Module 4 Flashcards
Childrens responses are suggestive of higher order cognitive understandings. How much of demonstrates mentalistc understandings or theory of mind?
Definitions of TOM:
Definitions:
Theory of Mind (TOM) – the ability to attribute mental states (e.g., pretences, intentions, desires, beliefs etc.) to the self and others.
Very carefully, we might say that there is a meta-representational component to TOM. Put carefully, TOM refers to ability to think about people’s thoughts as being thoughts about the state of the world as being a certain way (analogy is cognitions about cognitions as cognitions)
TOM enables analysis of psychological causation – helps us predict what others will do (knowing others mental states helps us anticipate their future actions).
Are there indicators that children possess TOM?
Some theorists – like Alan Leslie (1987) – claim that pretend play shows cognitive sophistication and is one of the earliest signs of theory of mind
his two part claim…
Part 1 to the claim:
Young children’s pretend play is surely a sign of meta-representational understanding. Children can take “primary” (i.e., real) experiences of the world and transform them into “secondary” (or hypothetical) representations (e.g., “I pretend the banana is a telephone”)
(Planned pretend play where they take an object and substitute it for something else appears from 18 to 26 months; where they take a representations and transform it into something else must require meta-representational capacity).
Part 2 to the claim:
Children don’t get confused between pretend world and real world (i.e., children can mark off or quarantine pretend world from real world; keep real and hypothetical world separate; they don’t always treat bananas are phones)
*He argues both claims provide evidence that infants can meta-represent i.e., think about thoughts as thoughts.
The Debate:
Looking at Part 1 of the claim more carefully (real-hypothetical):
rich vs lean interpretation
The Debate:
Looking at Part 1 of the claim more carefully (real-hypothetical):
(A) Rich interpretation:
Young children’s IS META-REPRESENTATIONAL; pretending involves THINKING as though one believes that something is true when, in fact, one believes that something is false (i.e., explicitly recognising pretence as a THOUGHT - a mental stance or way of thinking of the world; I’m pretending and I know what is true).
Pretence is viewed as thoughts.
(B) Lean interpretation:
Young children’s pretending is NOT META-REPRSENTATIONAL; pretending involves ACTING AS IF one believes that something is true when, in fact, one believes that something is false (i.e., recognising pretence as a THING - a kind of physical action or external manifestation).
Pretence is viewed as an action/behaviour, thing or external manifestation.
Notice that the Lean view do not accept that infants reason about ‘beliefs’.
What evidence do we have for the lean view? That they are just acting as if It was true without thinking about their own thoughts as thoughts?
Lillard (1998):
What evidence do we have for the lean view? That they are just acting as if It was true without thinking about their own thoughts as thoughts?
Lean Interpretation Evidence:
Lillard (1998):
Lillard (1998):
Infants are told a story about Moe the troll:
“This is Moe the Troll. He’s never seen a rabbit, and he hasn’t heard of one either. He’s hopping around like this. He’s not trying to be like a rabbit – he’s just hopping.”
They are then asked a test question: Is Moe pretending to be a rabbit?
4-years: 40% correct (by answering “No”- too hard for them).
5-years: 53% correct (by answering “No” from 5 years more than half get it correct)
Justifications:
When you ask children why they answered he is not pretending: they say he hasn’t seen a rabbit before so he doesn’t know they hop and therefore is not trying to be a rabbit.
When 4 year olds get it wrong they say he is hopping like rabbit so must be pretending to be a rabbit.
Implications:
Older infants are more likely to infer the meta states of others when they are pretending. They understand that to pretend to be something you must know about it and intend to do it.
Younger infants understand pretending as external overt actions that is not governed by mental states.
Looking at Part 2 of the claim more closely (separate reality from pretend world):
Evidence of lean interpretation:
there are certain circumstances, highly emotionally charged, where infants will struggle to keep reality separate from the pretend world.
Harris et al. (1991).
Steps:
- Children (4 to 6 years) were invited into the room and asked to inspect two boxes and found they were empty; they were then shut.
- Then children were asked to pretend that a scary monster was in one box and a friendly puppy was in the other box.
- To confirm that they were engaging in pretend play and did not actually think they’re were in the boxes they were asked, during play, are we pretending; they confirmed they knew there was nothing in the boxes.
- They were then invited to place their finger or stick into one of the boxes.
Results:
They found that infants were more likely to use their finger to inspect the puppy box but the stick for the monster box.
Implications:
§ This tells us that when there is an element of fear involved that infants whilst explicitly stating they understand it is pretend they are unsure of whether the hypothetical world can seep into the real world and to be cautious use the stick to poke inside the box with the monster (caused by heightened emotions; scary pretence).
§ Implication is that children might not yet know enough about the causal links between mind and reality; preschool years is when they begin to understand the contingency between thinking about something at it being real or not.
These complications with what pretend play means for infants cognitive reasoning authors have put it to the side and focused on identifying other forms of evidence we can use to understand how theory of mind develops in infants.
Meltzoff (1995)
Meltzoff (1995)
Imitation might be the platform upon which mental state understanding builds upon. Infants imitate the actions of others AND are also aware of when others imitate their actions (this awareness may be key for them understanding the mental states of others; the social other).
Meltzoff’s Social Mirroring Study
14-month-old infants were assigned to either the shadow or control condition. In the shadow experimental condition, the experimenter would imitate every action the infant did (i.e., bang toy 3x).
In the control condition, the experimenter did not imitate the infants and just held the toy passively.
If infants are sensitive to others imitating them than they should pay more attention to that person when they do so.
The results support this claim by… 14-month-olds looked longer, more smiles and more tests of behaviour (stops and checks) to imitating experimenter relative to the control experimenter.
Skeptics may argue that it is due to one experimenter being active and the other passive (not due to imitation
Same study by Meltzoff (1995)
Ruled out that infants merely attracted by someone who is active than non-active: Self-imitator experimenter manipulated toy in the same way currently shown by infant (contingent);
other-imitator experimenter manipulated toy in a different way (consistent with what infant had done in past; not causally contingent).
Similar results: Infants looked longer, more smiles and more tests of behaviour to self-imitator experimenter than to other-imitator experimenter.
Infants recognise self-other equivalence when someone imitates them (like me hypothesis; where they recognise when others are imitating them = foundation for building TOM, learning ; in contrast to Leslie’s theory that TOM is innate).
Meltzoff’s ‘Like Me’ idea for how imitation could be a platform that helps children develop theory of mind
Steps:
- I am in a certain internal state (e.g., state of preferring something or state of not preferring something) when I make a certain expression / action (e.g., smiling face reaching & for object or frowning face & not reaching for something)
- Other people are appearing like the way I feel myself to be (recognise that the internal state they feel when doing an action may be replicated in others doing the same action)
- If others are making the same expression, maybe they are also having the same internal state as I am.
§ Meltzoff suggests that imitation might be the way infants use personal experience to understand others’ experience.
§ This idea has not been fully tested, but it does suggest that infants and young children might understand the mental state of desires relatively early.
Early desire-based psychology
Scientists like Wellman and Woolley (1990) view that early psychological understanding is based on desires (younger children as simple desire psychologists; 2–3-year-olds) and very much later psychological understanding is based on interactions between beliefs and desires (older children as belief-desire psychologists; 4+ year olds).
He created two types of stories (simple desire & desire-belief) and tested how infants respond to them. For example,
Simply desire psychology (construing actions in terms of desires) = Betsy wants to play with puzzles today, she doesn’t want to play with sand. Where will Betsy go to play? Correct answer is with the puzzle. Belief-desire psychology (predicting actions in relation to beliefs) = Sam wants to find his dog. It might be in the garage or under the porch. Where do you think the puppy is? [if child says in the garage, for example, then story goes on to say - well, Sam thinks his puppy is under the porch. Where will Sam go to look? Correct answer is under the porch.
Results:
85% of 2-year pass all desire stories (easy) and only 45% (difficult) passed all belief-desire stories.
Implications:
This tells us that 2-year-old infants think mentally about the world differently than adults. They are desire psychologists; they think about the mental states of others only in terms of desires. From 4 years, older infants are more likely to think about mental sates including desires and beliefs.
Can younger infants at 18 months of age think about people in terms of their desires?
Early desire-based psychology from a food-request procedure
Betty Repacholi & Alison Gopnik (1997)
Tested 14-months and 18-month-olds
They are presented with broccoli or crackers. Alison comes in and tries the food items, she likes the broccoli ad says yum, then she tries the crackers and says eww (normally infants would prefer crackers over broccoli!). Alison than asks infants to pass her preferred item to her. Will they pass her what they prefer (cracker) or what she prefers (broccoli).
Results:
At 14-mths, 54% succeeded by offering the agent’s preferred food (glimmer of them doing it correctly)
At 18-months, 73% succeeded by offering the agent’s preferred food (very good at this)
Implications:
Suggests 18-month-olds reliably show psychological understanding of desire, that desire is an internal psychological state and that two people can have different dispositions (thoughts/feelings) towards the same entity (the broccoli). Preference or dislike for the same item.
We need to be very careful with our interpretations and urge for a leaner interpretation:
“To understand the desires of another person, it is only necessary to understanding objects and events – primary representations” (Goswami, p. 153).
Rather than thinks of desires as an internal state.
It could be that they are solving the problem teleologically. Teleology (lean) could apply: The goal is positive for Alison is to be with broccoli (the goal that is positive for myself is to be with crackers). Action that will efficiently satisfy Alison’s goal is to hand over entity from broccoli bowl. Therefore give Alison broccoli.
The debate is ongoing.
To decide the debate is to look at TOM. The philosopher Daniel Dennett (1978) argued that successful reasoning about false belief is the only convincing evidence for attribution of mental states to others.
Wimmer and Perner (1983) – false belief task involving object location
Wimmer and Perner (1983) – false belief task involving object location
- Max puts his chocolate in the green cupboard and then goes out to play. Whilst he is outside his mother comes in and moves the chocolate to puts the chocolate in the blue cupboard.
- Test question: where will max look for the chocolate? He tested infants response from 4-9 years of age.
- The emergence of children’s ability to understand another person’s beliefs and how this person will react on the basis of these beliefs seems to emerge from 6 years of age. 4 and younger will say that max will look at the location that we know it is. Older infants will say max will look where he last saw it even though we know its wrong. Older children also pass by justifying answer: “He will look in the green cupboard because he still think the chocolate is there and he doesn’t know the chocolate is in the blue cupboard.”
Implications:
Argument for genuine meta-representational understanding is more convincing when older children pass the standard false-belief task. Older infants understanding of false beliefs is late in development after 6 years old. When they pass the task they are also able to verbally justify their decision (use mental state words correctly, think or know; stronger evidence when they have language to justify answer; they need to distinguish belief from reality, not always reflecting reality and know that others will perceive reality based off of their beliefs even if false; evidence of cognitions about cognitions as cognitions).
Summary1
Summary
§ Some say that pretend play is an early manifestation of infants’ or very young children’s sophisticated theory of mind – but there are interpretive problems; pretend play could be due to children merely acting as if (or even merely following teleological reasoning)
§ Other researchers put emphasis on infants’ early propensity to imitate others and to recognise when they themselves are being imitated as being the foundation that helps infants learn about theory of mind
§ There is evidence that some kinds of mental states are understood earlier by children (like desires). Understanding of desires could signal that young children are thinking about desires as being an internal state, but we need to be careful - tasks could be solved by applying teleology.
§ There is evidence that some kinds of mental states are understood earlier by children (like desires). Understanding of desires could signal that young children are thinking about desires as being an internal state, but we need to be careful - tasks could be solved by applying teleology.
*genuine cognitive revolution for infants to develop a sophisticated skill such as false beliefs.
Recap:
Wimmer and Perner (1983):
Wimmer and Perner (1983):
o unexpected object location false belief task: where will Max look for the chocolate (6-year-olds are significantly better at passing this task relative to 4 years old and is able to justify their choice verbally; below 4 will consistently give the wrong choice). This suggest there is a significant developmental change from 4-6 where they go through a cognitive revolution which allows them to engage in meta cognitional nature of TOM. To make this claim, we must find out if we find out whether the same age-related pattern is present in other forms of false belief tasks.
o Powerful evidence there is a discontinuous, difference between the minds of 4-6 infants in their cognitive ability to understand the minds of others.
Another false belief task (the unexpected contents task) which also shows an age-related pattern of TOM abilities.
Perner et al. (1989) Smarties Task
Perner et al. (1989) Smarties Task
Steps
1. Children (3-6 years old) are shown a tube of smarties and asked what they think is in it; most will say smarties or chocolate.
2. Then the experimenter opens the container and reveals its unexpected contents; a pencil.
3. They are then asked to predict what someone else who hasn’t seen its contents what do you think they will say is in the box.
4. Will they say that they know what we know or understand that Billy will have a false belief about its contents?
Results:
Below 4 years of age tend to fail this unexpected-contents task, saying the other person will know that there is a pencil in the container (they predict they’ll be knowledgeable; can’t attribute false beliefs to other agents). After age 4 they tend to pass the task and can attribute false beliefs to other social agents.
Evidence by Flavell et al. (1983) show a clear age-related shift in infants’ ability to reflect on how stimulus can be given in two different, seemingly incompatible ways.
Flavell et al. (1983) Appearance-Reality Task
Flavell et al. (1983) Appearance-Reality Task
Steps
1. Tends to involve a deceptive object such as a rock. Children are asked what the object is, they will most likely say a rock, and then they are given the opportunity to physically explore the textile nature of the object to discover its properties.
2. Children are then asked two questions: A reality question (what is it? Is it rally a sponge or really a rock?) a appearance question (when you look at this right now, does it look like a rock or does it look like a sponge).
Results:
Children between 4-5 years of age answered both questions correctly (sponge-rock). Three-year-olds tend to take a “realist” perspective where the object was really a sponge and looked like a sponge (sponge-sponge).
Implications:
Therefore, just like how older infants understand that beliefs can contrast with reality, older children also understand that appearances can contrast with reality.
Research shows that children’s success In the appearance-reality task not only temporally coincides with (similar age trends) but also correlates with their performance in unexpected location and unexpected transfer-false belief tasks (pass all or fail all types of false beliefs tasks; coherence in how the tasks hang together).
Given the evidence that false belief understanding marks a sea change in children’s cognitive or conceptual development, are these factors that can facilitate children’s false belief understanding?
Linguistic or communicative exchanges about mental states
Family factors promote understanding of the mind