Political Parties Flashcards

Question

Explain how the funding of parties are regulated by the political parties, elections and referendums act 2000

Answer 1

The funding of parties was regulated in 2000 by the Political Parties, Elections and Referendums Act (PPERA). Among other regulations, this made the following stipulations: - People not on the UK electoral roll could no longer make donations (thus reducing foreign influence). - Limits were placed on how much could be spent on parliamentary elections (£30,000 per constituency). - Donations over £5000 have to be declared. - Donations over £7,500 were to be placed on an electoral register. Thus, regulations stressed transparency rather than any serious limits on the amount being donated. State funding was rejected as a solution at that time. The Political Parties and Elections Act (PPEA) 2009 built upon the regulations established under the PPERA and imposed tighter regulations on spending by candidates in the run-up to an election, allowing the Electoral Commission to investigate cases and impose fines.

Answer 2

Funding is hugely biased towards the two biggest parties. Smaller parties are also disadvantaged by the UK electoral system at general elections and therefore the funding shortfall represents a double problem.

Answer 3

The Electoral Commission, which monitors the income of political parties in the UK, has reported examples of large donations to parties. Some examples include: - Between 2015-2017 the Conservative Party received £11.3 million from prominent figures and the companies in the financial sector. - In the same period the Conservatives received £3.6 million from property companies. - One individual, hedge fund proprietor Angus Fraser donated £1,137,400 to the Conservative Party during this period. - The Unite trade union gave £657,702 to the Labour Party early in 2017. - At the same time UNISON, the public service union, donated £376,242 to Labour. Such individual donations are not only seen as undemocratic forms of influence, but often carry some other kind of controversy. Similarly, trade union donations to Labour have been criticised on the grounds that members of unions are not given a clear enough choice as to whether their subscriptions should be spent in that way. It is also said that Labour is unduly influenced by union leaders because so much of their income comes from them.

Answer 4

However, the question of party funding has a number of issues which are even more serious. The controversies include the following: - The major parties are put at a huge advantage and conversely, small parties are put at a great disadvantage, particularly when it comes to fighting elections. Current party funding therefore promotes political inequality. - Funding by large donors represents a hidden and unaccountable form of political influence. Parties are not allowed to change specific policies or propose legislation as a direct result of donations, but donors must expect some kind of political return for their investment. This might be true of trade unions and the Labour Party and business interests and the Conservatives. - Aspects of funding may well verge on being corrupt. It is suspected that some donors may expect to receive an honour from party leaders such as a peerage or knighthood in return for their generosity. This is sometimes known as ‘cash for honours’. - The steady decline of party membership has meant that parties are even more reliant upon donors, which further opens up the possibility of corruption and the purchasing of political influence. (Even in 2015, when the Labour Party’s membership enjoyed an unprecedented upsurge, membership fees only accounted for 19% of the party’s overall annual income)

Answer 5

Most commentators and many politicians agree that the way in which parties are funded in the UK is undemocratic and is in need of reform. The problem, however, is that there is no consensus on what to do. There are four basic types of solution: 1. Impose restrictions on the size of individual donations to parties. This is broadly the system used in the US (through donors can grant funds to thousands of individual candidates). To be effective, the cap would have to be relatively low. 2. Impose tight restrictions on how much parties are allowed to spend. This would make large-scale fundraising futile. 3. Restrict donations to individuals, i.e. outlaw donations from businesses, pressure groups and trade unions. 4. Replace all funding with state grants for parties, paid out of general taxation.

Answer 6

The 2007 Phillips Report, ‘Strengthening Democracy: Fair and Sustainable Funding for Political Parties’, stated that there was a strong case for political parties to be funded through taxation. The case had become particularly pressing because of the vast discrepancy in the amount of money different parties received, as well as a number of financial scandals which undermined public faith in parliamentary democracy. It concluded that one way forward might be greater state funding for UK political parties, perhaps some form of ‘pence-per-voter' or ‘pence-per-member' funding formula.

Answer 7

Although the case in favour of the comprehensive funding of political parties is still widely contested, there is already some state funding of parties in the UK. All main parties receive funds from the Electoral Commission. These are called Policy Developments Grants (available to any party that has two or more sitting MPs) and can be used to hire advisers on policy. Over £2 million is available for this purpose. Parties also receive subsidies in respect of TV broadcasts and help with postage costs during election campaigns

Answer 8

In addition, there is Short money, which is distributed to all opposition parties to fund their parliamentary work. Short money: named after Ted Short, the politician who introduced it. Short money refers to funds given to the opposition parties to facilitate their parliamentary work (research facilities etc.). The amount is based on how many seats and votes each party won at the previous election. Short money is heavily biased towards the large parties because it depends upon how many seats parties have won at previous elections. Thus, since 2015 the Labour Party receives £6,7 million in Short money per annum, while the next biggest grant goes to the SNP with £1.2 million. Interestingly, UKIP refused over half a million pounds in Short money after winning one seat in 2015. The party suggested it was corrupt and designed to favour established parties.

Answer 9

Short money: named after Ted Short, the politician who introduced it. Short money refers to funds given to the opposition parties to facilitate their parliamentary work (research facilities etc.). The amount is based on how many seats and votes each party won at the previous election.

Answer 10

Funds are also available to parties in the HoLs. This is known as ‘Cranborne money’. So, state funding of parties already exists. The real question, though, is whether state funding should replace private donations altogether. Cranborne money: funds paid to opposition parties in the HoLs in order to help them cover their administrative costs and thereby provide for proper scrutiny of the government. Much of the debate about party funding relates to state financing. However, although several political parties favour this, there is little public appetite for it. Taxpayers are naturally reluctant to see their taxes being used to finance parties at a time when attitudes to parties are at a low ebb. However, state funding remains the only solution that could create more equality in the system. As long as funding is determined by market forces, it is likely that the large parties wlil be placed at a significant advantage. The other policy is to eliminate the abuses in the system. This involves full transparency, limits on how much business and union donors can give and a breaking of any link between donations and the granting of honours.

Answer 11

Cranborne money: funds paid to opposition parties in the HoLs in order to help them cover their administrative costs and thereby provide for proper scrutiny of the government.

Answer 12

The idea of somehow replacing private donations with state funding of parties has a good deal of support within the UK political community. Certainly, both the Labour and Liberal Democrat parties have flirted with the idea without actually making firm proposals. The problem has been a lack of political will and a fear that public opinion will not accept it.

Answer 13

FOR ARGUEMENTS: - It will end the opportunities for the corrupt use of donations. - It will end the possibilities of ‘hidden’ forms of influence through funding. - It will reduce the huge financial advantage that large parties enjoy and give smaller parties the opportunity to make progress. - It will improve democracy by ensuring wider participation from groups that have no ready source of funds.

Answer 14

AGAINIST ARGUEMENTS: - Taxpayers may object to funding what can be considered to be ‘private’ organisations. - It will be difficult to know how to distribute funding. Should it be on the basis of past performance (in which case large parties will retain their advantage) or on the basis of future aspirations (which is vague)? - Parties may lose some of their independence and will see themselves as organs of the state. - State funding may lead to excessive state regulation of parties. - Philosophically, state funding might also suggest that political parties were ‘servants of the state’, potentially limiting their independence. - The funding of extremist parties, such as the BNP would be extremely contentious

Answer 15

It seems unlikely that state funding will arrive in the UK in the near future. Far more likely is the idea that individual donations should be limited. Greater transparency has largely been achieved, but the problem of ‘cash for honours’ or the suspicion that large organisations can gain a political advantage through donations persists. This was reflected in the police investigation into the ‘loans for peerages’ scandal during Labour’s time in office 1997-2010. Although it ended without any prosecutions being brought, the issue of party funding is still controversial, as seen in efforts to address the status of donors not registered as UK taxpayers in the PPERA and the PPEA. Many considered this to be aimed squarely at individuals such as the long-term Conservative Party backer and party deputy chairman Lord Ashcroft, whose tax status provoked debate and controversy until March 2010, when he finally revealed that he did not pay UK tax on his overseas earnings. Statutory regulation and public funds aside, it is clear that the main UK political parties still receive considerable sums in the in the forms of donations and that wealthy individual backers have not been put off by the prospect of losing their anonymity. Action may well centre on a deal between Labour and the Conservatives. Labour might sacrifice some of its trade union funding in return for caps on business donations and wealthy individuals bankrolling the Conservatives. The Liberal Democrats, with their unwavering support for state funding, will have to remain on the sidelines for the time being.

Answer 16

PARTIES DO ENHANCE REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY: They play a number of key roles in the UK’s representative form of democracy: + By producing manifestos and political programmes, they ensure government is accountable + They are vital in the selection of candidates for office. + They mobilise support for political programmes, not just individual policies – aggregation. + Parties organise debates and ensure that MPs are called to account. DO NOT: - But parties can distort representation as the governing party is elected without an overall majority. The ‘winner takes all’ nature of party politics may result in partisan government. - Parties also tend to reduce issues to ‘binary’ decision making - claiming that decisions are either wholly wrong or wholly right. In reality, this is rarely the case, but adversarial party politics creates such false choices.

Answer 17

+ Parties are open organisations – anyone can join and parties make few demands on their members – passive members. (negative) - This does not tell the full story as internally the parties are elitist – the broad sentiments of the membership are taken into account, but it’s questionable to whether ordinary members have any real influence on the making of policies? + Is it possible for ordinary members to rise up through the party ranks? Many political leaders: Callaghan (PM 1976-79), Major (PM 1990-97), Brown (PM 2007-10, Corbyn (Leader 2015-) and Theresa May (PM 2016-19) are examples of individuals who have risen through their party ranks to the top, without any privileged background.

Answer 18

+/- All modern democracies have parties as a central feature of their representative systems. However, parties in the US are very loose informal organisations and no mass membership – making the country the closest thing to a partyless democracy in the West. - Elections would be incoherent, Parliament would have difficultly operating effectively, the opportunities for people to participate in politics would be severely reduced, government would not be made properly accountable and it would be difficult to identify future leaders. + The main positive aspect of a democracy without parties is that there would be a greater possibility for consensus building. Without the support of parties, policies would have to be developed on a consensual rather than an adversarial basis.

Answer 19

Political spectrum: A device by which different standpoints can be mapped across one axis or more, as a way of demonstrating their ideological position in relation to one another.

Answer 20

Party ideology in the UK has generally been discussed in terms of the simple left-right political spectrum that emerged in revolutionary France at the end of the (18th. In modern usage, those, those on the extreme left of the political spectrum are said to favour some form of communal existence, with all property being held collectively as opposed to individually, while moderate left-wingers accept capitalism but favour greater government intervention in the economy and a more comprehensive welfare state. In contrast, those on the right area said to favour private enterprise over state provision, resulting in a process that the former Conservative prime minister Margaret Thatcher described as ‘rolling back the frontiers of the state.’

Answer 21

In the UK, where extreme ideologies of communism (on the left) and facism (on the right) have never really taken hold, the debate over the direction of government policy has generally centred on the battle between socialists and conservatives. However, all three of the main British parties are better seen as ‘broad churches’, each comprising members of various different political shades. However, although they are commonly used in everyday political discussion to describe an individual’s or a group’s political stance, the terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ should be treated with some caution. They are not very precise expressions because they are quite vague an many issues do not fall easily into a left-right divide in the context of British politics. Furthermore, it should be noted that left and right descriptions of politics can vary from one country to the next

Answer 22

Right wing: Right-wing political beliefs derive from liberal and conservative ideology. These include a liberal focus on the importance of limiting excessive government, keeping taxation low and protecting individual liberty. The right also emphasises conservative values such as law and order and the importance of national sovereignty and strong defence.

Answer 23

Left wing: The left wing emphasises the importance of creating a fair and equal society through positive state intervention. This includes higher taxes on the wealthier, extensive welfare provision and greater state influence in the economy. The left wing is also socially progressive and favours an internationalist approach to global problems.

Answer 24

LEFT-WING POLITICAL IDEAS: - Hold a positive view of the state and a collectivist view of society. - Believe the government should reduce inequality and encourage social cohesion by providing an extensive welfare state. - The wealthier in society should pay a higher share of the cost of this through redistributive taxation. The government should also play a major role in the economy through the nationalisation of key industries. - Left-wing politicians have generally enjoyed close relations with the trade union movement since the unions also represent the economic interests of the working class. - Socially, the left embraces multiculturalism. It is also socially libertarian and so supports giving alternative lifestyles equal status with more traditional ones.

Answer 25

- The right-wing of British politics focuses more on the importance of giving the individual as much control over their own life as possible. - Right-wing politicians reject left-wing attempts to encourage greater equality and believe that the free market operates best when there is as little government interference as possible. - Governments should aim to keep taxation as low as possible and trade union influence needs to be limited in order to encourage the smooth operation of the market. - Companies operate most efficiently when there is competition, so nationalised firms are best privatized. - Although economically libertarian, the right-wing is socially conservative and so emphasises the importance of a shared national identity and encourages traditional lifestyles.

Answer 26

- consensus politics - adversary politics

Answer 27

Consensus politics refers to a period in politics where there is little or no fundamental ideological differences between the parties as there is a great deal of general agreement over policies among the main parties. They may disagree on the details of policy but there is a general agreement over the goals of the policy

Answer 28

Adversary politics refers to a period in policies where there is considerable conflict over basic principles and ideologies and there may even be deep divisions between or within parties. However, the uk is generally a highly stable political system and therefore adversary politics is rare

Answer 29

- 1950s and 1970s - 1997 - 2015

Answer 30

1950s-1970s: In the 1940s the Labour government under Clement Atlee had undertaken a major programme of reform in the UK. The welfare state was created, including the creation of the NHS. Major industries such as coal, rail and steel were nationalized, a comprehensive system of old-age pensions was initiated, the provision of subsidized housing was expanded and a wide range of new local authority services was introduced. This presented a problem for the Conservative Party when it came to power in 1951 and remained there until 1964 under four PMs. The Conservatives had to decide whether to reverse these developments, especially as they had opposed them when they were being introduced. The measures were popular and no one wanted to return to the day of economic depression that had existed before the Second World War. The issue was further complicated when, in 1955, the Labour Party elected a new leader, Hugh Gaitskell, who was much more moderate than his predecessors. The conservative leadership therefore decided that it should accept the Labour reforms and build on them. This heralded in a period of consensus which was to last until the 1970s (commonly referred to as the period of ‘post-war consensus’). There were still to be party conflicts, for example over economic management and social reform, but there was consensus that the new world created after the war should remain. The two main parties also agreed that the days of British imperial power were numbered and there should be an ordered dismantling of the empire. It was often described as ‘Butskellism’, after the Labour leader Gaitskell and the Conservative chancellor of the exchequer, R.A. Butler, whose political stances were very similar.

Answer 31

1997-2015: This period was far more fragile than the earlier post-war consensus era. It is often described as the post-Thatcher consensus. Tony Blair and his leadership group became so dominant after 1997 that the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats had to accept that the core values of ‘New Labour’ were extremely popular. There was, therefore, general political agreement over key political issues. Among these issues were: - the maintenance of a strong, well-funded welfare state - constitutional reforms to make the UK more democratic and less centralised - improved protection for human rights and social equality among different groups - the reduction of poverty, especially among families with children and pensioners - public investment in services and infrastructure to promote economic growth and so generate public funds for such measures - a stress on improved education to promote equality of opportunity - the general promotion of individualism by encouraging home ownership and keeping personal taxes as low as possible. Not all these aims were fully realised but all three main parties shared similar aspirations for the UK. The consensus, at least remnants of it, persisted through the coalition government from 2010-2015. Indeed, PM David Cameron admitted that Tony Blair was a role model for him. Theresa May, on coming to power in 2016, declared her own personal manifesto which echoed that of New Labour back in 1997, so perhaps the post-Thatcher consensus is still alive and well. The Labour left wing and Conservative right wing have very different ideologies, but there is still a large group of politicians in all parties who stand around the centre of politics and who hold similar, consensual views.

Answer 32

1979-90: In modern times there has been just one significant period of adversary politics in the UK. This occurred in the 1980s. The Conservative Party, under Margaret Thatcher’s premiership, moved to a position known as ‘New Right’ politics. Meanwhile the Labour Party, under the leadership of Michael Foot, moved to the left. Political conflict became deep and intense. The two parties had very different visions of which direction the UK should be moving in.

Answer 33

- Publicly owned industries were privatised by being sold to private investors. These included gas, coal, electricity, steel, water and telecommunications. - A number of legal restrictions were placed on the activities of trade unions. - Tenants in council homes were encouraged to buy their properties at discounted prices and on low mortgage rates. This became a legal right. - Legal regulations on the financial system were removed. - Rates of income tax for high-income groups and tax on businesses were significantly reduced.

Answer 34

- Labour opposed the privatization and sought to nationalise more industries including, possibly, the banks - Labour opposed these and proposed additional worker protection measures. - Labour opposed the ‘right to buy’ policy and proposed increased local authority house building and controls on private rents. - Labour opposed this and even suggested big banks might be nationalised. - Labour proposed a steeply progressive tax system to redistribute real income from rich to poor. A wealth tax was also proposed.

Answer 35

Throughout the history of British politics there has been events where it has be consensus or adversary During Thatcher's terms it was a very adversary political time with more of the new right politics - During post-thatcher it was more consensus politics and more parties agreed to similar policies - In the 1980s, there was a big adversary between the new right conservative policies and left wing labour policies and even at times they would oppose each others policies e.g conservatives wanted privatisation of buildings and national services whereas labour opposed these policies and sought to nationalise industries

Answer 36

The Conservative Party (CP) emerged from the Tory Party in the 1830s, with many dating its birth to Robert Peel’s Tamworth Manifesto in 1834. Conservativism in the UK has its origins in the conflict that raged during the (17th over the role and authority of the monarchy. Those who supported royal authority (as opposed to Parliament) were known as royalists, but eventually became known as ‘Tories’. During the (17th, it became clear that the supporters of Parliament and democracy in general (mostly known as ‘Whigs’) were gaining the upper hand over royalists. However, a new conflict began to emerge as the industrial Revolution gathered pace in the middle of the (19th. With industrialisation and the growth of international markets, the capitalist middle classes began to grow in size and influence. Their rise challenged the traditional authority of the aristocracy and the landed gentry - the owners of the great estates whose income was based on the rents and the products of agriculture. The middle classes were largely represented by the Whigs and the landed gentry by the Tories, who were beginning to be described as ‘conservatives’. They were described as conservatives because they resisted the new political structures that were growing up and wished to ‘conserve’ the dominant position of the upper classes whom they represented.

Answer 37

As the (19th progressed, conservatism began to develop into something closer to the movement we recognise today. Sir Robert Peel (prime minister 1834-35 and 1841-46) is generally acknowledged as the first Conservative Party prime minister (PM). He and Benjamin Disraeli (PM 1868 and 1874-80) formed the party, basing it on traditional conservative ideas. The party’s main objectives were to prevent the country falling too far into inequality, to preserve the unity of the kingdom and to preserve order in society. It was a pragmatic party, which adopted any policies it believed would benefit the whole nation.

Answer 38

1. The first is often known as ‘traditional conservatism’ and it dates back from the origins of the party in the (19th. It is sometimes described as ‘one-nation conservatism’. 2. The other tradition emerged in the 1980s. It is usually given one of two names – ‘New Right conservatism’, or ‘Thatcherism’, after its main protagonist, Margaret Thatcher (1979-90).

Answer 39

TRADITIONAL CONSERVATISM (ONE-NATION CONSERVATISM): Originating in the late part of the (19th, traditional conservatism emerged as a reaction against the newly emerging liberal ideas that were the inspiration behind the revolutions in North America (1776) and France (1789).

Answer 40

The conservative fear of destabilizing social change and innovation was reflected in Thomas Hobbes’ classic text ‘Leviathan’ (1651). Hobbes had lived through the Civil War and so knew what can happen when government breaks down. His view of human nature was very negative and so he argued that if there was not a strong government to control its citizens and resist dangerous innovation then anarchy would ensue, ensuring that property would not be safe, and violence would be endemic. Conservatives have tended to adopt a pessimistic view of human nature. While liberals see humans as naturally sympathetic to each other, caring of each other’s needs and freedom, and while socialists see humankind as naturally sociable and cooperative, conservatives stress the competitive nature of people. They see humankind as liable to fall into disorder, that humans can be easily led to follow false ideas and the potential for ‘mob rule’. Despite this, conservatives believe we crave order and security. In fact, they argue we prefer security to individual freedom. The dynamic new egalitarian principles of the French Revolution (1789) based on ‘liberty, fraternity, equality’ were in total conflict with traditional conservative principles

Answer 41

Horrified by the enthusiasm which some Britons were showing for the sudden upheaval of the French Revolution, the Whig MP Edmund Burke (1729-97) (sometimes known as the father of conservativism), wrote ‘Reflections on the Revolution in France’ (1790), in which he warned about the consequences of rapid change. For him, the greatest crime of the French revolutionaries, was to abandon traditional forms of authority that had stood the test of time. However, ‘right’ such ideas might be, they were opposed because they disturbed society so seriously and flew in the face of humankind’s most basic desire for order and security. For Burke, ‘No generation should ever be so rash as to consider itself superior to its predecessors.’ The idealistic desire to change the world was considered as dangerous and the safest course was always to approach problems pragmatically, respecting authority and tradition.

Answer 42

For Burke, ‘No generation should ever be so rash as to consider itself superior to its predecessors.’ The idealistic desire to change the world was considered as dangerous and the safest course was always to approach problems pragmatically, respecting authority and tradition. It is these ideas that have led conservatives to support institutions as the monarchy, the Church of England, the Union of Britain and the great traditions of the political system in general. It also leads to a belief in the enduring quality of what are known as ‘British values’ – such as tolerance, respect for individual liberty, love of democracy and equality. For Burke, ‘Good order is the foundation of all good things.’ He suggested that the new ideas of liberty, equality and democracy were creating a disordered society and that Since him, conservatives have always been suspicious of new ideas that threaten the existing order. Therefore, the conservative preference for the preservation of tradition is related closely to a desire for public order. When we refer to tradition in this context we mean both traditional institutions, such as monarchy, established Church and political constitutions, and values, such as the preservation of marriage, the importance of the nuclear family, religion and established morality. The very fact that values and institutions have survived, argue conservatives in general, is a testament to their quality. They carry the accumulated wisdom of the past and should therefore be respected. Burke also praised traditions for their ability to provide continuity between the past and the present - a ‘partnership between those who are living, those who are dead and those who are born’. Thereafter, conservatives have consistently opposed the rise of any new ideology and by the (19th Toryism was the party of: property, pragmatism, authoritarianism, tradition and stability.

Answer 43

According to Benjamin Disraeli (1804-81), traditional conservatism lacked the necessary dynamic to inspire men. In his ‘Young England’ novels, especially ‘Sybil’ (1845), Disraeli, as an ambitious Tory backbencher, argued that conservatism must unite the nation in a collective reverence for those traditions and institutions that had made Britain great. Disraeli saw society as an organic body in which stability and prosperity could only be achieved through all classes and individuals appreciating their debt to each other and not putting their selfish interests above the wellbeing of the community. He recognized that as a result of the Industrial Revolution and the growth of capitalism, a great divide was emerging between the middle classes, who were become increasingly prosperous and the working classes, who were falling further behind. In the most famous passage in ‘Sybil’, he warns against Britain becoming ‘Two Nations’: ‘The Rich and the Poor’, which is why the inclusive conservatism he argued for became known as ‘one-nation conservatism’.

Answer 44

Disraeli’s ‘one nation’ sentiments were important in enabling the Conservatives to reach out to working class support. As PM, he supported quite extensive social reforms that would reduce conflict and opposed measures that created too much inequality. This reflects a paternalist conservatism which favoured pluralism and social inclusion and held that, while authority should be centralised, the state should be benevolent and care for the neediest. Associated with the idea of ‘one-nation’ is the notion of an organic society suggests that people are tied together by a common sense of being members of an interdependent society, implying that those who are well off and own substantial property do have a responsibility to care for the interests of the poorer sections of society. Furthermore, the theory of the organic society leads to a belief that politics should not seek to change society artificially (as socialists and liberals believe), it should allow it to develop naturally

Answer 45

However, it would be wrong to suggest that conservativism is a doctrine of ‘no change’ or that it treats its own principles as eternal and fixed. Conservatives are, above all, pragmatists. In ‘On History and Other Essays’ (1983) Michael Oakeshott (1901-90), a leading Conservative philosopher of modern times, advocated this kind of political action asserting that politics should be ‘a conservation, not an argument,’ meaning that political action should never be the result of conflict over political dogma and theory, but the result of a more-gentle relationship between government and the governed. Pragmatism implies a flexible approach to politics, incorporating an understanding of what is best for people, what is acceptable to them and what will preserve a stable society. It is a rejection of the politics of strongly held ideology, a dogmatic approach to decision making. Thus, Conservatives see government as an exercise in maintaining continuity, order and security and avoiding disorder. Government should not, they argue, seek to change society in radical ways. Socialists and liberals may have fixed views of how to change society, but conservatives reject this kind of ideological outlook, which they view as inherently undemocratic.

Answer 46

Finally, from their conception, conservatives have been viewed as defenders of the property-owning classes, at a time when most people owned no property at all. With widespread property ownership in the modern era, however, it is a less significant conservative trait. In the modern context, conservatives have always attempted to defend the interests of home owners and of the owners of land and business. Property ownership for conservatives is a fundamental aspect of individualism and is a desirable aspiration to be shared by all. More significantly, the right to own and enjoy one’s own property is a reflection of a civilized existence, as property owners are seen to have a greater vested interest in order and so will help to ensure that there is stability in society.

Answer 47

The Conservatives went on to become the most successful modern vote-winning political party, and the main governing party for most of the (20th, by closely associating itself with one-nation principles. Conservative PMs such as Stanley Baldwin (1923-24, 1924-20 and 1935-37), Harold Macmillan (1957-63) and Edward Heath (1970-74) all saw themselves within this tradition and sought to govern in the interests of the whole nation, accepting that the government had a major role to play in creating a more prosperous and inclusive society. However, this one-nation conservatism was eclipsed with the emergence of a new tradition of conservatism under the leadership of Margaret Thatcher: the New Right.

Answer 48

By the 1970s, the effectiveness of one-nation conservatism was undermined by large scale industrial unrest. The way in which trade unions were increasingly demanding higher wages for their workers challenged the principle that a Conservative government could successfully unite all sections of society. When in 1975, Margaret Thatcher defeated Edward Heath for the leadership of the Conservative Party (CP), what became known as ‘New Right principles’ (NR) became the dominant creed within Thatcherite conservatism. The two the main thinkers behind the movement were Fredrich Hayek (Austrian, 1899-92) and Irving Kristol (American, 1920-2000).

Answer 49

The term ‘New Right’ (NR) was used to describe a group of political values and ideas largely emerging in the US in the 1970s and 80s, which were adopted by many conservatives throughout the developed world. It was a reaction against socialist ideas gaining ground in Europe, Asia and South America, and against the traditional conservative values that were seen too weak to deal with contemporary economic and social policies. It was associated in the US with Ronald Reagan (president 1983-91) and in the UK with Margaret Thatcher (PM 1979-90).

Answer 50

The NR is a combination of neo-liberalism and neo-conservatism. Most, but not all conservatives of the NR subscribed to both sets of ideas, through often they leant towards one more than the other. The advent of Thatcherism marked the death of the postwar consensus and the rise of a more adversarial politics. Thatcher referred to those who were not prepared to sign up to this agenda, in many cases the old one-nation Tories, as ‘wets’. Supporters of this approach, known as Thatcherites, favoured the importance of the individuals over the needs of society as a whole

Answer 51

- Deregulation in the field of business - Privatisation of publicly-owned industries - Statutory limits on the power of trade unions - A smaller state (‘rolling back the frontiers of the state’) and more limited state intervention in the economy - A greater emphasis on national sovereignty - More limited state welfare provision

Answer 52

ONE NATION CONSERVATISM: It takes a pragmatic approach, advocates for incremental change, paternalistic ideology and favours a mixed economy THATCHERISM: It is dogmatic, advocates for radical change, individualistic and favours a free market economy

Answer 53

2010 COALITION GOVERNMENT: David Cameron’s election as party leader in 2006, in the wake of three consecutive general election defeats for the Conservatives, was widely seen as analogous to the kind of epiphany that the Labour Party experienced a decade earlier under Tony Blair. Indeed, Cameron was widely referred to as the ‘heir to Blair’. He initially sought to lead the Conservatives away from those areas of policy over which the party was deeply divided (e.g. Europe) and towards those where it could gain electoral advantage (e.g. the environment). He recognised that the party had come to be regarded as unelectable (or the ‘nasty party’, as Theresa May had put it back in 2002) and set about ‘detoxifying’ the Conservative brand. This aim was reflected in the Conservatives’ 2010 general election pledge to fix ‘broken Britain’, and govern as a party of one nation. His emphasis on a ‘Big Society’ and the introduction of the NCS was a way of acknowledging the importance of our shared membership of society. When it gained power in 2010, it was faced with an economic crisis, the main aspects of which was a huge and growing budget deficit. The national debt was huge as a result of previous governments overspending, (in March 2010 it stood at £1.13trillion, in March 2015 it stood at approximately £1.6trillion). Its economic policy was dominated by the aim of eliminating budget deficits (i.e. having a balanced budget) and reducing the national debt through a range of austerity policies designed to reduce state spending. The belief was that only a balanced budget can promote economic growth. However, their policies were not just designed to reduce the national debt, but also reflected ideology. This government were committed to pursuing the Thatcherite agenda of ‘rolling back the frontiers of the state’. However, the need to keep the party’s Liberal Democrat coalition partners engaged made it difficult for the Conservatives to deliver on the very few explicit promises that they had made in the run-up to the 2010 general election.

Answer 54

Some dubbed Cameron’s Conservatives as the ‘new Tories’ or, as Cameron himself put it on at least one occasion, ‘liberal Conservatives’. Back in 2008, Richard Kelly offered three possible early judgements on Cameron’s conservatism: (a) that it represented a ‘flagrant capitulation to New Labour’, (b) that it should be seen as a ‘subtle continuation of Thatcherism’ and (c) that it amounted to little more than ‘shameless opportunism’. While there were elements of truth in all three of these judgments, it was the last that defined him. His promise of an in/out referendum on the EU ahead of the 2015 general election was certainly seen as evidence of such opportunism, with the party internally divided on the issue and facing a challenge from UKIP in its electoral heartlands.

Answer 55

2015 CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENT: While the Conservatives in coalition (2010-15) could be forgiven for not delivering on some of their policy pledges, it was perhaps more surprising that they did not attempt to make more substantive changes after being returned to office as a single-party government in 2015. However, the decision to hold the EU referendum so early in the parliament meant that cabinet colleagues found it hard to work together towards policy goals in the conventional way. The result of the referendum, leading to Cameron’s resignation as PM and replacement by Theresa May, also limited the effective working of the government. With the triggering of the early election in 2017, the opportunities for the Conservative government to achieve many of its policies was severely limited.

Answer 56

2017 CONSERVATIVE GOVERNMENT: Although May set out a number of significant proposals beyond the issue of Brexit in the 2017 manifesto, it was always likely that the issue of Brexit would dominate the government’s agenda for the full parliamentary term, regardless of the result. However, by losing the majority and being forced to operate as a minority government, with the support of the DUP, May was forced to drop many of her more controversial policies, particularly those that were believed to have cost their party outright victory in the election.

Answer 57

The 2019 conservative government under Boris Johnson aimed to 'get brexit done' by negotiating a brexit deal which would enable a smooth transition from the EU. Policies of the government were heavily related to COVID 19 due to the coronavirus pandemic e.g coronavirus act. - government wanted to restrict the power of the supreme court to challenge the government decisions - restrict free movement through tough stance on immigration - restrict the right to peacefully protest and demonstrate - policing bill - fix adult social care - ageing population - build build build - housing and levelling up.

Answer 58

The Economy: Under May, the goal of a balanced budget was seen as unattainable and inhibiting economic growth. However, party policy remains pragmatic and cautious about economic policy and believed that public expenditure must be kept under careful control. The party retains a neo-liberal position in its attitude to markets. Government policy should always promote free markets and free trade. To this end, it is determined to curb the power of trade unions to keep labour markets free. Its attitude to taxation is partly neo-liberal and partly social democratic. On one hand, believing that personal and company taxation should never be excessively high as this will inhibit enterprise and wealth creation – a neo-liberal view, reflected in reductions in corporation tax. On the other hand, the party has accepted that taxation on lower incomes is too high – an aim of social democracy. It therefore seeks to take many more people out of taxation altogether. The burden of tax has been shifted towards middle income groups.

Answer 59

Law and order: The party retains the view that prison and stern punishments are the best deterrent against crime. It believes that sentencing policy should be in the hands of elected government and not unelected judges. The party is opposed to ‘liberal’ ideas about crime and punishment and opposes such proposals as the legislation of drugs and the excessive use of ‘community’ sentences where offenders do not go to prison but make amends in their community. They stress the need for security and see it as the first duty of government to protect its citizens. In the fight against terrorism, therefore, they accept that civil liberties (privacy, freedom of movement and expression) may have to be sacrificed in the interests of security

Answer 60

Welfare: Modern Conservative policy concentrates on the need to ensure that welfare benefits are no longer a disincentive to work. The government introduced a stricter system of means testing to prevent making unemployment a preferable option. Two other policies seek to restore the balance between work and benefits. One is the introduction of a ‘living wage’ (or minimum wage) as a greater reward for work at lower levels of pay. The second is an overall cap on total welfare benefits, so that unemployment is less attractive. Party policy is committed to maintaining the welfare state and safeguarding the NHS and the education system. However, the party believes that these two services should be subject to competition and market forces and that private sector enterprises should become involved in the provision of services. This, it believes can increase efficiency so that services can improve without increasing expenditure on them.

Answer 61

Foreign Policy: They support NATO and the close alliance with the US, but recognise that the UK’s best national interests lie in retaining an independent foreign policy. If it is in the UK’s interest, they believe that the country should intervene in foreign conflicts. It is committed to retaining the UK’s independent nuclear deterrent in the form of Trident submarine-based weapons. After considerable internal conflict, the party has decided to retain the UK’s generous contributions to international aid.

Answer 62

Social Justice: Just as Disraeli came to believe 150 years ago, the party has come once more to understand that too much inequality breeds social conflict. It has, therefore, sought to reduce excessive inequality by introducing the idea of a living wage and by reducing income tax for those on a low income, but it has resisted imposing higher rates of tax on the wealthy.

Answer 63

The Environment: Perhaps surprisingly, the CP has led the way towards more effective emissions control. It is committed to promoting renewable energy sources, though it prefers nuclear to wind.

Answer 64

The Constitution: The CP lives up to its name when it comes to constitutional change. Conservatives are reluctant to reform the constitution and have effectively blocked reform of both the HoLs and the electoral system. The party is also strongly unionist in that it opposes policies that might promote independence movements in the nation’s regions.

Answer 65

The CP is possibly more internally divided than any other major parties. It has a number of factions or groupings which hold significantly different ideas than the main body of the party. This is partly because the party has been the product of two different conservative traditions and partly because conservativism has always been a broad organisation welcoming people with a wide variety of opinions. The ideologies of the party are not especially strong, so it can accommodate many views on the centre and right of UK politics

Answer 66

- cornerstone - conservative way forward - european research group - tory reform group

Answer 67

CORNERSTONE: This is a formal group whose motto is ‘Faith, Flag and Family’. The motto gives a strong clue to its members’ beliefs. The faction wishes to restore very traditional values to the conservative movement. It supports the idea of the UK being a Christian country, it is intensely nationalist in its outlook and it wishes to retain ‘family values’ - this implies a reactionary attitude to social reforms such as gay marriage and legal abortion. Leading members include Jacob Rees-Mogg and Edward Leigh.

Answer 68

CONSERVATIVE WAY FORWARD: Despite its name, CWF looks back to the era of Thatcher and is largely a neo-liberal movement. Members believe the legacy of Thatcher has been diluted. They support the retention of free markets and support free enterprise through low taxation and deregulation of industry. Like other neo-liberals the group is strongly opposed to trade union power and to excessive welfare provision. Leading members include Liam Fox and Gerald Howarth.

Answer 69

EUROPEAN RESEARCH GROUP: Not strictly speaking a faction but an extremely influential brexit research group made up of conservative eurosceptics formed in 1992. The groups focus was the single issue of the UK's withdrawal from the EU. In the period leading up to the EU referendum, ten members from the ERG acted in the official capacity for VOTE LEAVE including: Jacob-Rees-Morg, Michael Gove, Priti Patel and Iain Duncan Smith. The ERG also had considerable influence shaping May's BREXIT negotiations (on sept 11 2018, they met in Westminster to discuss plans to oust may as PM.)

Answer 70

TORY REFORM GROUP: This is a group which stands at the centre of politics but is often seen as ‘left-leaning’ in the CP. The faction promotes social cohesion and therefore opposes policies that might divide the nation. Members are sometimes described as ‘one-nation Tories’. In particular, they believe that too much economic inequality is divisive and so support policies to reduce inequality in society. They are also concerned to establish and retain equal rights. Former chancellor Kenneth Clark is a key member (also a passionate defender and outspoken supporter of Europe throughout his political career and more recently a Remainer).

Answer 71

• Interference in the economy by the state is almost always counterproductive, causing inflation and a lack of dynamism. The state should therefore ‘disengage’ from economic management. In particular, the state should not run any major industries. • It follows, therefore, that free markets – for goods, finance and labour – are virtually always seen to be more effective in creating wealth than economies with too much external interference. Markets should not be regulated by the state. • Powerful trade unions also interfere excessively with labour markets, driving up wages artificially, reducing corporate profits and so dampening economic activity and investment. • Excessive welfare benefits reduce the dynamism of the economy. They encourage people to remain unemployed and are a disincentive to work. This is called ‘dependency culture’. • High taxation is a disincentive to economic activity. Taxes should therefore be kept low as an incentive to hard work and wealth creation by businesses because individuals and firms will keep more of their income as a reward for enterprise.

Answer 72

In practical terms, neo-liberals propose reducing direct taxes, privatizing industries that have been taken over by the state, such as transport and energy, reducing welfare benefits so that they are only a ‘safety net’ for those who have no means of supporting themselves and curbing the powers of trade unions. They propose allowing the economy to find its own natural level, eve during recessions, rather than the state actively trying to control economic activity.

Answer 73

• In 2012, the chancellor of the exchequer, George Osborne cut the top rate of taxation from 50p to 45p. In the 2017 general election, the Conservatives also pledged not to increase VAT and by 2020 they aim to have cut corporation tax to 17%, making the UK one of the most competitive countries in the world to do business. • In the 2017 general election, the Conservatives further demonstrated their commitment to reducing the burden of taxation by pledging to increase the threshold at which the top rate of taxation is paid to £50,000 by 2020, as well as increasing the personal tax allowance to £12,500. • Since 2010 Conservative chancellors of the exchequer have pursued ‘austerity’ measures as a way of reducing the deficit, which had reached £100 billion when Cameron took office – demonstrating the party’s continued commitment to Thatcherite principles of ‘good housekeeping’.

Answer 74

NEO-CONSERVATISM: • A loose attitude to morality and lifestyles can lead to a breakdown in social order. The movement is, therefore, socially conservative, believing in the retention and restoration of traditional values. • Law and order are crucial to maintaining security and promoting individualism. The state should therefore be authoritarian in nature. • Nationalism: patriotism and support for the united nation are viewed as an important means by which social order can be maintained. • Suspicious of multinational associations such as the EU. Believing that foreign policy should represent the pursuit of the nation’s own interests above all else.

Answer 75

• It promotes traditional ‘national’ values and sees order as a key value to be maintained by the state. • Seeks to impose a single national culture on society and does not tolerate different lifestyles.

Answer 76

• In its 2017 manifesto the Conservatives committed to cutting immigration to under 100,000 a year, demonstrating a neo-conservative emphasis on the importance of maintaining the nation state as a shared community. • Theresa May committed her government to a strong national security policy. The Trident nuclear deterrent remains the cornerstone of Conservative defence policy. • The way in which the Investigatory Powers Act 2016 expands the intelligence community’s electronic surveillance powers demonstrated May’s government’s commitment to strong defence, even though the Act has been labelled the ‘snooper’s charter’ by civil liberties groups. • The CP values constitutional traditions and so opposes further reform of the HoL as unnecessary. The Conservative emphasis on the central importance of the nation state has meant that Euroscepticism has become increasingly influential within the party. During the 2016 referendum, 138 Conservative MPs signaled that they would vote to leave the EU compared to only 10 Labour MPs.

Answer 77

Until the (20th the working classes (many of whom did not win the right to vote until 1884 and many more did not benefit from this right until the extension of the franchise to all men over 21 in 1918) were largely represented by a collection of MPs and peers, from both the Liberal and Conservative parties. When trade unions became legalised towards the end of the (19th, however, the working class at last had organisations which could represent their interests. It was therefore logical that the unions should begin to put up candidates for election to the UK Parliament. But the unions were not a political party and did not seek power. A new party was needed. In fact, two parties of the left emerged. The main Labour Party (LP) was created in 1900 and was very much an offshoot of the trade union movement.

Answer 78

The main Labour Party (LP) was created in 1900 and was very much an offshoot of the trade union movement. It was funded by the unions and many of its members were union leaders and members. Before that, in 1893, a socialist party had already been founded, known as the Independent Labour Party (ILP). The ILP was a genuinely socialist party, committed to the overthrow of capitalism and its replacement by a workers’ state, albeit by peaceful, democratic means. The LP, by contrast, was a more moderate socialist party which did not propose a workers’ state but simply wished to improve the conditions of the working class and to control the excesses of capitalism. The state, as envisaged by Labour, would seek to reconcile the conflicting interests of the working class with those of their employers. The distinction was essentially that ILP was purely socialist while Labour was a more moderate form of socialist party, generally known for democratic socialism.

Answer 79

In 1906 the ILP formed an agreement with the new LP. They agreed not to put up parliamentary candidates against each other in the same constituencies. However, this agreement was short-lived and the two parties began to go their separate ways.

Answer 80

Socialism: A political ideology advocating greater equality and the redistribution of wealth. Socialists are critical of capitalism. They favour greater government intervention, in both economic and social policy.

Answer 81

Revisionist (or reformist) socialism: looks to improve capitalism (e.g. social democracy)

Answer 82

Revolutionary (or fundamentalist) socialism: aims to abolish capitalism and bring all property into common ownership (e.g. Marxist communism)

Answer 83

Social democracy: A political ideology that accepts the basic premise of capitalism while advocating a more equitable distribution of wealth along the lines favoured by all socialists.

Answer 84

Many of the characteristics of the development of the LP can still be seen today. The party continues to be financed largely by trade unions, and union leaders play a major role in the party organisation. Although the ILP no longer exists, its traditions can still be found among a persistent group of left-wingers who form a faction within the party. (Many of this faction were responsible for the election of Jeremy Corbyn, a prominent Left-winger, as party leader in 2015. Some of them still promote the ideas that formed the basis of the ideology of the old ILP).

Answer 85

Labour since the Second World War: The LP grew steadily both inside and outside parliament and by the end of the First World War it was in a position to challenge the ailing Liberal party. Between the wars (1918-1939), there were two minority Labour administrations whose existence proved that Labour was capable of being a recognised party of government. But it was not until 1945 that the party won a landslide victory under the leadership of Clement Attlee and was able to govern on its own. Labour took office between 1945 and 1951 - a period marked by the creation of the welfare state and the National Health Service, and a major programme of nationalising strategic industries. The country recovered well after a devastating war, and by the time Labour left office it had attained full employment, achieved a balance of international payments and created a welfare state. From then on, Labour became the UK’s second major party and regularly competed with the CP for power.

Answer 86

However, in the 1980s the party suffered two huge defeats at the hands of Margaret Thatcher’s CP. This ultimately resulted in a split in the party. Some left to form a new party: the Social Democratic Party (SDP): some, led by Michael Foot and Tony Benn, wished to return to ‘Old Labour’ values and even more to the left: others, led by Neil Kinnock and John Smith, however, saw the future of the party lying in more moderate policies, towards the centre of politics. This branch of the party became known as ‘New Labour’. After John Smith’s sudden death in 1992, Tony Blair became leader, closely supported by Gordon Brown, Robin Cook and Peter Mandelson. Blair led the party to three election victories in 1997, 2001 and 2005.

Answer 87

Labour can essentially be divided into two traditions: 1. The first, the ‘Old Labour’ period, runs from the early days until the 1990s. 2. The second, the ‘New Labour’ period, runs from the early 1990s until the present, when the party is splitting once again. The best way to understand the two traditions is to look at their general values, then its actual polices.

Answer 88

Although the LP was formed to represent the working classes, changes in the class and occupational structure of the nation since the 1960s, together with the general election defeats of 1979, 1983 and 1987, saw the party looking to broaden its appeal beyond its core support and move towards centre politics. The process of outreach started by leaders such as Neil Kinnock (1983-92) and John Smith (1992-94), is most closely associated with the leadership of Tony Blair (1994-2007). So great was Blair’s transformative impact on the LP that it became known, as New Labour. Blair was strongly influenced by the principles of ‘third way’ which was created by the economic and political philosopher and sociologist, Anthony Giddens. This was a new political philosophy and ideological position which proposed policies which lay somewhere between leftist socialism and rightist neo-liberalism.

Answer 89

According to Giddens, the ‘third way’ represented a compromise between socialism and capitalism and hence is often referred to as the ‘middle way’. He believed that Labour governments ought not to commit themselves to ideological principles such as nationalisation, redistributive taxation and class conflict. Gone too was the socialist commitment to collectivism and equality. Instead, Labour should focus on the establishment of a ‘stakeholder society’ based on the principles of inclusion and communitarianism rather than trying to create a more equal society. They should enact policies which would encourage wealth creation rather than wealth redistribution, as well as loosening its ties with the trade union movement in a bid to become a less-class based party. In short, Labour should work for the achievement of social justice within a prosperous capitalist economy.

Answer 90

A key moment in the development of NL was when in 1995, Clause IV of the LP Constitution (1918) was modified and controversially reworded so that the party abandoned its commitment to nationalisation and accepted the economic benefits of a free-market economy. Some critics accused Blair and other Labour modernisers of abandoning the socialist principles upon which the party had been founded. According to Blair: ‘Socialism for me was never about nationalization or the power of the state…. It is a moral purpose to life, a set of values, a belief ion society, in cooperation, in achieving together what we cannot achieve alone.’ Original 1918 text: … to secure for the workers by hand or by brain the full fruits of their industry and the most equitable distribution thereof that may be possible upon the basis of the common ownership of the means of production…. Reworded 1995 text: (We) work for a dynamic economy, serving the public interest, in which the enterprise of the market and the rigour of competition are joined with the forces of partnership and cooperation to produce the wealth the nation needs and the opportunity for all to work and prosper, with a thriving private sector and high-quality public services.

Answer 91

LABOUR UNDER GORDON BROWN (2007-10): Gordon Brown’s accession as Labour leader in June 2007 was greeted with optimism by those on the left who felt that his commitment to the concept of social justice was greater than that of his predecessor Blair. As chancellor, Brown had favoured deregulation and a light touch approach to economic management. In response to the global economic crisis, he was forced to nationalise a number of high-street banks, while over-seeing an apparent return to the ‘tax and spend’ approach of OL. Although these policies were primarily a reaction to the desperate economic situation, some political commentators believed that this represented the end of NL. NLs hard fought reputation for economic competence was ultimately surrendered, along with the political capital that Brown had accrued during his decade at the Treasury.

Answer 92

LABOUR UNDER ED MILIBAND: (2010-15) When Brown was defeated in the 2010 general election, his successor Ed Miliband seemed to further distance the party from its Blairite past by particularly drawing a distinction between ‘predatory’ finance capitalism and the ‘producers’ in industry. However, precisely what ‘Next Labour’ might mean dogged the party’s efforts to regroup under Miliband’s leadership. Dubbed ‘Red Ed’ by the media, due in large part to the fact that his narrow victory over his brother in the election to become Labour leader had relied so heavily on the backing of the trade unions, Miliband struggled to establish a coalition of voters large enough to carry the party back into office in 2010. The result at the election, a sweeping defeat for the party, led to a period of introspection not entirely dissimilar to that which came in the wake of Labour’s defeat to the Conservatives in 1983. For those on the right of the party, the reversal had resulted from Miliband abandoning the formula that had served the party so well under Blair. For those on the left, Miliband’s defeat was evidence of the essential bankruptcy at the heart of the NL model; a sign that the party should return to its base and embrace socialism once more.

Answer 93

LABOUR UNDER JEREMY CORBYN: (2015-) It was the election of Jeremey Corbyn as Labour leader in September 2015 that signalled the most striking shift in the direction of the LP. A committed socialist from the left of the party and a serial backbench rebel of epic proportions during the NL era, Corbyn had only made it on to the ballot paper because a number of fellow MPs felt that the existing field lacked the necessary ideological breadth. Although Corbyn’s victory in the membership ballot that followed was made easier by changes to rules (introduced by Miliband) which allowed registered supporters of the party, as well as members to vote (a one-member-one vote system), the scale of Corbyn’s landslide victory (with 59.5% of first preferences) was impressive nonetheless. However, Corbyn’s ideological position and track record as a rebellious backbencher made it difficult for him to either demand or command the support or loyalty of his fellow Labour MPs. His re-election as leader in September 2016, in the wake of a vote of no confidence among the Parliamentary LP (PLP) and a botched leadership challenge, offered the prospect of a more polarized political landscape in the run-up to the 2010 general election. The challenge for a leader so long on the backbenches in opposition mode, in relation to both the Conservatives and some of those within his party, was to articulate a positive vision capable of garnering support among the wider electorate. His vision, as stated on his website appeared to look back towards the kinds of policies the party had pursued pre-NL, in the 1970s and early 80s – a shift towards a more left-wing ‘socialist’ position: • Full employment • A secure homes guarantee • Security at work • Secure our NHS and social care • A national education service open to all • Action to secure our environment • Put the public back into our economy and services • Cut income and wealth inequality • Action to secure an equal society • Peace and justice at the heart of foreign policy

Answer 94

Soon after his election, a new grassroots group within Labour known as ‘Momentum’, was formed to support and sustain Corbyn’s leadership and spread democratic socialist principles within the party. Momentum’s principles of socialist equality and collective solidarity draw their inspiration from Marx’s optimistic vision of what human beings can achieve by working together, and their influence within the party can be seen in the slogan of the 2017 Labour election campaign: ‘For the Many, Not the Few’. As a result of its shift to the left, the current LP is committed to a dramatically increased role for the government in advancing a fairer and more equal society, as well as a close relationship with the trade union movement so that the interests of the working classes are as fully represented as possible in government. They campaign for policies such as: • Large shifts in the distribution of wealth and income through tax reforms • The public ownership of many major industries • Firm state regulation of finance industry • Large increases in the creation of subsidized public-sector housing and control of private rents • A significant increase in the living (minimum) wage • Abandonment of the UK’s independent nuclear deterrent The 2017 LP manifesto was the most socialist since 1983 and although most political commentators expected this campaign to result in a crushing defeat like that in 1983, there was a 9.6% swing to Labour – suggesting that there is now considerable support for left-wing socialism among the electorate. Corbyn’s commitment to realigning the LP with its ideological roots continued in 2018. Most visibly when this was highlighted at the LP conference of 2018 at which the shadow chancellor John McDonnell reminded attendees: ‘One hundred years ago in 1918 the Labour Party adopted Clause 1V as part of our party’s constitution. Let me remind you what it said: ‘to secure for the workers, by hand or by bran, the full fruits of their industry’. I say the Clause IV principles are as relevant today as they were back then. Fair, democratic, collective solutions to the challenges of the modern economy.’ Momentum’s membership continued to grow to 40,000 members by 2018 – this is more than the Green Party and UKIP. It has launched a campaign to overtake the membership of the CP by the next general election! This growth led its founder, Jon Lansman, to comment that ‘Momentum is the new mainstream’. Its growth is important because of the pressure that it can exert on the national party. This is reflected in its controversial practice of attempting to deselect sitting MPs and replace

Answer 95

Labour factions: A united party? Corbyn has many opponents within the PLP. In 2016, following the EU referendum in which he had appeared an unenthusiastic Remainer. 172 Labour MPs supported a no confidence motion against him and only 40 Labour MPs supported his leadership. Within Labour, there are still significant Blairite groups, (such as Progress) and prominent centrist Labour MPs such as Stephen Kinnock and Hilary Benn have distanced themselves from Corbyn’s leadership. His personal success in the 2017 general election, in which Labour’s share of the vote increased from 30.4% in 2015 to 40% has, however, provided him with a powerful mandate to continue the left-wing transformation of the party, in particular because he has such massive support among the party membership. However, in February 2019, the divisions within Labour were made even more starkly apparent when eight Labour MPs left the party and established their own Independent grouping.

Answer 96

KEY POINTS FROM THE 2017 LABOUR PARTY MANIFESTO 1. The top rate of taxation would be set at 50p for incomes above £123,000 since the very wealthiest in society should be expected to contribute more towards society. Those earning £80,000 would be expected to pay the 45% rate of taxation and corporation tax would be increased to 26% by 2020. Responding to criticisms of these proposals, Corbyn stated, ‘There is a social crisis looming in Britain that cannot be resolved by continuing tax giveaways to the wealthiest in our society.’ 2. A Labour government would introduce an extensive programme of renationalisation. The railways and water companies would be taken back into public ownership and the privatization of Royal Mail reversed. This is because, as essential services, they should be run by the state in the public interest by the government rather than for profit. 3. Jeremy Corbyn stated that Labour will, never, ever apologise for the closeness of our relationship with the trade union movement’: instead ‘you are our family’. Labour is committed to repealing the Trade Union Act 2016, which requires 50% of the workforce to vote in a ballot if strike action is to be legal. 4. Zero-hour contracts should be ended so that all workers will have a guaranteed number of hours that they work each week. The rights of workers would also be advanced by a £10 per hour minimum wage by 2020. 5. The maintenance grant, which the Wilson government brought in, should be reintroduced and tuition and top-up fees will be abolished in order to encourage young people, especially form poorer backgrounds, to attend university. 6. Labour would also provide free school meals for all primary school children, which would be paid for by the removal of the VAT exemption on private school fees – a policy which would further encourage a more equal society by discouraging parents from educating their children in the private sector. The introduction of a National Education Service would also provide the government with a greater role in coordinating a more uniform approach to education. 7. A National Investment Bank would be established to provide a fund of £250 billion to invest in the UK’s infrastructure. This commitment to giving the government a major role in stimulating economic activity demonstrates a significant return to Keynesian principles of government intervention.

Answer 97

CENTRE LEFT TENDENCY: Economic management - A pragmatic view including targets to reduce public-sector debt Social justice - Some adjustments to taxation to promote mild redistribution of income from high to low-income groups Industry - Industry to remain in private hands and be regulated by the state Welfare - Supports a strong welfare state and well-funded health service and education However, welfare benefits to be capped to ensure work pays and prevent abuse of the system Law and order - A mixture of authoritarian measures and ‘social’ remedies to crime Foreign policy - Retention of a UK independent nuclear deterrent Strong support for NATO and the alliance with the US Environment - Strong support for environmental protection and emissions control Constitutional reform - Some reforms are supported, including an elected second chamber and a proportional electoral system

Answer 98

LEFT-TENDENCY Economic management - Expansionist: high public expenditure should be used to promote investment, improve public services and create jobs Social Justice - Radical tax reforms to promote significant redistributive of income from rich to poor Industry - Large infrastructure industries to be brought into public ownership (nationalised) Strong regulation of private-sector industries and finance Welfare - Strong support for the NHS and state education Abolition of university fees More generous welfare benefits to help redistribute real income Law and order - Emphasis on social remedies to crime Foreign policy - Largely ‘isolationist’, favouring non-intervention in world conflicts Abolition of the independent nuclear deterrent Environment - The same as the centre-left Constitutional reform - More radical reforms, possibly including abolition of the second chamber altogether and more independence for local government

Answer 99

OLD LABOUR VALUES: - The key value is equality. OL support the redistribution of income to reduce the worst inequalities and promote social justice. - OL supporters tend to see society in terms of class conflict. - Trade unionism is a key value, in an attempt to restore the balance of power between employers and workers. - Recognising that total equality was not feasible, they championed equality of opportunity. - Collectivism is a general idea shared by socialists of all kinds. It is the concept that many of our goals are best achieved collectively rather than individually. It includes practical applications as the welfare state, trade unionism and the cooperative movement. - Support public ownership of major strategic industries, run by the state on behalf of the people. - A belief that the central state could play a key role in controlling economic activity and in securing social goals. This may be described as statism. By placing such responsibilities in the hands of the central state it ensured equality of treatment for all. - Welfarism is important. This is the idea, associated with collectivism, that every member of society should be protected by a welfare system to which all should contribute.

Answer 100

OLD LABOUR POLICIES AND ACTIONS: • Discrimination against women and ethnic minorities was outlawed in the 1960s and 70s. equal pay for women was introduced. • Taxes on those with higher incomes were raised in order to pay for welfare and to redistribute income to the poor. • Comprehensive education was introduced in the 1960s to improve equality of opportunity. • Trade unions were granted wide powers to take industrial action in the interests of their members. • Major industries were brought into public ownership (nationalization) and state control in the interests of the community and the workers in those industries. Among the industries were coal, steel, shipbuilding, rail and energy. • The welfare state, including the NHS was created in the 1940s.

Answer 101

NEW LABOUR VALUES: - NL thinkers rejected the socialist idea of class conflict, arguing that all members of society have an equal right to be supported by the state. • They accept that capitalism was the best way of creating wealth, so it should remain largely free of state control. However, it is recognised that capitalism can operate against the interests of consumers, so it should be regulated, though not controlled. The state should be an enabling state. Allowing the economy to create wealth and giving it the support were needed, but the state should not, on the whole, engage in production itself. • NL de-emphasised collectivism, recognising that people prefer to achieve their goals individually. Individualism was seen as a fundamental aspect of human nature. • Equality of opportunity was stressed. Education and welfare would create opportunities for people to better themselves. • Communitarianism is the concept that, although people are individuals with individual goals, we are also part of an organic community and have obligations and duties in return for our individual life chances. This is a weaker form of collectivism. • The party recognized that the UK was deeply undemocratic and that rights were inadequately protected. It therefore was committed to political and constitutional reform.

Answer 102

NEW LABOUR POLICIES AND ACTIONS: • Reductions in corporate taxation to encourage enterprise. Thatcher’s chancellor of the exchequer, Nigel Lawson, had lowered the top rate of taxation to 40% in 1988 – Blair kept it at 40% on the basis that the wealthiest in society are wealth creators and that the economy would grow faster if their taxes were kept low. • Through the tax and welfare system, various policies were introduced to reduce poverty, especially child and pensioner poverty, e.g. the minimum wage was established. Encouraging employment by introducing ‘welfare to work’ systems. • Significant increase in spending on public services, e.g. huge increases in expenditure on the NHS and large investment in education, especially in early years. • State schools were given greater independence from local authorities and tuition fees were introduced: students would have to contribute towards their HE. • An extensive programme of constitutional reform was introduced to transform the location of power in the UK: the European Convention on Human Rights was incorporated into the Human Right Act of 1998, an independent Supreme Court was established, referendums paved the way for devolved assemblies in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, electoral reform in devolved administrations, in 1999 most of the hereditary peers were removed from the HoL and freedom of information. • Tough new laws such as anti-social behavior orders (ASBOs) were introduced to combat crime.

Answer 103

OLD LABOUR: • It is dogmatic • It is predominately the party of the WC • It is interventionist • It favours public sector provision • It advocates social justice • It supports universal welfare NEW LABOUR: • It takes a pragmatic approach • It markets itself as a catch-all party, not tied to the WC • It favours a market economy • It advocates social inclusion • It supports targeted welfare

Answer 104

ORIGINS OF CLASSICAL LIBERALISM: Although the Liberal Democrat party (LD) was established in 1988 and is the newest political party in the UK, its origins go far back into British history. It has formerly existed since 1877. It emerged as a coalition between the Whigs and radicals who supported reform of Parliament and limits on royal authority, and supporters of the former Conservative PM Robert Peel, who had split the CP by repealing the protectionist Corn Laws and came together on the issue of free trade in 1877. Its first leaders were Lord Palmerstone and William Gladstone. Under the leadership of Gladstone (1809-98), the LP became a dominant force in British politics, advocating not only free trade but lower taxes, balanced budgets, parliamentary and administrative reform and a more moral approach to foreign policy. Gladstone had four periods of office as Liberal PM (1868-74, 1880-85, 1886 and 1892-94) and provided the party with a sense of moral purpose. He asserted, ‘Liberalism is trust of the people tempered by prudence. Conservatism is distrust of the people tempered by fear.’

Answer 105

1900 TO TODAY: MODERN LIBERALISM: At the beginning of the (20th, Liberals were influenced by the work of T.H. Green, John Hobson and William Beveridge, who argued that government must provide adequate welfare provision for the most vulnerable in society. According to this ‘New Liberalism’, individual freedom and self-fulfilment required at least a basic standard of living, and during the governments of H.H Asquith (1908-16), old-age pensions, sickness and unemployment insurance were introduced, partly paid for by higher taxes on the more wealthy. The party was as important as the Conservatives until the 1920s, when it began to decline, eclipsed by the rise of the Labour Party from 1900 which provided a powerful alternative to the Liberals among the working class. Following the resignation of David Lloyd George as PM in 1922, the Liberals declined as Labour and the Conservatives shared power between them for the remainder of the (20th. However, in the early 1980s the Liberals entered an electoral pact with former Labour MPs who had established the Social Democratic Party. Campaigning together as the Alliance, they fought the 1983 and 1987 general elections and merged to form the Liberal Democrats (LDs) in 1988. As a united party, the LDs enjoyed growing success under Paddy Ashdown and, as a result of Charles Kennedy’s principled opposition to the Iraq War, won 62 seats on 22% of the vote in the 2005 general election. However, differing views over the direction of the party developed following the 2005 election.

Answer 106

. However, differing views over the direction of the party developed following the 2005 election. There were various options available to the LDs: • To move more to the right and further embrace market principles, individual choice and responsibility – an approach which might help them fend off any Conservative recovery, particularly seats where they were vulnerable to a Conservative challenge. • To move to the left, promoting their radical credentials. This would position them to the left of NL on socio-economic policy and maintain its distinctiveness on matters such as civil liberties and the environment. This might help it fend off the Labour challenge in seats they had won from Labour, but might alarm potential Conservative voters. • To be pragmatic and adopt a ‘middle way’ approach – neither left nor right – which might find favour with disaffected Labour and Conservative supporters and leave the leadership free to adjust policy and seize opportunities as they arise. Such a policy would require the party to retain its distinctiveness on issues that are traditionally associated with it. Under the leadership of Menzies Campbell (2006-07) it adopted this strategy. From 2007, under the leadership of Nick Clegg, the LDs developed a programme for government that included more orthodox LD policies on issues such as constitutional reform and the protection of civil liberties, alongside other pledges that appeared to challenge the very tenets upon which the party had been founded; not least by offering the prospect of significant tax cuts. This repositioning on tax marked the triumph of the ‘Orange Book’ liberals (named after a book published under that title in 2004, which argued that the LDs should reconnect with their (19th commitment to free trade and free markets) over the social liberals, while also marking the possibility of a coalition with the Conservatives in 2010 more conceivable.

Answer 107

ORANGE BOOK LIBERALS: - Draws on ‘classical liberalism’ which emerged in the (19th influenced by the neo-liberalism of Milton Friedman. - This favours minimal state intervention and supports freedom, tolerance and equality. - They endorse Thatcherite economics (which itself adopted aspects of a classical liberal agenda – resulting in the New Right being referred to as neo-liberals). key individuals: NICK CLEGG, ED DAVEY AND DAVID LAWS

Answer 108

SOCIAL LIBERALS: - Draws on the ‘new’ or progressive liberalism of Keynes and Beveridge - a more compassionate form of liberalism. - Rejects Thatcherite economics; sees the need for some regulation of the market and welfare provision. - Emphasises reform, individual rights and a mixed economy. - Provided the ideological foundation for all liberal centre parties of the second half of the (20th and the LDs. key individuals: TIM FARRON, SIMON HUGHES

Answer 109

Although their number of MPs dipped to 57 in the 2010 general election, their support proved necessary if David Cameron was going to be able to form a government – and so, under Clegg, they re-entered government after years in the political wilderness. The coalition agreement which Cameron and Clegg negotiated, gave the LDs five seats in the Cabinet, including Clegg’s position as deputy PM. This was the most influence the party had enjoyed in government since David Lloyd George resigned as PM in 1922. However, his readiness to enter into coalition government with the Conservatives frustrated many of the social democrat/social liberal wing of the party, who viewed the Conservatives as a much bigger threat than Labour. However, what might have proved to be a resounding breakthrough turned into a disaster. The electorate decided to punish the LDs for broken promises (mainly over a commitment not to raise university tuition fees, a commitment they dropped straight away) as well as for the poor performance of the UK economy. As a result, the party only won eight seats at the 2015 election. Clegg lost his seat and resigned as leader

Answer 110

As a result, the party only won eight seats at the 2015 election. Clegg lost his seat and resigned as leader and was replaced with Tim Farron, but it was now clear that the LDs were once again a minor party as they had been for 60 years between the 1930s and 1990s. Farron resigned as leader after the 2017 general election, due to his Christian faith and the clash with the party stance on homosexuality. While the 2017 general election brought only a modest revival, the LDs gained ground in the European elections in May 2019 under the leadership of Vince Cable of May 2019 – gaining both Labour and Conservative Remain voters who were dissatisfied with their respective parties’ stance on Brexit. Under the leadership of Cable, the LDs emphasis on social justice remains strong, although it continues to maintain a principled liberal support for limited government, constitutional reform, the European Union and a multinational approach to global politics

Answer 111

CORE VALUES OF LIBERALISM: LIBERTY: Liberty is the core value. Complete freedom is not feasible in a modern society, so liberals confine themselves to believing that the state should interfere as little as possible in people’s private lives. Privacy, freedom and individual rights must, they insist, be protected. The stress on liberty was a feature of (19th fundamentalist liberalism, often described as classical liberalism. In the latter part of the (19th and (20th, liberals expanded their ideas outside the protection of liberty and began to accept that a wider role for the state in promoting welfare and social justice. These are known as New or Modern Liberals. SOCIAL JUSTICE: Liberals pursue social justice. This means three things: 1. The removal of unjustifiable inequalities in incomes in society. 2. Equality of opportunity. 3. The removal of all artificial privileges to which people might be born. WELFARE: The liberal view is that people cannot be genuinely free is they are enslaved by poverty, unemployment or sickness, or the deprivation of old age. State welfare, therefore, sets people free. CONSTITUTIONALISM: They believe that the power of government should be firmly controlled. The main way in which this can be achieved is by limiting the power of government via a strong constitution – constitutionalism. SOCIAL REFORM: LDs are social reformers. They strongly support the rights of women, the disabled, ethnic minorities and the LGBT community. They were also strong supporters of gay marriage. HUMAN RIGHTS AND DEMOCRACY: The party has always been concerned with the cause of human rights and democracy, so it has supported constitutional reform. This aspiration is often described as liberal democracy. MULTICULTURALISM: Multiculturalism is a key theme among liberal values. Different cultures and lifestyles should be tolerated and granted special rights. This links to liberals’ pluralist outlook on society. ENVIRONMENT: A modern value concerns the environment. Liberals believe that human life will be enriched by a healthy physical environment and by biodiversity.

Answer 112

THE ECONOMY: LD economic policy is not especially distinctive. However, it does propose the rebalancing of the UK economy so that wealth and economic activity are spread more widely round the country. On the whole, LDs are pragmatic about economic management. For example, government budget planning should not operate in such a way as to favour one section of society over another. Thus, in times of economic recession, the poor in society should be protected and the wealthy should bear the brunt of tighter economic policies. Taxation should always be fair, based on ability to pay and should redistribute real income from rich to poor.

Answer 113

LAW AND ORDER: Two principles characterize LD policy: 1. Wherever possible, the law enforcement system, including prisons, should seek to rehabilitate offenders as much as punishing them LDs believe that most crime has social causes, and these should be attacked. 2. The system of law and order must not become so over-authoritarian that human rights are threatened. There must also be a balance between civil liberties and the need for peace and security. They are fully committed to the UK’s continued membership of the European Convention on Human Rights as a core way to protect our civil liberties. In coalition, Clegg resisted attempts by Cameron to repeal the Act as a challenge to parliamentary sovereignty

Answer 114

THE EUROPEAN UNION As the most pro-European party, the LDs remain committed to the liberal values of international cooperation represented by the UK’s membership of the European Union. They have campaigned for a second referendum on the negotiated terms of the UK’s exit. The party insists that the UK should remain in the European single market and should allow free movement of people and labour.

Answer 115

WELFARE: Education and health are LD priorities. Spending on both should be protected and increased whenever the quality of services is threatened. In contrast to the Conservatives, in the 2017 general election, they opposed the opening of more grammar schools, which they regard as a threat to social cohesion since they give some children opportunities that other lack. Like Labour, in this election, they were also committed to providing free school meals for all primary school children, further demonstrating their commitment to an extensive welfare state. The benefits system should be designed to encourage work and should be fair, favouring those who cannot support themselves. Poorer pensioners and single parents should be equally supported.

Answer 116

FOREIGN POLICY Though LDs support NATO and its aims, they are suspicious of excessive interference by the UK in conflicts abroad. They would abandon the renewal of the Trident nuclear submarine missile system. They strongly support the use of international aid. Wherever possible, international conflicts should be settled through international aid. Wherever possible, international conflicts should be settled through the UN rather than through direct military intervention.

Answer 117

CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM There has always been a strong tradition of parliamentary and constitutional reform within the LDs and so they are committed to a democratic HoL. In particular LDs wish to introduce an elected second chamber to replace the HoL and to see reform of the electoral system for general elections to some form of proportional representation, to ensure the Commons more fairly represents the way in which the UK votes. They also propose the creation of a codified constitution and support further devolution of power to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, as a way of making government more accountable to the public. Some LDs go further in proposing a full federal system for the UK along American lines.

Answer 118

ENVIRONMENTALISM The party supports strict harmful emissions reduction targets, the conversion of the UKs energy industry to clean renewables as soon as possible, and various other measures to improve the environment.

Answer 119

SOCIAL JUSTICE This is a key policy. It mainly consists of proposals to reduce taxation on low-income families and raise taxes on wealthy individuals and businesses. It also implies a welfare system that rewards work and takes children out of poverty. They are prepared to increase taxes in order to improve public services, especially for the vulnerable. In the 2017 general election they were committed to increasing all levels of income tax by 1p and increasing corporation tax and inheritance tax on the wealthier, arguing that ‘too much inequality is bad for us all’.

Answer 120

From the Second World War up until the mid-1990s, the UK political system was dominated by two parties – Labour and the Conservatives: it was a two-party system. There was no prospect of any other party gaining a hold on power and the Liberal Democrats provided an alternative for those disillusioned with existing party dominance. The electoral system of first-past-the-post (FPTP) undermined this dominance. It was difficult for a third party to break through because the electoral system discriminated against parties with dispersed support. In addition to these three parties, a number of minor parties have achieved varying levels of political success. They have achieved influence in Westminster or regional government. For others, it is because they have managed to set an agenda that the main political parties have decided to follow. Some argue that the growing support for smaller minor parties suggest that the UK is morphing into a multiparty system, however most still regard it as conforming broadly to the two-party model

Answer 121

(a) They take up particular causes neglected by the other parties: the Greens in many countries give special emphasis to environmental policies. Similarly, UKIP campaigned to leave the European Union. (b) They air certain grievances not being taken up by traditional parties: as in the case of the Scottish National Party (SNP) and Plaid Cymru, both of which long argued for more attention to be paid to the needs of Scotland and Wales, respectively. The same could be said of Far Right policies such as the British National Party (BNP), which thrives on unease over immigration and race relations. (c) They can act as a haven for protest voters: The Liberals and their successors have often fulfilled this role in British politics. This protest can act as a spur to the traditional parties, saving them from apathy and indifference. (d) At times, they may affect the outcome of elections: In the UK, where the government is dependent on majority support in the legislature, there may be times when a third party can maintain a government in power, e.g. the DUP has maintained the Conservative government since the 2017 general election. (e) They articulate the thinking of a section of the electorate: Even the more distasteful ones serve as an outlet for the views of an extremist minority, e.g. the BNP. Denied such an outlet, their supporters might turn to more violent forms of protest to get their views across.

Answer 122

- The Green Party - The Scottish National Party (SNP) - The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) - Plaid Cymru - The Independent Party - UKIP - The Brexit Party - The British National Party (BNP) - Sinn Fein

Answer 123

There can be no doubt that the improvement in the fortunes of smaller parties has impacted on the main parties. Although there is little prospect of one of the emerging parties winning enough seats to share in government power, they are taking votes away from the large parties. In 2015, the rise of UKIP caused Labour to lose the election as millions of its supporters in the north of England defected. The rise of the SNP eclipsed the main parties in Scotland in 2015. Labour, the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats won only one seat each. But it was on policy that the impact of smaller parties is most felt.

Answer 124

Scottish National Party Scottish independence Centre-left UKIP UK to leave the EU Right Green Party Environmental protection Left Plaid Cymru More self-government for Wales Centre-left Democratic Unionist Party Close links between Northern Ireland and the UK Right Sinn Fein Reunification of Ireland Centre-left

Answer 125

Faced with the prospect of losing votes to small parties, the larger parties have had to modify their proposals in a number of ways: - The rise of the SNP has forced all the main parties to support further devolution to Scotland. To some extent this was a response to the relatively close result in the Scottish referendum in 2014, but the shock of the main parties in losing virtually all of their Scottish seats was the tipping point. - UKIP was a key factor in all the parties offering the prospect of a referendum on UK membership of the EU. The party also forced the Conservative Party to announce extravagant targets for the reduction of immigration. - The slow rise of the Green Party has been a factor in all the main parties’ adoption of more radical policies on environmental protection, notably emissions control.

Answer 126

Originally known as PEOPLE, and then the Ecology Party, it changed its name to the Green Party (GP) in 1985. The Greens are primarily an ecological party, concerned with promoting a sustainable way of life, conservation of the earth’s capital and increasing reliance on resources that can be renewed or recycled. But they have in recent years tried to broaden their appeal by taking up other policy issues, offering a comprehensive manifesto that is broadly left wing in tone.

Answer 127

In 1989, the GP achieved 15% in the European Parliament elections and in 2010 Caroline Lucas won Brighton Pavilion for the Greens and significantly increased her majority in the next two general elections. From 2016-2018 she led the GP. Since September 2018, Sian Berry and Jonathan Bartley have co-led the party. They have won representation in the Scottish and European parliaments in recent years, as well as several seats on local councils. In the 2015 general election over a million people voted Green, giving the party 3.6% of the vote, but just one seat at Westminster (they have two seats in the HoLs and seven in the European Parliament). This reflects the reality that the GP is a victim of FPTP and so has achieved little success at Westminster. However, in the 2017 general election, the Greens tactically helped to increase the Labour vote by not contesting a number of seats where there was a close contest between Labour and the Conservatives. For example, the GP decided not to fight Ealing Central and Acton and put their support behind Labour. The evidence below from the Ealing Central and Acton election results shows how the actions of a minority party can have a defining impact on the outcome of a general election

Answer 128

For example, the GP decided not to fight Ealing Central and Acton and put their support behind Labour. The evidence below from the Ealing Central and Acton election results shows how the actions of a minority party can have a defining impact on the outcome of a general election 2015 - Labour party: 43.2% Conservative - 42.7% Liberal democrat: 6.1% Green: 3.6% 2017 - Labour 59.7% Conservative: 34.7% Liberal democrat: 5.6%

Answer 129

In spite of its modest electoral success, the GP has had a significant influence on British politics as an agenda setter, encouraging the main political parties to adopt more environmentally-friendly policies: - In the 2017 general election, the shadow chancellor, John McDonnell, announced that the government’s response to climate change required ‘a transformation of our institutions and how our economies are run’. - In 2018 Theresa May launched the government’s ‘25 Year Environment Plan’ at the London Wetland Centre, in which she committed the government to drastically reducing plastic consumption. ‘As we leave the European Union, which for decades has controlled some of the most important levers of environmental policy, now is the right time to put the question of how we protect and enhance our natural environment centre stage. … It is a central priority for this government. Our mission is to build a Britain where the next generation can enjoy a better life than the one that went before.’

Answer 130

The Green Party do not view themselves as just another political party. They argue that Green politics is a new and radical kind of politics guided by ten core principles: 1. The Green Party is a party of social and environmental justice, which supports a radical transformation of society for the benefit of all, and for the planet as a whole. We understand that the threats to economic, social and environmental wellbeing are part of the same problem, and recognise that solving one of these crises cannot be achieved without solving the others. 2. Humankind depends on the diversity of the natural world for its existence. We do not believe that other species are expendable. 3. The Earth's physical resources are finite. We threaten our future if we try to live beyond those means, so we must build a sustainable society that guarantees our long-term future. 4. Every person, in this and future generations, should be entitled to basic material security as of right. 5. Our actions should take account of the well-being of other nations, other species, and future generations. We should not pursue our well-being to the detriment of theirs. 6. A healthy society is based on voluntary co-operation between empowered individuals in a democratic society, free from discrimination whether based on race, colour, gender, sexual orientation, religion, social origin or any other prejudice. 7. We emphasise democratic participation and accountability by ensuring that decisions are taken at the closest practical level to those affected by them. 8. We look for non-violent solutions to conflict situations, which take into account the interests of minorities and future generations in order to achieve lasting settlements. 9. The success of a society cannot be measured by narrow economic indicators, but should take account of factors affecting the quality of life for all people: personal freedom, social equity, health, happiness and human fulfilment. 10. Electoral politics is not the only way to achieve change in society, and we will use a variety of methods, including lifestyle changes, to help effect progress, providing those methods do not conflict with our other core principles

Answer 131

GP policy documents evolve out of the spring and autumn conferences as these are viewed as the policy making body. Examples of policies: • Large numbers of new homes should be financed or built by government to solve the housing crisis. • There should be massive new investment in public transport. • University tuition fees for students should be abolished. • The party propose an extensive programme of constitutional reform to make the UK more genuinely democratic. • It proposes a wealth tax on the top 1% of the income ladder, a living wage of £10 per hour and a special tax on large banks making excessive profits. • The party is opposed to the maintenance of Trident

Answer 132

UKIP is a party of the right. The influence of UKIP on UK politics has been highly significant. Founded in 1993, it had little impact until the 2004 European Parliament elections, when it achieved 16.1% of the vote. Following the election of Nigel Farage as leader in 2006, it began to broaden its support among the white working class by opposing not only the UK’s membership of the EU but also further immigration. The implications of the expansion of the EU in 2004 and 2007, and the resulting number of East Europeans coming into the UK, contributed to its growing electoral success. Farage’s high-profile media presence and ‘plain speaking’ and ’common sense’ criticism of establishment politicians further added to UKIP’s influence.

Answer 133

In the 2014 European Parliament elections, UKIP beat both Labour and Conservatives with 26.6% of the vote and 24 seats. The influence of UKIP in the Westminster Parliament, however, has always been tiny. In the 2015 general election, although it achieved an impressive 12.6% of the vote, it won only one seat, and in the 2017 general election, under a new leader, Paul Nuttall, it lost that seat as UKIP’s support plummeted to just 1.8%. In the 2018 council elections, under another leader, Gerard Batten, UKIP lost 123 of its 126 seats. It is evident, that once its main objective, to bring the UK out of the European Union had been achieved, the party has suffered serious problems reinventing itself. However, UKIP’s influence on British politics has been significantly greater than these results suggest. This is because David Cameron’s manifesto commitment in the 2015 general election to offer the British public an in/out referendum on the UK’s membership of the EU was a response to the growing Euroscepticism of British politics, which UKIP had done so much to fuel. UKIP’s high levels of support among traditional working class Labour supporters in the 2015 general election also contributed to Labour achieving its worst share of the vote since 1987. For example, Labour lost several seats to the Conservatives because of a strong showing by UKIP.

Answer 134

A much poorer showing by UKIP in 2017, consequently, was significantly to the advantage of Labour. The evidence below from the Derby North election results shows how the changing fortunes of a minority party can have a defining impact on the outcome of a general election: DERBY NORTH 2015% Conservative: 36.7% Labour: 36.6% UKIP: 14.6% 2017: Labour: 48.5% Conservative: 44.4% Liberal democrat: 4.6% UKIP: 2.4%

Answer 135

In addition, Nigel Farage played a defining role in the EU referendum campaign in 2016, placing uncontrolled immigration at the heart of the case for Brexit. This was highly effective in mobilizing votes in traditional working-class parts of the country to vote Leave, in spite of Labour’s support for Remain. In Middlesbrough, for example, which has always had a Labour MP, Leave won 65.5% of the vote. It could even be said that the way in which he increased popular opposition to the UK’s membership of the EU makes Nigel Farage one of the most significant and controversial politicians of recent years, not just UKIP’s most successful leader Even though UKIP has never achieved a breakthrough at Westminster, its impact on British politics has been incalculable. It helped to determine the result of the 2015 general election, secured a commitment from the Conservative Party to hold a referendum on the UK’s membership of the EU and then helped to swing the vote towards Leave (Leave: 52% to Remain: 48%).

Answer 136

PARTY SYSTEMS: A party system describes the features of a political system in relation to the parties that operate within it. The term ‘system’ describes how many parties there are and how many of those parties make a significant impact. The party system can help us understand how a political system works. It can help us to explain change. This has been especially true in relation to the UK in recent times.

Answer 137

- one-party systems - dominant-party systems - two-party systems - third-party systems - multi-party systems

Answer 138

ONE-PARTY SYSTEM: This is where only one party is allowed to operate. This is normally associated with highly authoritarian regimes and we would not consider them to be democratic in the generally accepted sense of the word.

Answer 139

DOMINANT-PARTY SYSTEM dominant party systems refer to democratic systems which do not allow parties to operate freely, but where only one party has a realistic chance of taking governmental power. Such systems are highly stable, though there is a lack of accountability and competition.

Answer 140

TWO-PARTY SYSTEM: These systems are less common than they used to be. As the name suggests, only two parties have a realistic chance of forming a government. It also implies that two parties win the vast majority of the votes at elections and most of the seats in the representative assemblies of the state.

Answer 141

THREE-PARTY SYSTEM These used to be very common but are less so today. It is unusual to find systems where three parties compete on equal terms. Much more normal is a situation where two parties dominate, but not sufficiently to govern alone. The third, smaller party, therefore, is in a pivotal position. One of the larger parties must always make a coalition or some kind of agreement with the smallest party in order to govern. This gives the small party a potentially disproportionate amount of power.

Answer 142

MULTI-PARTY SYSTEMS: These are common in Europe and growing more so. As the name suggests, there are several or many parties competing for votes and power. There is no set number to define a multi-party system, so essentially, more than three parties constitute such a system. Four-party systems are particularly common. Multi-party systems tend to be much less stable than systems with fewer parties.

Answer 143

Barriers to entry for smaller parties: During most of the (20th, British politics was dominated by two main political parties. This can be referred to as a political duopoly and was caused by the way in which the different social classes tended to identify with one or other of the main parties. As a result of class-based voting, the traditional working-class vote lined up behind Labour, with the middle classes and upper classes more likely to vote Conservative. This made it difficult for minority parties to achieve electoral breakthrough. The way in which the HoCs is elected by FPTP means that smaller parties can find it difficult to gain representation. This is because smaller parties lack the depth of support that the larger parties can claim. The Liberals/Liberal Democrats have, for example, enjoyed significant breadth of support across the country, but they lack the electoral strongholds of Labour and the Conservative parties. They have therefore, been historically underrepresented at Westminster The fact that the other parties have been unable to convert their increasing proportion of votes won into significant numbers of seats, is almost wholly due to the electoral system, which discriminates against them. It is therefore accurate to say that the UK remains a two-party system in terms of seats, but is a multi-party system in terms of votes. However, this has led to a self-fulfilling belief that a vote for a minority party is a wasted vote. In addition, minority parties have suffered from a lack of funding, since they have not been able to rely on the close financial links that Labour has had with the trade unions and the Conservatives with big business and wealthy individuals. As a result of Labour and Conservative dominance at Westminster for much of the postwar period, the UK was not a multiparty system. Nevertheless, the Liberal/Liberal Democrat Party has often achieved more success in local elections. Thus, even when the Labour and Conservative parties have dominated Westminster, local government has provided more of a multiparty system.

Answer 144

Two-party dominance at Westminster began to be challenged in the 1980s, when the Social Democrat Party was established by former members of the Labour Party and formed an electoral alliance with the Liberal Party. This created a centrist party (the SDP-Liberal Alliance) with wider potential appeal and, following their merger as the Liberal Democrats in 1988, the party began to increase its influence at Westminster as seen in comparison to 1997 where the liberal democrat gained 18.8% of the vote and won 46 seats whereas in 2005 they gained 22% of the vote and gained 62 seats. However, in 2010 they only gained 23% of the vote and 57 seats.

Answer 145

The decline of the Westminster duopoly was also facilitated by growing partisan dealignment as voters increasingly voted on specific issues rather than according to class. The way in which the Liberal Democrats focused their efforts on certain key geographical areas which they had a good chance of winning, such as the South West, further maximised their influence at Westminster. Furthermore, the consistent opposition of the Liberal Democrat leader Charles Kennedy to the Iraq War (2003) further boosted Liberal Democrat support in the 2005 general election. Then in 2010 a strong campaign by his successor, Nick Clegg, combined with disappointing performances by Davide Cameron and Gordon Brown, provided the opportunity for the Liberal Democrats to form a coalition government with the Conservatives.

Answer 146

In comparison to the Liberal Democrats’ slow progress, the SNP achieved its electoral breakthrough in the 2015 general election following its high-profile campaign in the 2014 Scottish independence referendum: 1992 - gained 21.5% of the vote in scotland gaining 3 seats whereas in 2015 gained 50% of the vote and 56 seats in Holyrood.

Answer 147

The significance of the 2015 and 2017 general elections: The establishment of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition in 2010 and the electoral breakthrough of the SNP in 2015 might suggest that the UK has now entered a two-and-a-half party model at Westminster. However, this would be premature, although in the 2015 general election there was a dramatic increase in votes for the SNP, the Liberal Democrat vote went down by 15.1%, giving the Liberal Democrats just 7.9% of the popular vote – its smallest share of the vote in 45 years. In the 2017 general election its vote slipped even further, while the SNP also lost 21 seats. In comparison, the Labour and Conservative parties secured their highest share of the popular vote since the 1970 general election. The fortunes of UKIP plummeted in the 2017 general election under a new leader, Paul Nuttall, who lacked Nigel Farage’s popular appeal. The Greens also fell back, which suggests that nationally the Conservative and Labour parties may have regained their traditional dominance. A key reason for this is likely to be the increasingly adversary nature of British politics, which means that voters now have a clear choice between Labour and Conservative and so are more likely to commit to one of these parties.

Answer 148

Although it could be strongly argued that the Conservative and Labour parties are still dominant at Westminster, the evidence suggests that the regional assemblies have encouraged the development of a multiparty democracy elsewhere in the UK. The two main ‘English’ parties certainly do not dominate in Wales and Scotland. As can be seen from the table below, power is shared much more equally among the parties in all of the devolved assemblies. No two parties can be sure of being dominant and so, in the constituent parts of the UK, multiparty democracy does exist. Multi-party systems are the norm in the devolved regions where proportional representation systems are used.

Answer 149

- There is two-party system as far as seats won in Westminster are concerned. - In terms of English seats at Westminster, two parties dominate the seats won. - In terms of votes won at Westminster elections, the UK is now a multi-party system. - It is therefore accurate to say that the UK remains a two-party system in terms of seats but is a multi-party system in terms of votes. - That other parties have been unable to convert their increasing proportion of votes won into significant numbers of seats, is due to the electoral system, which discriminates against them. - In local government there is a multi-party system. - The devolved regions have multi-party systems, though the SNP is dominant in Scotland

Answer 150

The Effect of the electoral system: The normal analysis suggests that systems using FPTP return two-party systems. This is borne out in the US and Canada, where two parties dominate completely. In 2010 and 2015 in the UK, however, the two-party dominance broke down. Even so, if we remove Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland from the equation in UK general elections, we can say that England remains dominated by two parties. Conversely, systems that use proportionately representation (PR) tend to produce multi-party systems. This is clearly to be seen in such countries as Sweden, Norway and Italy, although there is no guarantee.

Answer 151

YES: In the devolved assemblies, power is shared by more than 2 parties, so in the regions there is multiparty democracy. Smaller parties have been highly influential in recent elections, e.g. 2010: Lib Dem role in coalition government and 2017: the DUP support to the Conservative government. The SNP has a significant parliamentary presence, which would be significant in a hung parliament. The importance of smaller parties is significant as the Conservatives and Labour have not won a large parliamentary majority since 2005.

Answer 152

NO: In the 2017 election, the Conservatives and Labour won their biggest share of the popular vote since the 1970. In 2017, Labour and the Conservatives have 89% of the parliamentary seats. Support for the Lib Dem Party collapsed in the 2015 and 2017 elections. FPTP protects the Labour and Conservative duopoly at Westminster. The way in which parties are funded makes it difficult for smaller political parties to break Conservative and Labour domination.