Northern Ireland Flashcards

1
Q

Explain the context of the creation of Northern Ireland.

A
  • Government of Ireland Act 1920
  • Described as a country (colloquially “our wee country”), region, province, state – the most accurate is region, specifically, devolved region of the United Kingdom
  • Six counties: Fermanagh, Antrim, Tyrone, Down, Armagh and Derry
  • Based on 1911 census producing majority unionist and Protestant (61.4%)
  • “A Protestant parliament for a Protestant people” Sir James Craig, 1934
  • A large Catholic minority (34.4%)
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2
Q

Describe the Troubles.

A
  • The Northern Ireland conflict is one of the most researched conflicts in the world relative to its regional size and population (Whyte, 1990:vii)
  • A contested border, questions of identity, discrimination and sectarianism
  • A ‘tangle of interrelated questions’ (Darby 1995: 12)
  • Social and political violence between competing national identities
    Irish-nationalists and British-unionists: differ in terms of religious, historical, economic and political affiliations all of which are equally complex and sensitive
  • Catholics (and some Protestants) were discriminated against
  • Civil rights movement in the 1960s campaigned for equal access to political power, social provision and cultural recognition
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3
Q

What was the catalyst event of the trouble ?

A
  • NICRA protest in Derry on October 5th 1968
  • Met with inter-communal rioting and resistance
  • Deployment of the British Army on the streets in summer 1969
  • Emergence of the IRA in the late 1970s
  • Prompted emergence of loyalist paramilitaries, the UVF
  • 3,500 deaths, over 35,000 injuries, 16,000 terrorism charges, 34,000 shootings, 14,000 bombings
  • Given Northern Ireland’s small population, there a few families that have not been affected by the conflict
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4
Q

In what context did negotiations and the Good Friday Agreement signing take place ?

A
  1. Realisation by the IRA and the British Army that violence would not deliver a victory
  2. The signing of the 1985 Anglo-Irish Agreement established institutionalised cooperation between the Irish and British governments
  3. Hume/Adams Talks April 1993
    Paramilitary ceasefires in 1994 and 1997

All-party talks, chaired by Senator George Mitchell, began in 1996 and collapsed a year later

Established the six Mitchell principles that eventually brought Sinn Féin to the table

  1. All-party talks resumed in January 1997
  2. Agreement reached 10 April 1998
  3. Two simultaneous referendums North (71% in favour) and South (94% in favour) on 22 May 1998
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5
Q

What are the contents of the peace agreement ?

A
  1. Consociational in nature – a heavily top-down settlement with a central focus on political entities and institutional issues
  2. Includes Lijphart’s four consociational principles (1997):
    - Cross community executive powersharing
    - Proportionality rules in government, elections and policymaking
    - Autonomy and equality in cultural life
    - Veto rights for minorities
  3. Addresses binational and bigovernmental elements of the conflict (cross-border relations and
    British-Irish intergovernmental relations)
  4. An association of communities – British unionists, Irish nationalists and others
  5. Rights, safeguards and equality of opportunity
  6. Security (decommissioning and demilitarization)
  7. Typifies ‘politics of accommodation’
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6
Q

How would you describe the performance of power sharing 1998-present day ?

A

Consociational powersharing performance in Northern Ireland is mixed.

  1. 2007 before governance was consolidated and the Assembly sat for the first time
  2. Consociational instability defined the years between 1998-2007: the Agreement was the beginning of a process rather than the end; constructive ambiguity; attempts to tie up the loose ends relating to decommissioning, reform of policing, human rights, equality, and issues relating to legacy of the past
  3. Suspended five times, including four times between 2000 and 2002, with the last of these extending from 2002-2007.
  4. 2007-2017 consociational performance was broadly a success: turbulent but stable
  5. January 2017 brought down by Sinn Féin over legacy issues, the Irish language, RHI scandal
  6. January 2020 restoration deal brokered called New Decade, New Approach
  7. February 2022 brought down by the DUP over the Northern Ireland protocol and issues pertaining to the Irish sea border
  8. February 2024 ‘back up and running’
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7
Q

What is the “Good Friday Agreement generation” ?

A

First generation to have been born during peacetime in Northern Ireland have come of age (born just before or just after 1998)

  • Tendency to make generalized assumptions about this demographic and often portrayed as a homogenous group with collective political and ideological ambitions
  • Research shows this generation is more nuanced than surface level characterisations would allow
  • Inaccurate, if not impossible, to conclude one singular narrative of the GFA generation – their lived experiences and attitudes reveal the complicated, complex and often contradictory realities of living in a society that continues to bear the scars of its recent violent history
  • Cross community relations, economic opportunities, security and powersharing
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8
Q

How are the cross community relations of Northern Ireland today ?

A
  1. Endorsement and rejection of binary identities in Northern Ireland
  2. Experience of being ‘othered’
  3. Low number of participants with friends ‘across the divide’
  4. Lack of emotional connection to the past
  5. Reconciliation is important but not their responsibility
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9
Q

How are the economic opportunities in Northern Ireland today ?

A

Northern Ireland cannot cater for career ambitions both in terms of field and progression.

  • Legacy of the Troubles impacted the attractiveness of certain career paths
  • Affiliation with home vs. the need to ‘get out’
  • Brain drain
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10
Q

How is the security in Northern Ireland today ?

A
  • Skeptical and distrusting of the PSNI across both communities
  • Majority expressed explicit disapproval of paramilitaries
  • Minority implied paramilitaries were misunderstood
  • Personal safety dependent on location and gender
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11
Q

How is the power sharing in Northern Ireland today ?

A
  • Support for powersharing but not in its current form
  • Issues with designation, mandatory coalition and petition of concern
  • Ambivalence towards the Good Friday Agreement
  • Mixed views on the constitutional future of the island of Ireland and Stormont’s role in a united Ireland
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12
Q

What are the possibilities for Northern Ireland in the future ?

A
  1. United Ireland
  2. Reformed and renegotiated UK
  3. Reformed Stormont
  4. Muddle along as we are defined by long periods of political paralysis and instability
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13
Q

What are consociational governance and institutions ?

A

Consociational states are often contrasted with states with majoritarian electoral systems. The goals of consociationalism are governmental stability, the survival of the power-sharing arrangements, the survival of democracy, and the avoidance of violence.

In Northern Ireland - Multiple attempts to introduce consociational governance and institutions to contexts of ethno-cultural divide that lead to political violence - such as the Good Friday Agreement. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

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14
Q

How was the GFA perceived at first ?

A

Crafted with sufficient skill that it would withstand politician human error - incidents of politically motivated violence are becoming more and more rare (2400 would have died otherwise)

Loads of praise of the process, tinted by the distortion from distance and media - actually not so seamless as a transition to peace.

Especially for people living abroad, sight of Paisley and McGuinness at ease together created the impression of stable government - honey moon period lasted barely a year. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

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15
Q

What is the greatest achievement of the GFA ?

A

The removal of the gun from Irish politics. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

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16
Q

What was the goal of GFA and what was the result of it ?

A
  1. GFA wanted to deal with the totality of relationships between the peoples of Ireland - did that through mending troubled relations between the coexisting traditions in NI.
  2. U and N - share power with one another, took almost a decade for that to happen in institutions in a way that appeared sustainable. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)
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17
Q

What was the main obstacle to the peace deal ?

A

Main obstacle: peace deal meant many different things to different people - solution = engaging in constructive ambiguity (particularly apparent in provisions regarding decommissioning) (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

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18
Q

How are the provisions regarding decommissioning a good example of this obstacle ?

A

Failures unfold in the same way every time - the UUP would agree to enter government on the proviso that republicans would in the near future decommission weapons.

SF would agree to gov. if IRA did not need to decommission.

The government would therefore collapse when UUP would say it has been too long and still no decommission.

This happened 4 times. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

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19
Q

What was the consequence of this repeated collapse of government and failure to find peace ?

A

Increased polarization - ironically facilitated the cause for political progress in the region - both communities became more attached to their respective party (SF and DUP - previously dismissed as extremists) (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

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20
Q

Why was this radicalization beneficial to the peace process ?

A

Generally, peace processes are threatened by radical voices and lead by moderate voiced (like what happened to UUP and the Social Democratic and Labour Party) - immunity of both parties to ethnic outbidding would ensure that they would strike a deal and bring stable power sharing in NI. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

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21
Q

What happened after the honey moon period of the coalition ?

A

A change in leadership, which lead cold tone to Stormont.

Gov. tested by the emotional issues concerning NI (culture and identity remain divisive topics). (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

22
Q

What did SF and DUP see eye to eye on ?

A

Unusual unanimity concerning economic and financial policy - everyone pro. free market as a way to economic prosperity in NI, strange since SF socialist party. - collective commitment to neoliberal strategies.

Saw eye to eye on most social policy as well. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

23
Q

What issues remain at the heart of disagreements in Northern Ireland to this day ?

A

Difficult to discuss issues central to traditional disagreements like cultural symbolism talks in 2012 - remove Union Jack from City Hall - negative reaction and protests to this day. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

24
Q

What weight did these protests concerning the Union flag actually carry ?

A

These protests meant something more - grievances of unionist areas that had not economically benefited from the peace process as had been promissed.

The UUP and DUP involved in distributing leaflets that brought 40 000 people to the demonstration.

Lead to clashes with the police - 160 officers injured (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

25
Q

Discuss the intensification of these protests.

A

Arose again throughout Orange Marching Season of the same year.

Parades were allowed and passed through Ardoyne (republican neighbourhood, very controversial).

However, this escalated, so, in the future, parades are allowed to go down this route early morning, but cannot come back using it at night.

OO say this is unfair, lead to assaults of the PSNI at the borders of Ardoyne that continued into the night. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

26
Q

How do all of these additional pressures impact Stormont and what is an external factor that furthers this dynamic ?

A

Very strained relationship - in 2013, fears that the government might fall again

Made worse by disagreements concerning the overhaul of the UK Social Welfare System - Westminster demanded reform, were willing to instil sanctions to make sure this happens

All these issues are a lot to address for Stormont, and the republicans refusing the reform made it even more unstable as it was already relying on very fragile relationship. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

27
Q

What was Stormont’s final decision concerning the Welfare System Reform ?

A

2015, cede the power to decide to Westminster, so that Stormont would not have to deal with it (no praise or guilt).

Very negative consequences for thousands of working class people of NI, but the government found a common ground. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

28
Q

What were the impacts of the decisions regarding WSR and this general instability ?

A
  • Falling voter turnout, more significant impact on nationalist parties
  • Therefore voter apathy was more a challenge for liberal left. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)
29
Q

What is a good example of constitutional chaos in Northern Ireland ?

A
  • Began as encouragement to use more environmentally friendly energy sources. - called RHI, nicknames Cash for Ash (paid to heat their homes)
  • SF asked to investigate RHI, meaning DUP leader would step aside.
  • DUP survived the vote of no confidence, but this created shaky ground and an intense divide
  • Republican opposition to RHI = political opportunism (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)
30
Q

What was the most significant consequences of the RHI scandal ?

A

Collapse of some institutions like the Stormont Executive followed, caused by many scandals and divide.

Taoiseach and BPM meet in 2018, but nothing occurs.

Since the text was written in 2018 - author believes that the agreement is far away and will have to wait until the negotiations between the EU and the UK have reached their own conclusions. (Coulter and Shirlow, 2019)

31
Q

What was the cost of the Troubles ?

A

The text highlights the staggering toll of nearly 30 years of violence in Northern Ireland, resulting in 3,700 deaths and approximately 100,000 injuries, providing a stark context for understanding the urgency of the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) in 1998. (Nagle, n.d.)

32
Q

What are the divergent views of the GFA ?

A

The text presents contrasting views on the legacy of the GFA. While advocates see it as a catalyst for sustainable peace, skeptics argue that it institutionalized sectarian divisions and led to dysfunctional political institutions. (Nagle, n.d.)

33
Q

Describe the institutional design of the GFA.

A

It describes the institutional design of the GFA, including the Northern Ireland Assembly, power-sharing executive, and cross-border governing arrangements, highlighting its intricate structure aimed at accommodating the complexities of the conflict. (Nagle, n.d.)

34
Q

What are the ethno national implications of Northern Irish politics ?

A

The text explains the ethno national interpretation of the Northern Ireland conflict, where clashing claims for nationalist self-determination and unionist desires underpinned a deeply divided society marked by enduring political and social cleavages. (Nagle, n.d.)

35
Q

How did the EU influence the peace process in Northern Ireland ?

A

The text underscores the role of European integration in resolving territorial disputes, highlighting how the EU’s approach influenced the GFA’s framework and facilitated peaceful transborder links between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. (Nagle, n.d.)

36
Q

How does the PR-STV influence Northern Irish politics ?

A

It discusses the inclusivity promoted by the PR-STV electoral system used in Northern Ireland’s Assembly elections, which aimed to reward accommodative behavior and include representatives from moderate and hardline parties.

Other tools have been used to promote moderation like the d’Hondt algorithm (for allocating ministerial positions) aimed to promote inclusion and moderation within the ruling Executive, despite challenges posed by hardliners. (Nagle, n.d.)

37
Q

Discuss popular consent and the GFA.

A

Importance of popular consent through a referendum on the GFA, which garnered significant support from voters in Northern Ireland, providing the Agreement with legitimacy and democratic backing. (Nagle, n.d.)

38
Q

Who were advocating for peaceful means ?

A

Both the SDLP and UUP advocated peaceful political means to advance opposing constitutional preferences for Northern Ireland. These parties primarily appealed to middle-class voters who rejected violence deployed by paramilitaries and were instrumental in negotiating the GFA. (Nagle, n.d.)

39
Q

What is the importance of centrist groups and factions ?

A

The stability of power-sharing and the GFA relied on a centrist bloc led by the UUP and the SDLP maintaining leadership within their communities. Their consensus-building approach aimed to demonstrate the benefits of power-sharing institutions to prevent extremists from derailing the Agreement through violence. (Nagle, n.d.)

40
Q

How did this centrist lead shift ?

A

Despite initial hopes, the centrist parties struggled to maintain control within their ethnonational blocs. The 2003 NIA election witnessed a shift, with Sinn Féin overtaking the SDLP and the DUP becoming the dominant unionist party, marking an enduring realignment of nationalist and unionist politics. (Nagle, n.d.)

41
Q

What contributed to this turn away from centrist parties ?

A

The electoral decline of the SDLP and UUP can be attributed to several factors, including the phenomenon of “constructive ambiguity” within the GFA, weak unionist support for the Agreement, and competing demands regarding decommissioning of weapons. (Nagle, n.d.)

42
Q

What is constructive ambiguity ?

A

Constructive ambiguity is a term generally credited to Henry Kissinger, said to be the foremost exponent of the negotiating tactic it designates. It refers to the deliberate use of ambiguous language on a sensitive issue in order to advance some political purpose. (Nagle, n.d.)

43
Q

What is the Saint-Andrew’s Agreement ?

A

The St Andrews Agreement, prompted by the IRA’s disarmament, paved the way for the DUP and Sinn Féin to lead power-sharing. Adjustments aimed to improve stability, but underlying constructive ambiguity persisted, framing the Agreement differently for nationalists and unionists. (Nagle, n.d.)

44
Q

How did the more radical parties change following this shift toward them ?

A

Sinn Féin and the DUP underwent significant transformations to capitalize on the opportunities presented by the GFA.

Sinn Féin moderated its stance and expanded its electoral base, while the DUP, despite opposing the GFA initially, moved closer to the center of Northern Irish politics. (Nagle, n.d.)

45
Q

What was the partnership between DUP and SF like ?

A

The partnership between the DUP and Sinn Féin, despite initial skepticism, demonstrated capacity for moderate behavior within government. Dubbed “ethnic tribune parties,” they combined support for cooperative power-sharing with robust defense of their community’s interests. (Nagle, n.d.)

46
Q

What were the critics of this partnership between SF and DUP ?

A

While some viewed the DUP-Sinn Féin partnership positively, critics saw it as a sectarian carve-up, raising concerns about the genuine nature of consensus politics and the potential for further ethnic polarization.

Furthermore, following the peace process, the UUP and SDLP, feeling politically excluded within the Executive, acted as de facto opposition parties, challenging the DUP/Sinn Féin dominance. (Nagle, n.d.)

47
Q

Discuss the post-Saint Andrew’s era.

A

The post-St Andrews era brought hopes for cooperation through power-sharing, exemplified by the unlikely collaboration between Ian Paisley and Martin McGuinness. However, critiques remained regarding the depth of consensus and the sustainability of the partnership. (Nagle, n.d.)

48
Q

How did the government begin cooperating (baby steps)?

A
  1. The power-sharing government’s support for the Shared Future policy aimed at tackling sectarianism and social exclusion through integrated schooling and housing was significant.
  2. The PfG, titled “Building a Better Future,” emphasized economic growth as a means to alleviate societal divisions rather than directly addressing sectarianism and segregation. (Nagle, n.d.)
49
Q

What are some critics of the Programme of Government (PfG)

A

Critics viewed the PfG as reflecting a neoliberal turn, prioritizing free-market enterprise, private finance initiatives, and foreign direct investment to stimulate peace and equality in Northern Ireland.

However, the government’s embrace of economic policies signaled that Northern Ireland was “open for business,” fostering a rare consensus across the political spectrum. (Nagle, n.d.)

50
Q

Discuss some instances of political discontent and policy failures in Northern Ireland.

A

Despite some successes such as devolution of policing and justice, the government failed to deliver on key policy pledges, including health, education, and the economy, exacerbating tensions within the Executive.

Furthermore, the Conservative government’s austerity policies, including welfare reform, strained the power-sharing government, leading to crises over budgetary issues. (Nagle, n.d.)

51
Q

How did Northern Ireland attempt to mitigate these disagreements and collective policy failures ?

A

The Stormont House and Fresh Start Agreements.

These agreements aimed to address outstanding issues but faced challenges in implementation, leading to further political deadlock. (Nagle, n.d.)

52
Q

What were the challenges on both sides during the 2017 assembly elections ?

A

The 2017 Assembly elections reflected challenges for both Sinn Féin and unionist parties, with Sinn Féin’s vote share declining and unionists facing the prospect of becoming a political minority for the first time in Northern Ireland’s history.

The local weaknesses of power-sharing were influenced by wider UK national politics, such as the Conservative-DUP alliance following the snap Westminster election in 2017. (Nagle, n.d.)