Module 3

Question 1

Schlegel denies that clan societies were originally matriarchal.

Answer 1

False

In early research and writings there was evidence of matriarchy in evolution

Question 2

Schlegel believes that women in clan society often controlled “descent groups.”

Answer 2

False??

Women and mothers had little or no voice in how these were controlled

Controlled by men in domestic group

Women perpetuate descent groups in matrilineal societies but men control

Question 3

Schlegel cites matrilineal societies in which women who lived with their husbands were still dominated by their brothers.

Answer 3

True

In Yao and Trobriand, women in husband domestic group is still under authority of brother in descent group

Authority: right to control actions of another person

Question 4

According to Schlegel, in “brother dominant” societies, the mother’s brother plays a more central role than the father’s brother.

Answer 4

True?

Question 5

Schlegel says that both patrilateral and matrilateral cross-cousin marriage are compatible with male dominance.

Answer 5

True

Matrilateral cross-cousin associated with husband authority and patrilateral with brother authority

Husband has interest in sister’s domestic group and brother dominated has interests in wife’s domestic group

Question 6

Women in “Neither Dominant” societies are equally subordinate to their husbands and their brothers.

Answer 6

True

Less authority in general

Neither husband or brother exert great control

Hopi people are example

Question 7

Schlegel focuses exclusively on agricultural peoples.

Answer 7

False

There were some agricultural, some hunter-gather, some horticulturalists, some animal harvesters

Question 8

The Crow, Hopi, Khasi and North Kerala Nayar all occupy the same positions in Schlegel’s “domestic authority gradient.”

Answer 8

False

They all occupy different positions from Type II to Type V

Question 9

Goldschmidt says brideprice and dowry are essentially equivalent.

Answer 9

False

Not equivalent

Dowry assists with married

Brideprice benefits that bride’s family

Question 10

Sebei men never marry women from other tribes or other countries.

Answer 10

False

Question 11

Sebei brideprice negotiations are conducted in strictly private, secret sessions.

Answer 11

False

Huge social event

Brideprice negotiations have witnesses

Details of contract not secret or private

Question 12

All Sebei women marry but, since a fair number of men have multiple wives, some Sebei men do not marry.

Answer 12

True

Every Sebei woman and almost every Sebei man get married

Question 13

In cases of “elopement,” the bride’s father is unable to benefit from the marriage.

Answer 13

False?

No stigma, contract still established

Question 14

The Sebei bride payments recorded by Goldschmidt included cattle in every case, plus, in many cases, goats, sheep, iron bracelets, iron hoe blades, and cash.

Answer 14

True

Always start negotiating with cattle, then once that is decided move on to other things

Question 15

The cost of a Sebei bride, Goldschmidt says, is akin to the cost of a car in the U.S.

Answer 15

False

About the same as the cost of a house (single most capital outlay)

Question 16

In the past, one of the main brideprice payments went to the bride’s mother’s brother.

Answer 16

True?

A single ram went to the bride’s mother’s brother, now many cattle are included too

Question 17

Sebei men complain if they receive brideprice cattle of inferior quality.

Answer 17

False

They don’t equate their brideprice to the quality and number of cattle

Question 18

What Goldschmidt calls the “triple disaster” that befell the Sebei in the early 20th century made cattle even more central to Sebei marriage than ever.

Answer 18

True?

More average cattle heads paid

Total brideprice had tripled

Shows prosperity

Question 19

Goldschmidt says that Sebei herders pay higher brideprices than Sebei farmers because polygyny makes wives relatively scarcer among the herders than among the farmers.

Answer 19

False

Polygyny is more suited for to pastoral form of economic endeavor than farming

Farmers had limited land, making the acquisition of wives hard, where herders didn’t have this restriction

Question 20

Sebei men who marry three or more women are generally more affluent than average.

Answer 20

True

More well-to-do men partake in third and fourth marriages

Men pay less for second wives, third wife is higher

Question 21

The “comic custom [of] barbaric etiquette” that Tylor makes the starting point of his study is now called “the levirate.”

Answer 21

False?

The levirate is when a widow becomes the wife of her late husband’s brother or according to recognized order of precedence in clan

The barbaric etiquette referred to the avoidance levels between the husband and the wife’s family.

Question 22

According to Tylor, there are known instances when biological fathers and sons have come to blows because their respective “tribelets” were quarreling.

Answer 22

True

Father and son fight, and son might kill father if others had not interfered

When a husband is married, he moves to wife’s tribe and becomes are part of that tribe

Question 23

Tylor shows that the central principle of clan society was essentially identical to what we now call the nuclear family.

Answer 23

False

In nuclear family, father, mother, and children form a unit

In clan society, marriage causes one person to move tribes

Husband moving to wife’s tribe

Husband temporarily moving to wife’s tribe

Wife moving to husband’s tribe

Question 24

In all, Tylor reports on data gathered from about 350 different peoples.

Answer 24

True

Question 25

Tylor used statistical methods to analyze the extent to which clusters of cultural traits are linked to one another.

Answer 25

True

Question 26

According to Tylor, in-law avoidance is never practiced in societies with residence of the type we would now call matrilocal.

Answer 26

False Husband is an outsider when he marries his wife in wife’s family Wife's family avoids him, makes him outsider Some cases husband is ignored until the first child is born

Question 27

Tylor invented the word “teknonymy.”

Answer 27

True

Question 28

There are only a half-dozen peoples who are known to have practiced teknonymy.

Answer 28

False About 30 people spread out of the world who practice this

Question 29

Unlike many others, Tylor believes that clans were originally what we would call patrilineal rather than matrilineal.

Answer 29

False The distribution of practices and custom related to levirate practice only work when starting with paternal and moving into maternal

Question 30

Tylor assigns a major role to the mother's brother in the “matriarchal system.”

Answer 30

True In these systems, brother holds authority over children Sometimes outrank in inheritance of property too

Question 31

Tylor was unaware of the nature or significance of Lewis Henry Morgan’s concept of “classificatory kinship.”

Answer 31

False He explains how Morgan was an adopted Indian living with the Iroquois. He observed that relatives grouped into classes, which he called the “classificatory kinship” Ex: all his mother’s sisters were mothers, and all his father’s brothers were fathers

Question 32

Tylor considers “the levirate” to be an expression of the “compact” formed by two exogamous clans when their members marry.

Answer 32

True Marriage is like a contract, both sides must uphold their side of the deal, levirate deal for the wife's tribe where a husband is guaranteed for the wife and for the husband's tribe where a wife is guaranteed for them Relatives grouped into classes

Question 33

Tylor believes that the “couvade” is typical only of matrilineal societies.

Answer 33

False The couvade (where father acts like mother during pregnancy) is only present in matriarchal/patriarchal societies Fasting and obtaining from certain foods, resting for the baby

Question 34

Durkheim says the Australian clan and the Roman gens are, in principle, identical.

Answer 34

True Both share that all members have same name

Question 35

Durkheim says the details of totemic organization in North America are more definite and fixed than they are in Australia.

Answer 35

True Texts of Australia less explicit

Question 36

Durkheim assumes that, in Australia, clan residence is patrilocal in cases of matriliny as well as in cases of patriliny.

Answer 36

True Totem can be matrilineal or patrilineal Wife goes and lives in husband’s clan

Question 37

Durkheim says that totemism is found uniquely among clans in which matriliny (“uterine descent”) prevails.

Answer 37

False Totemism is found in both clans with matriliny and patriliny

Question 38

Durkheim says that, in principle, each clan belongs to only one phratry.

Answer 38

True In tribes no more than two, each clan belongs to one of them

Question 39

Durkheim says that marriages within Australian tribes are arranged in accordance with generational principles as well as distinctions of clan and phratry.

Answer 39

True? Marry into only one class of other phratry

Question 40

Durkheim disputes the claim that the entry of white Europeans into Australia had a “disorganizing” effect on Australian clan practices.

Answer 40

False Believes degeneration comes from natural decay of time and disorganizing effect of the whites

Question 41

Durkheim says the totemic emblem plays a more important role when it is emblazoned on the bodies of clan members than when it appears on external objects.

Answer 41

True Emblem becomes a part of them

Question 42

For Durkheim the churinga, despite its "marvellous properties," is not “the very type of a sacred thing.”

Answer 42

False Used at all important ceremonies, instruments, power over sickness “counted among the eminently sacred things; there are none which surpass it in religious dignity”

Question 43

Australian men and women were equally responsible for the care and handling of churingas.

Answer 43

False

Question 44

Contact with a clan’s churinga enhances clan morale, but does not demoralize their enemies, since enemy peoples believe only in their own churingas.

Answer 44

False Demoralizes enemies, enemy loses confidence, and it is a sure defeat

Question 45

Since clans often make churingas, nurtunjas, and waningas themselves, Durkheim concludes that they cannot see those particular objects as truly sacred.

Answer 45

False? They have the totemic emblem and are truly sacred, represent religion Serves residence as the ancestor's soul The myth determines the religious aspect

Question 46

Australian clan emblems are generally pictographs, designed to closely replicate the image of the totemic species.

Answer 46

False Geometric patterns, straight or curved lines Have conventional meaning, connection between drawing and figure not always seen

Question 47

For Durkheim, the principle of totemism is an impersonal sacred force that takes many forms.

Answer 47

True Totemism is a religion but not of animals, men, or images Found in everyone but not confounded entirely

Question 48

Durkheim says totemic forces are specific to particular individuals, so that, when they die, the totemic force dies, too.

Answer 48

False It precedes them and it survives after them Completely independent of subject Force remains actual, living, and the same

Question 49

Sacred totemic forces, according to Durkheim, impose moral obligations but have no material effects.

Answer 49

False They are material forces with physical effects For example, if not prepared properly cause sickness and death in an individual Have moral character: constitutes kinship

Question 50

Durkheim says clan members feel fear as well as respect for their totems.

Answer 50

True

Question 51

Durkheim says that North American tribes affirmed the notion of an impersonal religious force with greater generality than was found among Australian tribes.

Answer 51

True Unity with nature, compare from the bottom up, unity of the universe

Question 52

Tribes that Durkheim says were still clan organized in his day included the Omaha and Iowa.

Answer 52

True

Question 53

Iroquois sorcerers and shamans were believed to monopolize wakan, which was denied to ordinary people.

Answer 53

False Wakan: type of power, all life Ordinary people could have it, for example if one was better at hunting or fighting, he had wakan, if animal escapes hunter than the one before him had more wakan

Question 54

In Melanesian societies it was regarded as sacrilegious to try to acquire mana for oneself.

Answer 54

False Mana is power, religion consists of getting it

Question 55

Durkheim says that, for the Omaha tribe, access to the totem was valued as a way to access the wakan embodied in the totem.

Answer 55

True Totem is how individual is put into contact with wakan Has the power to cause harm

Question 56

Durkheim says that wakan very often takes on a "personified" character.

Answer 56

False Repels personification, does not need aid of symbols

Question 57

The Arunta and Loritja in Australia had a concept of negative or harmful mana, which they called Arunquiltha, but not a concept of positive or more general mana.

Answer 57

True? Brings death, it is a natural evil power Given to wood and poisonous plants and animals

Question 58

Durkheim says that words, like material objects, can be regarded by totemic believers as bearers of sacred force.

Answer 58

True Forces may be attached to words (pronunciation) Think prayers

Question 59

Durkheim would be surprised to learn that the word “magic” is derived from the Persian word maga.

Answer 59

False Cites source that said magic and mana are different

Question 60

Durkheim sharply distinguishes between religious and scientific concepts of force.

Answer 60

False Force came from religion which is borrowed by science

Question 61

For the Arrernte, ritual practice is only "right" if it is practiced in the right place.

Answer 61

True Right ritual practice in the right ritual site

Question 62

Pepe, the word used by the Arrernte to refer to God's law, literally means "paper."

Answer 62

True

Question 63

Australian colonization transformed Arrernte culture religiously as well as economically.

Answer 63

True Converted to Christianity Became capitalistic Herding destroyed their land, made them stationary

Question 64

Drought and disease caused great harm to the Arrernte in the early 20th century.

Answer 64

True? (to the mission) Influenza and measles, great drought (which reduced food)

Question 65

Marriage norms prevented the Arrernte from going on lengthy treks.

Answer 65

False Led people to engage in long treks and visits Strategic for economic and social and ritual ends

Question 66

Arrernte territory was particularly prized by the colonists for its water resources.

Answer 66

True Well-watered – made it desirable

Question 67

Helmut drew parallels between the experiences of the Israelites, as recounted in the Old Testament, and the Arrernte's experiences after the arrival of Captain Cook.

Answer 67

True They had been forced out of their home, moved to a new place, and their language was discarded, culture destructed

Question 68

Many Arrernte believe that Noah and Jesus were active in central Australia.

Answer 68

True Noah took some totemic species on his boat Jesus had footprints there

Question 69

Joyleen's ancestor Aremala fought Willshire's effort to prevent cattle theft.

Answer 69

False Was a guide to help prevent cattle theft, worked with missionaries

Question 70

Austin-Broos posits the "feminization" of contemporary life in Ntaria.

Answer 70

True Limited employment for men led to more feminine activity “school-shop-clinic-church domain”

Question 71

Outstation residents in 1976 outnumbered Hermannsburg residents by more than 4 to 1.

Answer 71

True

Question 72

After the drought of 1928-29, Albrecht wanted the Arrernte to return to nomadism.

Answer 72

False Rejected nomadism Wanted them to adopt rural industrialism

Question 73

Jobs and job training have become increasingly available to the Arrernte in this century.

Answer 73

False

Question 74

Sustaining relatedness, for the Pintupi, is itself a kind of labor.

Answer 74

True Compare to European work For desert people leads to access to land Clan culture has transaction ritual

Question 75

One of the Arrernte words for "work" refers to meat payments to male elders.

Answer 75

True Meat payment junior man might give to senior, throwing leg Refers to the act of painting oneself with ochre as decoration for ritual performance. Kin and ritual relations

Question 76

The Arrernte word for "making" refers most often to "making tracks" across the outback.

Answer 76

False “setting up a camp or uniting a group as well as 'making' artefacts”

Question 77

The Arrernte only value "working for" those whose fathers worked for their own fathers.

Answer 77

False? Equates to looking after I owe you Describes a relationship, relatedness over generations

Question 78

The Arrernte today no longer travel widely to build networks or amass diverse skills.

Answer 78

True Because of Lutheran

Question 79

One way for the Arrernte to accumulate social connections is by sharing their possessions. "Working for" and "working" are sometimes said to fight each other.

Answer 79

True “Widespread relatedness thereby crowds out training in the context of economic marginalization” “this comes up especially when plans are made to visit relatives” Sense conflict from boss

Question 80

"Burning the truck" means abandoning wage-work or possessions to lighten the burden of demands from others.

Answer 80

True People deterred from work by demands that earning cash brings Reinforced by refusing pay