perceiving oneself Flashcards

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1
Q

self-perception theory

A
  • “Individuals come to ‘know’ their own attitudes, emotions, and other internal states partially by inferring them from observations of their overt behaviour and/or the circumstances in which this behaviour occurs”
  • Bem, 1972, p.2
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2
Q

embodied social cognition

A
  • Self-perception can be subtle, automatic and implicit, rather than conscious.
  • Body language and facial expressions might not be aware of doing them and understanding ourselves from them - feeling more happy just from smiling.
  • Studies of “embodied social cognition”:
    • Changing facial expressions - changing emotions (Laird, 1974; Lewis, 2012)
    • Making a fist - feeling assertive and powerful (Schubert and Koole, 2009 - but only among men)
      • Open posture - feelings of power (Carney, Cuddy and Yap, 2010 - but hormones and risk tolerance not replicated).
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3
Q

so how accurate are we?

A
  • Generally, people are not very accurate
  • Self-evaluations of ability correlate “moderately” with performance outcomes - mean r = .29 (Zell and Krizan, 2014)
  • Self-perceptions share 8.4% of variance with objective measures.
  • For many dimensions, accuracy cannot be defined.
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4
Q

self-perception effects

A
  • Effects on self-concept strongest:
    • When behaviour interpreted as freely chosen
    • When prior self-concept weak or uncertain
    • When behaviour observed by an audience
      • When one expects to meet the audience again
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5
Q

self-serving attributions

A
  • Heider (1958) claimed that people selectively tend to attribute their successes internally and their failures externally (=”self-serving bias”)
    • Campbell and Sedikides (1999) meta-analysed 70 experiments and reported a ‘small-to-moderate’ average effect size (d=.467)
      • Effects significantly larger in situations of “self-threat”
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6
Q

better than average effect

A
  • “One of social psychology’s chestnuts - a finding that will never let you down when running a class demonstration” (Alicke and Govorun, 2005)
    • 88% of US and 77% of Swedish college students rated selves above 50th percentile on driving safety (Svenson, 1981).
    • 85% of 1m US students rated selves above median in “ability to get along well with others” (College Board, 1976-1977)
    • 94% of University of Nebraska faculty rated selves above average in teaching ability (Cross, 1977)
    • Research participants in three studies even rated themselves as less biased than average (Pronin et al, 2002)
  • Recent meta-analysis by Zell et al (2020) shows ‘large’ overall effect size across 291 studies
    • Weaker among East Asians than among European/Americans but only for individualistic traits
  • NB some people are above average
    • Group-level definition of inaccuracy
    • Impossible to know which individuals are inaccurate
  • NB negative connotation of “average”
    • E.g., UK government wants all schools to be “above average”
      • But not all studies use this word.
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7
Q

basking in reflected glory

A
  • “Three (football) field studies”:
  • Study 1 - introductory psychology students at 7 large universities were “covertly monitored” in lectures over 5-8 weeks during college football season.
  • 40% more students wore “school apparel” on Mondays after a football win than after a loss or draw.
  • Studies 2 and 3 tested students’ use of language to describe wins and losses by the college team
  • General pattern - “we won” but “they lost” - especially in situations of “public image threat”
  • Cialdini et al, 1976
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8
Q

positive group distinctiveness

A
  • Social identity theory (Tajfel and Turner, 1979)
    • People strive for positive group distinctiveness
    • i.e., perceiving your group as better than relevant out-groups, similar to downward comparison
  • Routes to positive group distinctiveness include:
    • Individual mobility - move to a better group
    • Social competition - try to improve group’s status
      • Social creativity - look at things differently
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9
Q

memory for self-relevant info

A
  • “One of the keys to happiness is a bad memory” - Rita Mae Brown (US author)
  • Mnemic neglect - selectively worse memory for negative self-relevant feedback
    • Threatening feedback processed more shallowly
    • Seemingly linked to experiential avoidance
    • Effects are weaker when traits are modifiable or one is focused on self-improvement
  • Sedikides et al, 2016
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10
Q

self-enhancement strategies

A
  • self-promotion function - greater among high SE people
  • self-protection function - especially when SE is threatened
  • subject to plausibility constraints - ‘strategic’ self-enhancement
  • Sedikides and Gregg, 2003
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11
Q

is it all about self-enhancement?

A
  • self-enhancement
  • self-consistency
  • self-assessment
  • self-improvement
  • may be elicited under different circumstances
  • satisfied by different information sources
  • Taylor, Neter, and Wayment, 1995
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12
Q

self-enhancement vs self-consistency

A
  • Self-enhancement - predicts people will prefer positive feedback regardless of their self-views.
  • Self-consistency - predicts people with negative self-views will prefer negative feedback.
    • Experiments with 2 (self-view: positive/negative) x 2 (feedback: positive/negative) design
    • Predictions diverge for negative self-views
  • Swann et al, 1987
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13
Q

cognitive affective crossfire

A
  • positivity of feedback predicts - affective reactions: depressive feelings, hostility, anxiety, attraction to evaluator
  • consistency with self-concept predicts - cognitive reactions: perceived accuracy of feedback, competence of evaluator, suitability of evaluation technique, attributions about feedback
  • Swann et al, 1987
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14
Q

self-enhancement vs self-assessment

A
  • as noted earlier, we are not usually very accurate in evaluating ourselves
  • self-assessment rarely beats self-enhancement of self-consistency when pitted against each other e.g., Sedikides, 1993
  • some exceptions where trait is modifiable
  • self-assessment - self-improvement
  • or temporary flaws are just less threatening
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15
Q

self concept enhancing technician

A
  • Self-enhancement:
  • Tactical self-enhancement:
    • Self-improvement
    • Self-assessment
    • Self-consistency
  • Sedikides and Strube, 1997
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16
Q

culture and self-enhancement

A
  • Heine et al (1999) review paper: is there a universal need for positive self-regard?
  • evidence for self-criticism rather than self-enhancement effects among East Asian
  • populations
  • East Asians populations show lower levels of self-esteem than do North-Americans
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17
Q

pancultural self-enhancement

A
  • Sedikides, Gaertner and Toguchi (2003) studied self-enhancement (better than average effect) for probability valued traits among American and Japanese in the US
  • two separate types of traits:
  • individualistic traits
  • collective traits
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18
Q

indirect self-enhancement

A
  • Muramoto (2003) studied attributions for success and failure among 118 Japanese undergraduates
  • Rather than self-serving bias, participants typically made self-effacing attributions
  • Expected close others (family and close friends) to make supportive attributions
  • Believed close others understood them well
  • Belief others understood them correlated with expecting supportive attributions.
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19
Q

modesty in Chinese culture

A
  • Studies 1 & 2:
    • Self-rated modesty correlated negatively with explicit self-esteem in China and US
    • Self-rated modesty correlated positively with implicit self-esteem in China, but not in US
  • Study 3:
    • After describing selves modestly, Chinese (but not Americans) showed increased implicit self-esteem
    • After describing selves immodestly, Chinese (but not Americans) showed reduced implicit self-esteem
  • Cai et al (2011)
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20
Q

self-evaluation across cultures

A
  • Existing data do not support the claim that people from “Eastern” cultures no need for positive self-regard
  • Culture moderates self-evaluation
  • Culture affects what is positively valued
  • Culture prescribes appropriate ways of maintaining and enhancing self-esteem
  • Evidence still lacking from most of the worlds cultural groups
21
Q

the actor

A
  • characteristic ‘residing in the individual’
  • domain of personality psychology
  • single trait theories
  • multiple trait theories
  • hereditary and environmental influences
22
Q

the observer

A
  • how person is perceived/judged by others
  • domain of social psychology
  • person perception
  • attribution theories
  • impression formation
23
Q

the self-observer

A
  • person’s beliefs about own characteristics
  • domain of social and clinical psychology
  • self-perception
  • self-concept
  • identity
  • self-evaluation
24
Q

behavioural confirmation

A
  • Replicated with many dimensions
    • Extraversion (Fazio et al, 1981)
    • Gender stereotypes (Skrypnek and Snyder, 1982)
    • Age and task difficulty (Musser and Graziano, 1991)
    • Ethnic stereotypes (Chen and Bargh, 1997)
    • Basketball ability (Weaver et al, 2016)
  • Effects sometimes but not always persist:
    • When behaviour attributed to disposition
      • When target alters self-concept
25
Q

self-verification theory

A
  • Swann (2005) describes how we work hard to verify existing self-conceptions:
  • Cognitive strategies: self-consistent feedback - more attention, better memory and more trusted
  • Selective interaction: spending time with others who see us as we see ourselves, even negatively
  • Identity cues: clothing choices, possessions, e-mail signatures, bodily alterations (> if identity insecure)
  • Interpersonal prompts: emphasise self-consistent behaviour (> after inconsistent feedback)
26
Q

identity negotiation

A
  • Self-verification - stable self-concept
  • Might conflict “in the moment” with behavioural confirmation and self-perception
    • Self-verification if self- conception certain and central
    • Behavioural confirmation if no prior self-conception
    • We negotiate our identities with each other
  • Over life-span, there might be less conflict
    • Others’ expectations help us form self-conceptions
      • Self-verification helps us to maintain them
27
Q

sociocultural context

A
  • Societal discourse both enables and constrains identity formation
  • What kinds of people exist in the world? - identity categories
  • What are they like? - stereotypes, interpersonal expectancies
  • What identity choices are available? - identity compatibility, possible future selves
28
Q

discourse and identity change

A
  • Celia Kitzinger and Sue Wilkinson (1995)
  • Interviews with 80 lesbian women who had previously lived > 10 years in heterosexual relationships
  • Discursive analysis looking at processes of identity transition from heterosexual to lesbian.
  • How did individual participants construct and experience their identities in a particular ‘discursive climate’?
29
Q

barriers to identity change

A
  • I can’t be a lesbian because I … have children/enjoy cooking/have long hair/can’t fix my own car.
  • “I read [ …] some psychology textbooks. They told me that lesbians were aggressive, jealous, doomed, masculine, perverted, and sick. I was tremendously reassured. I knew that I couldn’t possibly be one of those!”
  • “I began to try on the word lesbian: me? No! I would look funny in a crew cut. Certainly I could never learn to smoke cigars! My own stereotypes interfered with the unfolding of my new identity. Lesbians aren’t mothers, I thought to myself; they probably don’t like to cook or weave or do any of the things I like.”
30
Q

making the transition

A
  • “I was looking at myself in the mirror, and I thought ‘that woman is a lesbian,’ and then I allowed myself to notice that it was me I was talking about. And when that happened, I felt whole for the first time, and also absolutely terrified.”
  • One woman described how, 2 weeks after first saying to herself (and her husband of 15 years) “I am a lesbian,” she sat for hours staring at the family photograph albums “trying to work out which one was me.”
  • Another woman described how she stood in the aisle of a supermarket with an empty trolley, staring at the shelves in total bafflement “because I was a lesbian now, and I didn’t know what kind of groceries lesbians bought.”
31
Q

adjusting to a new identity

A
  • “I did have a brief holiday relationship with a girl when I was 14, but I’d completely forgotten about it. I’d pushed it to the back of my mind as not being significant. In fact, it was very significant, but until recently that experience seemed very separate from my adult life.”
  • “I had no idea how difficult it was going to be […] what it means and continues to mean to be a lesbian in this world—the weight and force of being “wrong,” “bad,” “wicked,” “perverted,” outside and ultimately apart from the codes and concepts of everyone else—vulnerable in the extreme. I had no idea how good it was going to be. Not only the warmth, the feeling of being on the same side, the sensuality, friendship, renewed energy, but the freedom to begin to think and act in new ways.”
32
Q

a threat in the air

A
  • “From an observer’s standpoint, the situations of a boy and a girl in a math classroom or of a Black student and a White student in any classroom are essentially the same. The teacher is the same; the textbooks are the same; and in better classrooms, these students are treated the same.
  • Is it possible, then, that they could still experience the classroom differently, so differently in fact as to significantly affect their performance and achievement there?”
  • Steele, 1997, p.613
33
Q

stereotype threat and performance

A
  • Participants:
    • White and African Americans taking verbal tests
  • Manipulations of stereotype threat:
    • Study 1: told participants test was strongly diagnostic of ability (threat) or non-diagnostic (control)
    • Study 2: participants stated ‘race’ on demographic questionnaire before test (threat) or not (control).
  • Control: no ethnic differences in test scores
  • Threat: African Americans < White Americans
  • Steele and Aronson, 1995
34
Q

stereotype threat and performance 2

A
  • Participants:
    • Women and men taking maths tests
    • All strong in maths, saw themselves as strong maths students, saw this as important to self-definition.
  • Manipulation of stereotype threat:
    • Participants told that test normally showed gender differences (threat) or not (control)
  • Control condition: scores of women = men
  • Stereotype threat: scores of women < men
  • Spencer, Steele and Quinn, 1999
35
Q

group differences in IQ

A
  • 15 point IQ gap between White and African Americans
  • Similar gap appears for minorities in other cultures:
    • Maoris in NZ
    • Baraku in Japan
    • Harijans in India
    • Oriental Jews in Israel
    • West Indians in GB
  • Including where minority has no genetic difference from majority (Ogbu, 1986, cited by Steele, 1997)
  • Suggests explanation in terms of stereotyping processes rather than genetic differences (Steele, 1997)
36
Q

stereotype threat mechanisms

A
  • Effects do not depend on belief in stereotype - people who care most are worst affected
  • Several mechanisms:
    • Extra pressure - working memory depletion, self consciousness interferes with automatic processes.
    • Threats to self-integrity and belonging - lower aspirations, reduced effort/engagement
  • Reviewed by Spencer et al, 2016
37
Q

self-theories and mindset

A
  • People have implicit theories about the nature of personality, intelligence, morality and other individual differences
  • These theories, when applied to the self, have important consequences, especially for people’s motivation and performance (Dweck, 1999)
38
Q

entity theories

A
  • “Everyone is a certain kind of person, and there is not much that can be done to really change that”
  • “Your intelligence is something about you that you cant change very much”
  • “Someone’s personality is a part of them that they cant change very much”
39
Q

incremental theories

A
  • “Everyone, no matter who they are, can significantly change their basic characteristics”
  • “No matter how much intelligence you have, you can always change it quite a bit”
  • “No matter who somebody is and how they act, they can always change their ways”
40
Q

performance and learning goals

A
  • Which of these tasks would you prefer?
    1. “easy enough so you wont make mistakes”
    2. “something you’re good at, but hard enough to show you’re smart”
    3. “hard, new different - you might get confused and make mistakes, but you might learn something new and useful”
  • 1 & 2 = 2 performance goals
  • 3 = learning goal
41
Q

implicit theories and goals

A
  • School children divided into entity theorists and incremental theorists, based on questionnaire
    • Entity theorists preferred performance goals
    • Incremental theorists preferred learning goal
  • Subsequently replicated with manipulation of entity bs incremental theories
  • Reviewed by Dweck, 1999
42
Q

implicit theories and achievement

A
  • Students followed over transition from grade school to junior high school - harder work, stricter grading, more ‘challenging’
  • Separated into entity and incremental theorists:
    • No differences in confidence before transition
    • No differences in achievement before transition
    • Entity theorists declined in class standing
    • Incremental theorists increased in class standing
  • Reviewed by Dweck, 1999
43
Q

reducing stereotype threat

A
  • White and African American students shown a film with ‘scientific’ arguments for either entity theory or incremental theory of intelligence
  • Ethnic gap in GPA achievement significantly in ‘incremental’ condition
  • African American students in this condition also reported more enjoyment of academic process and greater academic engagement
  • Aronson, Fried and Good, 2002
44
Q

effects of praising intelligence

A
  • After succeeding on a task, students were praised for intelligence (experimental condition) or for effort (control condition)
  • Intelligence praise led to:
    • Greater endorsement of entity theory of intelligence
    • Preference for performance rather than learning goals
    • Poorer coping responses to subsequent failure:
    • Less task persistence, less task enjoyment, more low-ability attributions, worse task performance
  • Mueller and Dweck, 1998
45
Q

implicit theories and relationships

A
  • Entity theorists seek self-validation
    • “someone who thinks I’m perfect”
    • “someone who makes me look good”
  • Incremental theorists seek self-growth
    • “someone who challenges me to grow”
    • “someone who gives me experience understanding others”
  • Reviewed by Dweck, 1999
46
Q

implicit theories and judging others

A
  • Entity theorists are more likely to:
    • Make faster dispositional attributions about people based on their behaviour
    • Believe in ‘punishment’ as social justice
    • Believe in the truth of stereotypes
  • Incremental theorists are more likely to:
    • Be more cautious about inferring dispositions
    • Believe in ‘education’ as social justice
    • Question the truth of stereotypes
  • Reviewed by Dweck, 1999
47
Q

self-theories - some implications

A
  • Common beliefs:
  • Students with high ability are more likely you display mastery-oriented qualities
  • Success in school directly fosters mastery-orientated qualities
  • Praise, particularly praising a student’s intelligence, encourages mastery-oriented qualities
  • Students’ confidence in their intelligence is the key to mastery-oriented qualities.
  • All of these beliefs are FALSE (Dweck, 1999)
48
Q

conclusions

A
  • Identity construction is a social process
    • We are actors, observers and self-observers, constructing our own and others’ identities.
    • Identity maintenance requires work
    • So does identity change
  • This happens within broader societal contexts
    • Repertoire of available identity categories enables and constrains our identity choices
  • Our identity work can reproduce or change society.