European witch killings

child-witch accusations in war-torn and desperately poor African countries may have a similar underlying economic rationale

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13
Q

gender and witch killing

A

social isolation - patrilocal marital exogamy
- women marry outside of their village/clan and move into their husband’s community
- women are socially isolated and have to build relationships with strangers

political marginalisation
- male-dominated council of the sungu-sungu which provides a foundation for witch killing instead of helping them

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