political parties (minority parties, party systems) Flashcards

Question

How did Nigel Farage impact the party in broadening its appeal?

Answer 1

Following the election of Nigel Farage as leader in 2006, it began to broaden its support among the white working class by opposing not only the UK's membership of the Eu but also further immigration. The implications of the expansion of the EU in 2004 and 2007, and the resulting number of East Europeans coming into the Uk contributed to its growing electoral success. Farage's high profile media presence and 'plain-speaking' and 'common sense' criticism of establishment of politicians (elite politicians) further added to UKIPs influence. This is because Farage pretended to be 'one of the people'

Answer 2

In the 2014, European Parliament elections, UKIP beat both labour and the conservatives with 26.6% of the vote and 24 seats

Answer 3

The influence of the UKIP in the Westminster parliament has been significant. however, has always been tiny. - In the 2015 general election although it achieved an impressive 12.6 % of the vote, it has always won only one seat. - In the 2017 general election, under a new leader Paul Nuttall, it has lost that seat as UKIP's support plummeted to just 1.8%. - In the 2018 council elections, under another leader Gerard Batten, UKIP lost 123 of its 126 seats. (It is evident that once its main objective, to bring the UK out of the European Union has been achieved, the party has suffered serious problems reinventing itself.)

Answer 4

- In the 2015 general election although it achieved an impressive 12.6 % of the vote, it has always won only one seat.

Answer 5

- In the 2017 general election, under a new leader Paul Nuttall, it has lost that seat as UKIP's support plummeted to just 1.8%. - In the 2018 council elections, under another leader Gerard Batten, UKIP lost 123 of its 126 seats. (It is evident that once its main objective, to bring the UK out of the European Union has been achieved, the party has suffered serious problems reinventing itself.)

Answer 6

In the 2018 council elections, under another leader Gerard Batten, UKIP lost 123 of its 126 seats. UKIP lost many of its seats, due to their main objective to bring the UK out of the European union had been achieved, the party had suffered serious problems reinventing itself.

Answer 7

UKIP's influence in British Politics has been significantly greater than results shown in 2018, 2017, 2015. This is because David Cameron's manifesto commitment in the 2015 general election was to offer the British public an in/out referendum on the UK's membership of the EU was a response to the growing Euroscepticism of British politics, which UKIP had done so much to fuel

Answer 8

UKIP fuelled growing Euroscepticism in British politics

Answer 9

UKIP high level's of support were among traditional working class labour supporters in the 2015 general election which contributed to labour achieving its worst share of the vote since 1987. For example, Labour lost several seats to the conservatives because of a strong support showing for UKIP.

Answer 10

In 2017, UKIP changing fortunes were to advantage of the labour party, highlighting how the changing fortunes of a minority party can have defining impact on the outcome of a general election. This is because in the 2015 general election labour had 36.6% and UKIP 14.6%. However, in the 2017 general election labour had 48.5% and the UKIP had 2.4 % highlight a big decrease in the vote for UKIP compared to the 2015 general election

Answer 11

Nigel Farage played a defining role in the EU referendum campaign in 2016, placing uncontrolled immigration at the heart of the case for Brexit. This was highly effective in mobilizing votes in traditional working-class parts of the country to vote Leave, in spite of labour's support for remain. In Middlesbrough, for example, which has always had a labour MP, leave won 65.5% of the vote. It could even be said that the way in which he increased popular opposition to the UK's membership of the Eu makes Nigel Farage one of the most significant and controversial politicians of recent year, not just UKIP's most successful leader

Answer 12

UKIP has never achieved a breakthrough at Westminster, its impact on British politics has been incalculable. It helped to determine the result of the 2015 general election, secured a commitment from the conservative party to hold a referendum on the UK's membership of the EU and then helped to swing the vote towards leave (Leave: 52% to Remain: 48%)

Answer 13

UKIP gained much support among the white-working class demographic. This is because the white working class felt economically marginalised and vulnerable because of immigration. UKIP fuelled the fears of the working class because they scapegoated immigrants for economic problems saying they were caused by immigration whereas in reality were caused by the government, which left the government left off the hook and all anger and frustration placed on immigrants

Answer 14

UKIP is a populist party as they fuelled and exploited the fears of Euroskeptics and made a party based on public mood and opinion

Answer 15

The UKIP made their main objective for the UK to leave the European union rather focus on a range of policies, hence a single-issue party.

Answer 16

- They influenced manifesto commitments e.g. UKIP influenced the manifesto commitments of the conservatives - David Cameron manifesto 2015 offered a referendum. - contributed to labour achieving its worst share of votes since 1987 because of support for UKIP - fed into public mood and opinion through Euroscepticism and anti-immigration ideas

Answer 17

UKIP evolved to the Brexit party in November 2018 and then it became the reform UK Party in January 2021 as Britain had left the EU

Answer 18

The green party was originally known as PEOPLE and then the ecology party, then it changed its name to green party in 1985

Answer 19

The green party are a primarily an ecological party, concerned with promoting a sustainable way of life, conservation of the earth's capital and increasing reliance on resources that can be renewed or recycled. But in the recent years, the Green party have tried to broaden their appeal by taking up other policy issues, offering a comprehensive manifesto that is broadly left wing in tone.

Answer 20

The green party is not a single-issue party as even though when they started they were primarily an ecological party. In the recent years, they have taken up other policy issues in which they offer a left-wing perspective

Answer 21

In 1989, the green party achieved 15% in the European parliament elections. Green party also won representation in the Scottish and European parliaments in the recent years, as well as this several seats on local councils.

Answer 22

In 2010 Caroline Lucas won Brighton Pavilion for the Greens and significantly increased in majority in the next two general elections. From 2016-2018 she led the green party. Since September 2018, Sian Berry and Jonathan Barley co-led the party. In October 2021, Carla Denver and Adrian Ramsey became co-leaders of the green party.

Answer 23

In the 2015, general election over a million people voted green, giving the party 3.6% of the vote but just one seat in Westminster (they have two seats in the HoLs and seven in the European parliament). This reflects the reality that GP is a victim of FPTP and so have achieved little success at Westminster.

Answer 24

In the 2017 general election the greens have tactically helped to increase the labour vote by not contesting a number of seats where there was a close contest between labour and the conservatives. For example, the GP has decided not to fight Earling Cental and Action and put their support behind labour. The election results in 2017 show how the actions of a minority party can have a defining impact on the outcome of a general election 2015 - conservative 42.7%, labour 43.2%, Green party 3.6% 2017 - labour 59.7 %, conservative 34.7%

Answer 25

In spite of the green party's modest electoral success, the GP has had a significant influence of British Politics as an agenda setter, encouraging the main politics parties to adopt more environmentally-friendly policies

Answer 26

- In the 2017 general election, the shadow chancellor, John McDonnell announced that the government's response to climate change required a 'transformation of our institutions and how our economies are run - In 2018, Theresa May launched the government's '25 Year environment Plan' in which she committed the government to drastically reducing plastic consumption

Answer 27

1- The green party is a party of social and environmental justice, which supports a radical transformation of society for the benefit of all and for the planet as a whole. We understand that the threats to economic, social and environmental wellbeing a part of the same problem and recognise that solving one of these crises cannot be achieved without solving the others. 2- Humankind depends on the diversity of the natural world for its existence. We do not believe that other species are expendable. 3- The earth's physical resources are finite. We threaten our future if we try to live beyond those means, so we must build a sustainable society that guarantees our long-term future 4- Every person, in this and future generations should be entitled to basic material security as of right 5- Our actions should take account of the wellbeing of other nations, other species and future generations. We should not pursue our wellbeing to the detriment of others. 6- A healthy society is based on voluntary co-operation empowered individuals in a democratic society, free from discrimination whether based on race, colour, gender, sexual orientation, religion, social origin or any other prejudice. 7- We emphasise democratic participation and accountability by ensuring that decisions are taken at the closest practical level to those affected by them 8- We look for non-violent solutions to conflict situations, which take into account the interests of minorities and future generations in order to achieve lasting settlements 9- The success of a society cannot be measured by narrow economic indicators, but should take account of factors affecting the quality of life for all people: personal freedom, social equity, health, happiness and human fulfilment 10- Electoral politics is not the only way to achieve change in society, and we will use a variety of methods, including lifestyle changes, to help effect progress, providing those methods do not conflict with out other core principles

Answer 28

GP policy documents evolve out of the spring and autumn conferences as these are viewed as the policy making body

Answer 29

- Large numbers of new homes should be financed or built by government to solve the housing crisis - There should be massive new investment in public transport - University tuition fees for students should be abolished - The party propose an extensive programme of constitutional reform to make the UK more genuinely democratic - It proposes a wealth tax on the top 1% of the income ladder, a living wage of £10 per hour and a special tax on large banks making excessive profits - The party is opposed to the maintenance of the trident nuclear submarines

Answer 30

- environmental justice - social justice - sustainable way of life - increasing reliance on resources that can be renewed or recycled

Answer 31

The green party's ten principles focus mainly on social and environmental justice which benefits everyone in society and the planet. They also emphasise democratic participation and accountability in the system. As well as this, they take into account the importance of the wellbeing of others by looking at factors that will improve quality of life. They also wanted a healthy society free from discrimination and security for future generations

Answer 32

The green party found it hard to gain representation as it is a victim of the electoral system FPTP which favours the major parties who have concentrated support and discriminates against smaller parties with dispersed support.

Answer 33

A party system describes the features of a political system in relation to the parties that operate within it The term 'system' describes how many parties there are and how many of those parties make a significant impact.

Answer 34

The party system can help us understand how a political system works. It can help us to explain change. This has been especially true in relation to the UK in recent times.

Answer 35

A one party system is a system where there is only one party allowed to operate. This is normally associated with highly authoritarian regimes and we would not consider them to be democratic in the generally accepted sense of the word. e.g. North Korea

Answer 36

A dominant party system refers to democratic systems which do not allow parties to operate freely, but where only one party has a realistic chance of taking government power. Such systems are highly stable, though there is a lack of accountability and competition

Answer 37

A Two party system refers to a political system where only two parties having a realistic chance of forming a government. It also implies that two parties win the vast majority of the votes at elections and most of the seats in the representative assemblies of the state e.g America - republican and democrats and some argue labour and the conservatives in the UK

Answer 38

Three party systems used to be very common but are less so today. It is unusual to find systems where three parties compete on equal terms. Much more normal is a situation where two parties dominance but no sufficiently to govern alone The third, smaller party, therefore is in a pivotal position. one of the larger parties must always make a coalition or some kind of agreement with the smallest party in order to govern. This gives the small party a potentially disproportionate amount of power

Answer 39

A Multi party system is a system where there are several or many parties competing for votes and power There is no set number to define a multi-party system, so essentially more than three parties constitute such a system. Four party systems are particularly common. Multi party systems are very common in Europe and growing more so. Multi-party systems, tend to be much less stable than systems with fewer parties

Answer 40

the way or manner in which the political parties in a political system are grouped and structured. There are several variants that could be apply to the UK, these include one-party, dominant, two-party, two-and-a-half party and multi party systems

Answer 41

the process whereby individuals no longer identify themselves on a long-term basis by being associated with a certain political party

Answer 42

The process where individuals no longer identify themselves as belonging to a certain class and for political purposes fail to make a class connection with their voting pattern

Answer 43

The perceived ability of the governing party in office to manage the affairs of the state and economy well and effectively. It can also be a potential view of opposition parties and their perceived governing competency if they were to secure office

Answer 44

During most of the 20th century British politics was dominated by the two main political parties, conservatives and labour.

Answer 45

The dominance of the main parties (conservatives and labour) are referred to as the political duopoly or westminister duopoly

Answer 46

The Westminster duopoly was caused by the way different social classes identified with one or other of the main parties. As a result of class-based voting, the traditional working class vote lined up behind labour, with the middle classes and upper classes more likely to vote conservative.

Answer 47

It is difficult for smaller parties to achieve electoral breakthrough due to the way the house of commons and government is elected which is by FPTP meaning that smaller parties can find it difficult and hard to gain representation. This is because smaller parties lack the depth and concentrated support that the larger parties can claim. - An example would be that the liberal democrats have enjoyed significant breadth of support across the country, but they lack the electoral strongholds of labour and the conservative parties, They have therefore, been historically underrepresented at Westminster. - Also the fact that other parties have been unable to convert their increasing proportion of votes won into significant numbers of seats, is due to the electoral system which discriminates against them. Therefore, it is accurate to say that UK remains a two-party system in terms of seats but a multi-party system in terms of votes. - Minority parties suffer from a lack of funding since they have not been able to rely on the close financial links that labour has had with trade unions and the conservatives with big business and wealthy individuals. - voting for smaller parties seen as a 'wasted vote' .

Answer 48

Due to smaller parties being unable to convert their increasing proportion of votes won into numbers of seats. It has led to the self-fulfilling belief that a vote for a minority party is a wasted vote.

Answer 49

As a result of labour and the conservative dominance at Westminster for much of the post-war period, the uk was not a multiparty system. Nevertheless, the liberal democrat party has often achieved more success in local elections. Thus even when the labour and conservatives have dominated westminster, local government has provided a more multi-party system

Answer 50

- Two party dominance at westminster began to be challenged in the 1980s, when the social democratic party was established by former members of the labour party and formed an electoral alliance with the liberal party. This created a centrist party (the SDP-liberal alliance) with wider potential appeal and following their merger as the liberal democrats in 1988, the party began to increase its influence at westminster as they went from 20 seats in 1992 to 46 seats 1997 - The decline of the Westminster duopoly was also facilitated by growing partisan dealignment as voters increasingly voted on specific issues rather than according to class. The way in which the liberal democrats focused their efforts on certain key geographical areas which they had good chance of winning, such as the south west, further maximised their influence at westminster. Furthermore, the consistent opposition of the liberal democrat leader Charles Kennedy to the Iraq War (2003) further boosted liberal democrat support in the 2005 general election. Then in 2010, a strong campaign by his successor Nick Clegg combined with disappointing performances by David cameron and Gordon brown, provided the opportunity for the liberal democrats to form a coalition government. - the snp achieved its electoral breakthrough in the 2015 general election following its high profile campaign in the 2014 scottish independence referendum

Answer 51

The decline of the Westminster duopoly was also facilitated by growing partisan dealignment as voters increasingly voted on specific issues rather than according to class. The way in which the liberal democrats focused their efforts on certain key geographical areas which they had good chance of winning, such as the south west, further maximised their influence at westminster. Furthermore, the consistent opposition of the liberal democrat leader Charles Kennedy to the Iraq War (2003) further boosted liberal democrat support in the 2005 general election. Then in 2010, a strong campaign by his successor Nick Clegg combined with disappointing performances by David cameron and Gordon brown, provided the opportunity for the liberal democrats to form a coalition government.

Answer 52

The establishment of the conservative-liberal democrat coalition in 2010 and the electoral breakthrough of the SNP in 2015 might suggest that the uk has now entered a two-and-a-half party model in westminster. However, this would be a premature argument as although in the 2015 general election there was a dramatic increase in votes for the SNP, the liberal democrats vote went down by 15.1%, giving the liberal democrats just 7.9% of the popular vote - its smallest share of the vote in 45 years. In the 2017 general election the liberal democrat vote slipped even further, while the SNP also lost 21 seats. While in comparison, in the 2017 general election labour and the conservatives secured their highest share of the popular vote since 1970 general election As well as this, the fortunes of UKIP plummeted in the 2017 general elections under a new leader, Paul Nuttall who lacked Nigel Farage's popular appeal. The greens also fell back, which suggests that nationally the conservative and labour parties may have regained their traditional dominance. A key reason for this is likely to be the increasingly adversary nature of British politics which means that voters now have a clear choice between labour and conservative and so are more likely to commit to one of these parties.

Answer 53

Although it can be strongly argued that the conservative and labour parties are still dominant at Westminster, the evidence suggests that the regional assemblies have encouraged the development of a multi-party democracy elsewhere in the uk. The two main 'English' parties certainly do not dominate in wales and Scotland. This was seen in the 2016 regional assemblies, which showed how power is shared much more equally among the parties in all of the devolved assemblies than in Westminster. No two parties can be sure of being dominant and so in the constituent parts of the uk, multi-party democracy does exist. Multi-party systems are the norm in devolved regions where proportional representation systems are used.

Answer 54

- There is two-party system as far as seats won in westminster are concerned. - In terms of english seats at wesminster, two parties dominate the seats won - In terms of votes won at westminster, the uk is now a multi-party system - It is therefore accurate to say that the UK remains a two-party system in terms of seats but is a multi-party system in terms of votes. - That other parties have been unable to convert their increasing proportion of votes won into significant numbers of seats, is due to the electoral system FPTP which discriminates againist them - In local government, there is a multi-party system - The devolved regions have multi-party systems through the SNP is dominant in scotland

Answer 55

Countries such as China, Cuba and North Korea have a one party system. All three describe themselves as communist states and the communist party is the only legal party

Answer 56

Scotland is an example of dominant party system as the SNP holds nearly all the UK parliamentary seats and has governed scotland since 2007

Answer 57

Countries such as the US and Australia. Democrats and Republicans hold virtually all elect positions at all levels of the government in the US. In Australia, the dominant parties are labour and the liberals (who are, despite their name, conservatives)

Answer 58

Ireland is an example of a three-party system as the three parties - fine gael, fianna fail and sinn fein compete. Sinn fein has replaced labour as the significant third party

Answer 59

Countries such as Italy, Germany have a multi-party system. Italy has so many parties which makes it remarkably unstable. Germany has a four-party system with the Christian democrats and social democrats dominating but they have to form coalitions with either the Greens or the Free democrats

Answer 60

Normal analysis suggests that systems using FPTP return to two-party systems. This is borne out in the US and Canada, where two parties dominate completely. In 2010 and 2015 in the Uk, however the two-party dominance broke down. Even so, if we remove Scotland, wales and Northern Ireland from the equation in the UK general elections, we can say that England remains dominated by two parties. Conversely, systems that use proportionately representation (PR) tend to produce multi-party systems. This is clearly to be seen in such countries as Sweden, Norway and Italy, although there is no guarantee.

Answer 61

- FPTP system benefits the major parties who have concentrated and strong support allowing them to dominate while smaller parties are discriminated against and face barriers within the system. - Adversarial politics - leads to class-based voting - Electoral system FPTP is based on number of seats and votes meaning that the system makes the uk in terms of seats a two-party system - class alignment - major parties identify with social classes e.g labour with traditional working class and the conservatives with middle and upper classes, - people believing that voting for minor parties is a 'wasted vote' - small parties don't have financial ties or strong electoral strongholds

Answer 62

- growing partisan and class dealignment means people voted based more on specific issues (instrumental voting) rather than class - smaller parties have a much bigger impact in politics e.g UKIP, SNP, influencing elections - coalitions seen in 2015 - devolved regions and assemblies using proportional systems showing a multi-party democracy, so no two parties dominance as power is shared equally among the parties - devolution of power

Answer 63

- social class - region - gender - age - ethnicity - education

Answer 64

the popular misconception is that the working class (WC) always vote labour and the middle class (MC) and upper class (UC) are invariably conservative. like any misconception, there is an element of truth in this. Up until the late 1960s possibly as many as 80% of people voted the way their social class indicated.

Answer 65

From 1945 until 1970 general elections were defined by the effectiveness with which the labour and conservatives parties succeeded in mobilizing their core support. The conservatives generally relied on the support of A,B,C1 voters, with labour's core support among C2, D and E voters. In the 1964, general election Labour's Harold Wilson won 64% of the votes of DE voters while the conservative PM Alec-Douglas-Home, won 78% of the support of the AB voters. A close link between class and party support is often described as voting attachment.

Answer 66

The conservatives generally relied on the support of A,B,C1 voters, with labour's core support among C2, D and E voters

Answer 67

A close link between class and party support is often described as voting attachment.

Answer 68

Class A - UPPER MIDDLE CLASS higher managerial & managerial (judges, top civil servants, doctors, company directors) Class B - MIDDLE CLASS middle managers & professionals (teachers, lawyers, accountants and social workers) - people with graduate jobs Class C1 - LOWER MIDDLE CLASS clerical workers, junior managerial roles, shop owners ``` Class C2 - ASPIRATIONAL WORKING CLASS skilled workers (builders, electricians, hairdressers) ``` Class D - WORKING CLASS semi-skilled & unskilled workers (labourer, bar staff, call centre staff) Class E - LOWER WORKING CLASS lowest grade jobs, casual workers, long-term unemployed, pension dependent elderly

Answer 69

Class A - UPPER MIDDLE CLASS | higher managerial & managerial (judges, top civil servants, doctors, company directors)

Answer 70

Class B - MIDDLE CLASS | middle managers & professionals (teachers, lawyers, accountants and social workers) - people with graduate jobs

Answer 71

Class C1 - LOWER MIDDLE CLASS | clerical workers, junior managerial roles, shop owners

Answer 72

``` Class C2 - ASPIRATIONAL WORKING CLASS skilled workers (builders, electricians, hairdressers) ```

Answer 73

Class D - WORKING CLASS | semi-skilled & unskilled workers (labourer, bar staff, call centre staff)

Answer 74

Class E - LOWER WORKING CLASS | lowest grade jobs, casual workers, long-term unemployed, pension dependent elderly

Answer 75

- The way people voted was part of their class identify. To be MC and UC was to be conservative and voting for this party added to your status, to be WC meant you would support the party of the WC and voting labour expressed your class solidarity - Both major parties developed strong, deep roots within communities, so there was a culture of voting for one party or another. The wealthy commuter belt around London, for example, was steeped in conservative values while the poorer east of London had a strong sense of being a labour-led community. such roots were strengthened by labour's associations with strong trade unions - There is also a selfish reason. The CP was perceived to govern more in the interests of the MC and the better off, while the LP developed policies to help the WC and the poor. It was therefore, rational to choose the party associated with your class

Answer 76

better off individuals such higher classes from AB are more likely to vote more for liberal democrats while poor individuals from C2 and DE tend to be swayed more easily and vote for UKIP

Answer 77

The WC, made up of skilled and semi-skilled manual workers and lower income groups were more likely to vote leave. This accords with the tendency of these groups to support UKIP, which was not a surprising conclusion. However, we have to treat this tendency with caution. As it may well be that these voting trends were not due to class but issue based. In other words, those in social class groups C2, D, and E believe that they have been the most disadvantaged from EU membership, in particular to perceived adverse effect on unemployment and wages created by free movement of workers and immigration within the EU. Thus, support for UKIP and the leave campaign may be less a case of class voting and more a reflection of instrumental voting.

Answer 78

it may be that the voting trends linked to class were not due to class but issue based. In other words, those in social class groups C2, D, and E believe that they have been the most disadvantaged from EU membership, in particular to perceived adverse effect on unemployment and wages created by free movement of workers and immigration within the EU. Thus, support for UKIP and the leave campaign may be less a case of class voting and more a reflection of instrumental voting.

Answer 79

instrumental voting is voting behaviour which is motivated by self-interest, where people favour a party that they believe will do most good for themselves through its policies

Answer 80

yes, because people may instrumentally vote in accordance to their social-economic status as they may vote for a party that promises to improve the conditions of a certain class or provide a better quality of life and jobs which leads to individuals voting for them as they believe the party is working in their best interest

Answer 81

- Partisan dealignment - decline of class-based voting as since the 1970s the results of elections were often determined by striking examples of voting based on the governments competence (valence) and salience (importance) of specific issues rather than class. For example, in the 1979 election, Thatcher startled political commentators by launching the conservative campaign in Labour-supported Cardiff. This was a clever attempt to disassociate the party from being too MC and dismantle class based voting. The campaign's resulting focus on controlling inflation and confronting trade union power following the excessive number of strikes during the so-called winter of discontent was so popular that there was an 11% swing to the conservatives by C2 voters and 9% swing by DE voters. Thatcher won three general elections (1979, 1983, 1987) with significant amounts of wc support which secured her victory Like Thatcher, Blair was highly successful at broadening Labour's appeal for beyond its core support. He increased Labour's share of the vote in all social categories, as well as winning a majority of support in all age groups with the progressive appeal of new labour. In the 2017, general election Jeremy Corbyn made dramatic inroads into the AB social category doing unexpectedly well in prosperous MC seats, some of which like Canterbury had never returned to a Labour MP while Theresa May made striking gains among DE voters in traditional WC seats. This was largely due to pro-Europeans in higher social classes wanting to punish the conservatives for Brexit by voting labour, while large numbers of DE voters felt the conservatives would be more likely to deliver Brexit and control immigration

Answer 82

It is important to avoid generalisations when examining voting trends as when one studies voting behaviour, you have to also show appreciation for the reasons why we vote as we do are determined by a vast range of rational and even irrational factors, meaning they are so many complex variables that influence voting behaviour

Answer 83

salience is importance of specific issues rather than according to class

Answer 84

valence is voting based on the governments competence economically or performance wise

Answer 85

deviant voters - those whose class identity is not clear and those who do not vote the way their class characteristics indicated they might. They are called deviant as it is difficult to predict how they will vote floating voters- those who tend to vote unpredictably and are liable to change the way they vote fairly often - they float from one party to the next. It is important for political parties to grab the votes of these voters

Answer 86

- in 1964, as expected 64% of class DE voted labour - There is also a tendency of up to a third of old WC to vote conservative but the correlation between class and voting remains strong - 'Deviant' conservative support among the WC was understood to be the result of a factor known as 'deference'. This is a tendency for some members of the class to deter to or respect those whom they considered to be their superiors e.g members of the UC and MC who were perceived to be conservatives - Some lower MC and some WC voters aspired to be MC and so vote conservative as evidence of their aspiration - The correlation between class AB and conservative voting has always been strong, there have been fewer deviant voters in this class - (labour party do not benefit from deference or aspirational voting)

Answer 87

The decline of AB voting for the conservatives has been marked as the fall from 78% voting conservative in 1964 to 40% in 2010 with a small recovery in 2015 and 2017. To some extent, this was a reflection of new labour achievement of attracting MC support away from the conservatives but the decline in class-based voting habits have deeper roots.

Answer 88

- A trend known as class dealignment has been important. This is a tendency for progressively fewer people to define themselves in terms of their class or consider themselves a particular class - suggesting that the social class has declined in its importance in UK culture and has less of an impact on voting behaviour - The main parties including the liberal democrats, have tended especially after the 1980s to adopt policies which are centrist and consensual and can therefore appeal to a wider class base, largely in the centre of society - There has been a rise in the influence of other factors, notably valence (competence voting). This has tended to replace social class as a key factor in voting behaviour

Answer 89

- deference - wc may vote conservative as they perceive them as their superiors due to them MC and WC. - some may vote based on aspiration e.g lower MC and some WC wanting to be MC so vote conservative - AB have always voted conservative as they are are fewer deviant voters or aspirational voters - people may vote according to their class identity and class solidarity - parties have deep roots in communities e.g. WC and poor communities more likely to vote labour and trade unions while conservatives with the wealthy commuter belt and richer communities

Answer 90

- class dealignment - people tend to no longer define themselves in terms of class or consider themselves a particular class - valence - people vote depending they believe the government is competent - more parties adopting centrist policies so they appeal to everyone rather than one ' social class' - deviant voters and floating voters have emerged and tend to be unpredictable in their support or switch parties each election - instrumental voting - partisan dealignment

Answer 91

The impact of education on determining voting behaviour has significantly changed in the 2017 general election as those with higher educational qualifications comprise the top social brackets have traditionally were more likely to vote for the CP. However, in 2017 there was a change in voting patterns, with the CP increasing their support among those in the lowest social classes with fewest educational qualifications and labour achieving higher levels of support among those with degrees in the top brackets. This unusual result may have be an anomaly (one time thing, an exception). However, it may also be part of a long term trend in which the CP have closely aligned themselves with stricter controls on immigration, thereby increasing their support among white WC voters who feel threatened by globalisation and so have decisively voted Brexit in the 2016 referendum. Conversely, labour's more liberal approach to immigration and its more nuanced approach to Brexit have dramatically increased its support among the better educated, more cosmopolitan voters who voted remain and have been dismayed by what they see as conservative insularity.

Answer 92

In 'the road to somewhere 2017' Goodhart, has contrasted the less educated 'somewheres' who are rooted to their communities through lack of opportunities, with the better educated 'anywheres' who have the educational qualifications to take advantage of globalisation. According, to Goodhart, in 2017 it seemed as though labour generated much increased support among the 'anywheres' while the conservatives achieved their own breakthrough with the 'somewheres'

Answer 93

The impact of ethnicity is significant in determining voting behaviour as BME groups have a strong bias against the conservatives and bias towards labour. This bias towards the LP is clear and consistent as in 1997 70% of BME voted labour and the 2015 and 2017 elections 65% of BME voted labour. While in comparison, in 1997 election only 18% voted conservative

Answer 94

- LP are supporters of multi-culturalism and more internationalist compared to the conservatives who are known to be anti-immigrant thus, BME groups feel their interests are more supported and represented by labour - social and class background of ethnic groups who may suffer racism and poverty are more likely to vote labour as labour stand against inequality and discrimination compared to the conservatives - BME more likely to be left wing - labour passed laws to outlaw discrimination and protect ethnic groups e.g race relations act

Answer 95

Historically, commonwealth immigrant communities were generally within the C2, D and E classes, they were more likely to vote labour because of its high spending on the welfare state and close association with the trade union movement. Therefore, BME communities favour labour due to socio-economic factors and a greater likelihood that members will be more likely to hold left-wing preferences. This suggests that the most relevant factor is class and income and not ethnicity. The commitment that the LP has shown towards multiculturalism and the way in which labour introduced the first race relations act in 1965, 1968 and 1976 to outlaw discrimination reinforces and further proves labour has a historical connection with immigrant communities

Answer 96

The influence of Enoch Powell, 'Rivers of Blood' speech in 1968 called for an end to commonwealth immigrant which led to a hostile legacy between the CP and immigrant communities

Answer 97

In the 2017 general election, Jeremy Corbyn's strong empathy for BME groups contributed to labour winning 49 of the 73 seats in greater london, which has a population of just 45% white british. The result in East ham, which has a non-white population of 77% making it the most ethnically diverse constituency in the uk, which is particularly revealing with labour gaining 83.2% share of the vote. In comparison, the conservatives gained 12.8% of the vote (UKIP gaining 1.2%). The conservatives on the other hand, held just five of the 75 most ethnically diverse constituencies in the uk in 2017 general election.

Answer 98

British future, a think tank that studies attributes towards migration and ethnicity. It suggests that the ethnic bias towards the conservatives may be waning. research suggests that a majority of the hindu and sikh community now support the CP. These well established groups have prospered more than Black and Muslim populations and so are becoming increasingly Middle class - with MC status comes support for the CP. Whereas, black communities and Muslims continue to support the LP in large numbers. British Future also reports that the black population is the most likely group to favour Labour. These links support the socio-economic argument that it primarily social class and not ethnicity that is a key factor of influencing voting behaviour

Answer 99

South england and the midlands

Answer 100

London and north england

Answer 101

south england

Answer 102

All of the national parties claimed a significant concentration of support in certain parts of the country as in every general election there is a majority of seats which do not change hands because of an inbuilt majority that a party has in a particular region. Even though the 2017 general election was highly volatile, only 71 out of 650 seats changed hands - just 11% of the total number. As a general rule, the industrial north is more likely to vote labour and prosperous south more likely conservative.

Answer 103

- The south of England, particularly the south east is the most prosperous region in the UK, with high levels of home ownership and little tradition of heavy industrial trade unionism. The conservatives do disproportionately well here. The ethnically white rural parts of the Uk are also classic conservative territory, whether this is Easy Anglia, Devon, Cumbria or Northumberland - The conservatives are also dominant in the midlands through slightly less so that in the south. - Labour leads in the north of England, but this is no longer a decisive lead. They dominate ethnically diverse big cities with large WC populations and major centres of industrial production such as South Wales, Merseyside, Greater Manchester and Tyne and wear. - Scotland has moved from being a labour stronghold before 2010 to being dominated by the SNP and then returning to a three-party contest in 2017 - Until 2015, wales was not dominated by any one party but there was genuine competition between four parties there. However, labour dominates after 2017 - Liberal democrats little support outside of London and south of England. They fare disproportionately badly out of the UK's FPTP electoral system, because they have fewer areas of concentrated support. However, they do have some heartlands: the south west, rural wales and the far north of Scotland. - where there is a long tradition of small-scale non-conformist artisans who do not identify with either of the main political parties. Since 1950, Orkney and Shetland, for example has always returned a liberal/LD MP to westminster

Answer 104

There is a sense that the LP does have deep roots and strong local party organisations in the north of england and in wales, so it is inevitable that the party will poll well in those regions. Similarly, voting for the CP in the south of england is understandable because in rural and suburban areas the conservatives have long dominated the political culture. These regional variations are therefore, real factors.

Answer 105

Regional variations in voting behaviour may be in fact class variations rather than geographical variations as wealth, income and prosperity are not evenly distributed in the UK. The southeast is much wealthier than the rest of the England. There are many more depressed, deprived and declining areas in the north, south wales and Scotland, as well as several decayed city centres and areas where traditional industries have declined. It would be surprising if such areas did not favour left-wing policies proposed by labour (though in 2015, the SNP took advantage of the Scottish situation, taking over from labour as the entrenched party). The key point here is therefore is that much of the regional variation in voting behaviour can be traced to economic rather than regional influences

Answer 106

The key battlegrounds which have disproportionately decided the result of general elections have been generally london and the midlands, where labour and conservatives have focused their resources on winning in key marginal seats.

Answer 107

Recent general elections have challenged a number of accepted principles of regional voting behaviour as a number of surprise constituency results in 2017 suggest that voter dealignment is challenging the traditional dominance of political parties in certain regions. The CP association with Brexit and their stricter controls on immigration provided them with unexpected victories in traditional WC seats such as Mansfield, which had been labour since 1923. Conversely, labour's more cosmopolitan outlook and more consistent opposition to Brexit in the EU referendum enabled it to win seats like Canterbury which had been conservative since 1918. Therefore, voter dealignment is influencing both class and regional voting as the public increasingly votes according to issues rather than traditional loyalties which can be seen in notably scotland and london

Answer 108

The industrial areas of scotland traditionally provided labour with a large parliamentary support, while the conservatives, liberal democrats and the SNP gained significantly fewer seats. So unpopular had the CP become in scotland that they won no seats there in 1997 general election. However, the way in which the SNP became the largest party at Holyrood, and ran such a high-profile independence campaign during the 2014 referendum had completely changed the political landscape of scotland. In the 2015 general election, the SNP won 56 of the 59 Scottish seats at Westminster. The 2017 general election then provided another shock with the conservatives, under the leadership of Ruth Davidson won 13 seats to become the second biggest Scottish party. This highlights just how unstable and unpredictable Scottish politics has become during recent general elections

Answer 109

The soaring cost of home ownership as well as the dramatic levels of inequality have significantly damaged the CP's fortunes in Greater London. The way in which the capital voted decisively to remain in the 2016 EU referendum has further damaged the CP in london since voters associated it with most closely euroscepticism. The multicultural and metropolitan values that labour espouses have further entrenched its support in the capital. In the 2017, general election, labour secured 49 seats in london, compared to 21 for the CP and 3 for the LDs

Answer 110

- the south of england and south east are the most prosperous regions in the uk which high levels of home ownership and little tradition of trade unionism meaning they are more likely to vote conservative - strongholds of political parties in regions can determine success as strong core support can determine the outcome of an election - some areas have deep-rooted and concentrated support for parties - scotland more likely to vote SNP ``` - metropolitan and diverse cities still are more likely to vote labour as they have large wc populations and strong connection to labour (counter argument- closer analysis shows its relates to ethnicity and class rather than region) ```

Answer 111

- economic and social class can link more than region as seen in the 2019 election where there has been a changed link and parties lose their strongholds - voter dealignment - instrumental voting in regions means that regions may not stay loyal to their traditional roots with parties as seen with brexit - economic and class background has a more prominent influence as north is more deprived and would thus favour welfare policies while the south is wealthy and prosperous - significance of region may look like behaviour is being influenced by region but it is more economic and class based

Answer 112

The influence of age and voting behaviour is significant as there is a strong correlation between party support and age. This is seen with the conservative party's support which is strongest among older voters, while the labour and liberal democrats parties have generally won the support of younger voters

Answer 113

- older people may vote in their own interest - conservatives tend to represent the interest of older voters and labour tends to represent the interests of young people e.g tuition fees - younger people tend to be more left-wing or support more extreme politics as seen with jeremy corbyn - younger people tend to favour progressive policies and change rather than conservative ideas thus voting for labour or other progressive parties - older people tend to vote more in elections compared to the young, which benefits the conservatives as the uk is becoming an ageing population meaning they can exercise their vote more and influence turnout - older people tend to be more attracted to traditional values or policies compared to young people - uk is somewhat patriotic and nationalist and the conservative party represent these ideas - young people may not feel represented or be ignorant and choose to not vote

Answer 114

- young people do not wish to be seen as 'conservative; in the more general sense of the word, they want to be seen as progressive and not voting for the CP might be a symptom of that emotion - There is a tendency for the young to hold more left-wing (idealistic and progressive) views - this may be a result of a heightened interest in ideas such as inequality, social justice and freedom, more associated with the LP, the LDs and the green party than the CP. - It is alleged that winston churchill once commented "if a man is not a socialist by the time he is 20, he has no heart. If he is not conservative by the time he is 40, he has no brain" which suggests that young voters are emotional and older voters are more rational - Younger people have fewer responsibilities and therefore can indulge in more outward-looking ideas, whereas later life the responsibilities of a career, a family and property ownership may lead to more cautious views. The older generation may see the conservatives as the party that is more family friendly, more security conscious and more sympathetic to property owners. It has traditionally emphasises policies which appeal more to older voters, such as low taxation, strong national defence, law and order and in recent years has been significantly more Eurosceptic than the LP and LDs. These policies tend to have a particular appeal to older-property owning voters who favours security and stabilities and having more financial responsibilities and savings than younger voters who are keen for their taxes to be kept as a low as possible. In the 2017 general election, for example older people who had paid of their mortgages were significantly more likely to vote conservative while younger people who rented were much more likely to vote labour - Voting by the young for what may be described as 'radical' parties is more understandable as the young tend to adopt more radical ideas, for example about environmental protection, social justice and democratic reform = to reinforce this idea between radicalism and the young it has been noted that a large proportion of new members in the LP in 2015-16, were most of whom joined to support jeremy corbyn, were younger voters - SNP is seen as radical in one respect, its support for a scottish independence but generally can be seen as a moderate left-wing party. In the 2015 general election, there was an age effect. In the 2014, scottish referendum 71% of the new 16-17 year old voters in favour of independence compared to only 27% of the 65+ category

Answer 115

In terms of electoral success, the CP has historically benefitted from the greater support that it has among older people because older people are more likely to vote. Younger people may be attracted to radical ideas but are less likely to vote, so providing the CP with an inbuilt advantage.

Answer 116

In the 2017 general election, jeremy corbyn's youth focused campaign; pledging the abolish tuition fees and his idealistic commitment to resolving world problems though international organisations such as the UN, did encourage more young people to vote than any general election since 1992, but even in 2017 there was still a significant imbalance with older voters who were more likely to cast their ballots.

Answer 117

Both the LP and CP have been at their most successful when they have been able to reach beyond their core support. In 1997, for example the labour party achieved a 5% lead over the CP among voters aged 65+, helping blair to his landslide victory, while thatcher 1979 victory, the cp achieved a 1% lead over the LP among 18-24 year old

Answer 118

- different patterns may emerge if older voters see welfare as better - age may not be a determining factor but more linked to the economic situation of each generation / voter as young people still hold financial responsibility and may vote for parties that better their economic situation or similar to their status rather than influenced by their age - older people may also hold radical ideas as seen with populist parties

Answer 119

From 1945 until the 1980s political parties attempted to gain the 'housewives vote' by articulating women's concerns with family issues. However, as men and women increasingly play similar roles in the family and the workplace, this has become irrelevant.

Answer 120

Gender is not a relevant factor in voting behaviour or determining the result of a general election. The statistics show that there is virtually no difference between the way male and females typically vote, clearly showing voting is not gendered

Answer 121

There is no noticeable trend in the comparative figures over the last 23 years. However, although the overall gap is minimal in the 2017 general election it was striking that among 18-24 year old voter, just 18% of women voted conservative and 73% voted labour whereas 36% of men in this age group voted conservative and 52% labour. However, this imbalance is not reflected in previous recent elections and shows the interplay between two demographic factors of gender with age.

Answer 122

Over a longer period, there is a slight tendency for more women to vote labour than men but it is highly variable and not statistically very significant. The gender of the PM does not seem to be significant either, as in the figures for the 2017 election, it did not lead to more women voting conservative. When Margaret thatcher was the leader of the conservative party - the first female leader of a political party in the uk, more women voted for her in 1979 but by 1987 her female share of the vote had declined

Answer 123

Although social and demographic factors are significant when explaining voter choice, partisan dealignment has resulted in the political context in which a general election is held to be of increasing importance. Reflecting a decline of traditional voting loyalties, the electorate increasingly make decisions based on a number of judgments about the governing and opposition parties - reflecting what is important to them

Answer 124

Electoral judgements are increasingly based on the competency and effectiveness of the government and are called Valence factors. With the decline of class-based voting, valence factors become more significant in determining the result of general election

Answer 125

The electorate make decisions on the competency of parties - they make a valence judgment based on a number of valence issues and these factors impact individual voting

Answer 126

1 - governing competency 2- Manifesto 3 - campaign 4- leadership

Answer 127

- How generally competent was the previous government and how competent do voters think other parties would be in government? - How economically competent was the government and are other parties likely to be? - Is the manifesto and campaign realistic, achievable and appealing? - Are they led to a dominant decisive leader with a good record as a politician? These valence issues are also connected to how united a party is. It is often said that a disunited party has no chance of winning a general election as voters dislike this division and uncertainty

Answer 128

Most political commentators would argue that valence is the most important predicator of voting behaviour, particularly with the emergence of partisan dealignment. It can be contrasted with positional voting where voters choose a party based on its position on one or a group of issues such as which party will cut taxes or which will spend the most on education or the NHS?

Answer 129

As well as this general competence, voters pay special attention to economic competence. This includes, how well they believe a party will manage the UK economy and how well they believe it has done so in the past. This may be described as judgments about governing competence - who will be the most responsible with taxpayers money? who will do the most to spread wealth or promote growth? This can sometimes be described as economic voting and it is a powerful influence on voting behaviour as voers will look at the performance of the uk economy and decide which party has done the most to improve it and which has damaged it in the past.

Answer 130

After the economic crisis from 2008, labour was blamed by many voters for allowing government debt to rise to an extremely high rate - labour defeats in 2010 and 2015 were based partly on such economic voting. Whereas in contrast, the conservative party has an image of fiscal responsibility and good management - in 2016 the chancellor of exchequer, Philip Hammond stated he would manage the economy on a 'pragmatic' basis, so people could feel confident about his competence

Answer 131

In its manifesto, the political party will explain the policies upon which it will govern. It is unlikely that voters will engage will all the elements of the manifesto, however it is important that it is carefully composed since particular policies may help swing the result while unpopular or confusing policies and manifestos could undermine a campaign.

Answer 132

- in 1987, the LP manifesto did not commit to the UK's nuclear deterrent. This enabled the CP to claim that the labour party could not be trusted on defence, their campaign boldly stating 'labour's policy on arms' next to an image of surrendering soldier - The 1992 labour manifesto commitment was to increase public spending which would allow the CP to claim successfully that a labour government would mean a 'tax bombshell' for every family. These two examples show how the labour manifesto helped to contribute to the CP victory. However, in 2017 the CP's manifesto pledged that if elderly people receiving NHS care at home had assets of more than £100,000 then the excess would contribute to the cost of care after death. The plan was supposed to provide a fairer system of care but was quickly labelled a 'dementia tax' by the press and the CP campaign stalled as it became embroiled in defending the policy. Also, Labour manifesto commitment to abolish tuition fees boosted votes from the young and first-time voters, while its promise of an end to austerity and the introduction of higher taxes for the top 5% of the population had broad appeal

Answer 133

During the actual campaign leading to an election, party activity becomes more intense and much effort, political skill and professionalism is used to convey the party message and convey governing competency. Although the actual campaign, must last at least three weeks it usually goes on for four or more. The national campaign is designed to (a) reinforce the views of those who are already committed to the party, (b) recruit the genuinely undecided and (c) convert the waverers in other parties (floating or deviant voters). The local campaign is still important in marginal constituencies where a small number of voters can change the party control. The purpose of local campaigns is to get out the maximum vote, by speech making, canvassing (leaflets, talking to locals etc), and organising postal voting.

Answer 134

The national campaign is designed to (a) reinforce the views of those who are already committed to the party, (b) recruit the genuinely undecided and (c) convert the waverers in other parties (floating or deviant voters).

Answer 135

The local campaign is still important in marginal constituencies where a small number of voters can change the party control. The purpose of local campaigns is to get out the maximum vote, by speech making, canvassing (leaflets, talking to locals etc), and organising postal voting.

Answer 136

- Although some campaigns simply reinforce existing attitudes others may challenge them. The growth of partisan dealignment suggests campaigns do increasingly matter as voters are much more volatile. Parties are keen to target these voters with their message. - in 1974, the liberal leader Jeremy Thorpe was able to exploit widespread discontentment with Edward Heath and Harold Wilson and increased the liberal share by 11.8% - in 1992, John majors decision to abandon stage managed events and take his soap box to town centres changed the dynamic of the campaign and handed the conservatives an unexpected victory - in 2010, nick clegg's impressive performance on televised debates, lead to his role in a coalition government - In 2017, Jeremy Corbyn's optimistic rallies and popular manifesto commitments contrasted sharply with May's uninspiring campaign appearances. Labour dramatically increased its support from 30% at the beginning of the campaign to 40% in the election

Answer 137

- some political commentators argue that the influence of a campaign is exaggerated as most voters have decided how they are going to vote in advance. - In the 1950s and 60s, the class allegiance that parties could depend on meant that campaigns made little difference. Even some modern campaigns have little impact on people's voting intentions - Harold Wilson's presidential campaign in 1964 was designed to make him appeal to voters as a British John F. Kennedy, but it only led to a 0.2% increase in labours share of the vote - In 1970, Edward Heath's campaign was dismissed as bland and uninspiring and plans had been drawn up to force his resignation when he lost - therefore, his victory was unexpected - In 1997, John Major decided on a long campaign to reduce Tony Blair's huge lead in the polls, however the polls rarely changed and labour won - In spite of a poor conservative campaign in 2017, they still managed to increase their share of the vote from 36.9% in 2015 to 42.4% in 2017