IR

Question 1

basic social values that states are usually expected to
uphold

Answer 1

security, freedom, order, justice, and welfare

Question 2

what are international relations

Answer 2

the study of relationships and interactions between countries, including the
activities and policies of national governments, international organizations (IO’s),
nongovernmental organizations (NGO’s), and multinational corporations. It can be
both a theoretical subject and a practical or policy subject, and academic
approaches to it can be empirical or normative or both

Question 3

Cum definește autorul conceptul de “civilizație”?

Answer 3

Autorul definește o civilizație ca o entitate culturală. Sate, regiuni, grupuri etnice, naționalități, grupuri religioase, toate au culturi distincte la diferite niveluri de eterogenitate culturală. O civilizație este cel mai înalt grup cultural de oameniși cel mai larg nivel de identitate culturală pe care oamenii îl au, cu excepția a ceea ce distinge oamenii de alte specii. Civilizațiile sunt definite prin elemente obiective comune, cum ar fi limba, istoria, religia, obiceiurile, instituțiile, și prin auto-identificarea subiectivă a oamenilor

Question 4

De ce susține autorul că identitatea de civilizație va deveni din ce în ce mai importantă în viitor?

Answer 4

Autorul susține că identitatea de civilizație va fi din ce în ce mai importantă din mai multe motive: în primul rând, diferențele dintre civilizații sunt reale și fundamentale, derivând din istorie, limbă, cultură, tradiție și, cel mai important, religie. Aceste diferențe nu vor dispărea. În al doilea rând, lumea devine mai mică, interacțiunile dintre popoare din civilizații diferite sunt în creștere, ceea ce intensifică conștiința de sine a civilizației și conștientizarea diferențelor dintre civilizații. În al treilea rând, procesele de modernizare economică și schimbare socială la nivel mondial separă oamenii de vechile identități locale și naționale. În al patrulea rând, creșterea conștiinței de sine a civilizației este îmbunătățită de dublul rol al Occidentului.

Question 5

Ce se înțelege prin “linii de falie” între civilizații și de ce sunt ele susceptibile să fie locuri de conflict?

Answer 5

Prin “linii de falie” se înțeleg granițele culturale care separă civilizațiile. Aceste zone sunt susceptibile să fie locuri de conflict deoarece reprezintă puncte de interacțiune între civilizații diferite, unde diferențele în valori, credințe și interese pot duce la tensiuni și confruntări. Conflictele apar la două niveluri: micro, între grupuri adiacente de civilizații diferite care luptă, adesea violent, pentru teritoriu și control reciproc; și macro, între state din civilizații diferite care concurează pentru putere militară și economică, concurează pentru controlul organizațiilor internaționale și promovează competitiv valorile lor politice și religioase.

Question 6

Care este “provocarea hispanică” descrisă în al doilea text și cum se leagă de conceptul mai larg de identitate națională și culturală?

Answer 6

Provocarea hispanică” se referă la imigrația continuă și semnificativă din America Latină în Statele Unite, în special din Mexic, care ridică întrebări cu privire la capacitatea societății americane de a asimila acești imigranți în cultura anglo-protestantă dominantă. Autorul sugerează că numărul mare, concentrarea regională, persistența imigrației și prezența istorică a populației hispanice în unele părți ale SUA ar putea duce la o societate din ce în ce mai biculturală și bilingvă, cu potențiale diviziuni culturale și politice. Aceasta se leagă de conceptul mai larg de identitate națională și culturală prin faptul că pune sub semnul întrebării ce înseamnă să fii american și dacă valorile și limba tradiționale americane sunt amenințate de această schimbare demografică și culturală.

Question 7

Care sunt unele dintre implicațiile “provocării hispanice” pentru Statele Unite, conform celui de-al doilea text?

Answer 7

Unele implicații includ potențiale diviziuni lingvistice și culturale, presiuni asupra educației bilingve, posibila formare a unor blocuri politice bazate pe identitatea etnică, dificultăți în menținerea unei identități naționale unificate și provocări în ceea ce privește asimilarea economică și socială a noilor imigranți. Autorul sugerează că lipsa asimilării culturale și lingvistice ar putea duce la o fragmentare a societății americane și la o slăbire a coeziunii sale sociale și politice. De asemenea, menționează potențialul ca Statele Unite să devină o țară cu două limbi și două culturi principale (engleză și spaniolă, anglo și hispanică), cu implicații semnificative pentru politică, economie și societate.

Question 8

Potrivit lui Huntington, de ce identitatea civilizațională va deveni din ce în ce mai importantă în viitor? Menționați două motive.

Answer 8

Identitatea civilizațională va deveni mai importantă din două motive principale: în primul rând, diferențele dintre civilizații sunt reale și fundamentale, implicând aspecte precum istoria, limba, religia și valorile; în al doilea rând, lumea devine mai mică datorită interacțiunilor crescute, intensificând conștiința de sine a civilizațiilor și conștientizarea diferențelor dintre ele.

Question 9

Ce este “sindromul țării de origine” (kin-country syndrome) și cum se manifestă în contextul conflictelor intercivilizaționale?

Answer 9

“Sindromul țării de origine” se referă la tendința țărilor aparținând aceleiași civilizații de a se alia și de a sprijini statele implicate în conflicte cu țări din alte civilizații. Acest sindrom poate exacerba conflictele intercivilizaționale.

Question 10

Ce rol joacă limba spaniolă în argumentul lui Huntington despre potențialul de divizare culturală în Statele Unite?

Answer 10

Limba spaniolă joacă un rol central în argumentul lui Huntington, deoarece el vede menținerea pe scară largă a limbii spaniole de către imigranții hispanici ca un factor cheie care împiedică asimilarea culturală completă în cultura americană predominantă, bazată pe limba engleză.

Question 11

clash of civilisations critics

Answer 11

Samuel Huntington’s Clash of Civilizations thesis has faced widespread criticism for its reductionist and essentialist approach to global politics. Critics argue that it portrays civilizations as monolithic and internally homogenous, ignoring the vast diversity and internal dynamics within them. The theory selectively interprets Western history to reinforce a binary of “us vs. them,” ultimately perpetuating negative stereotypes about non-Western societies. This oversimplified worldview has led some scholars, such as Edward Said, to label it a “clash of ignorance” rather than a legitimate scientific analysis, suggesting that Huntington’s work reflects ideological bias more than objective scholarship.

Question 12

culture in IR

Answer 12

Culture in International Relations refers to the shared values, beliefs, and norms that shape how states understand themselves, others, and the world. It influences national identities, foreign policies, and international norms, helping to explain why states behave the way they do—not just based on power or economics, but also on ideas and meaning. For example, countries with similar political cultures may form closer alliances, while cultural misunderstandings can lead to conflict. Constructivist scholars highlight the importance of culture in shaping global politics, while realist theories tend to overlook it. Overall, culture is a key factor in how international relations are constructed and experienced.

Question 13

utopian liberalism (Wilsonian idealism)

Answer 13

Wilsonian idealism can be summarized as follows. It is the conviction that, through a rational and intelligently designed international organization, it should be possible to put an end to war and to achieve more or less permanent peace. The claim is not that it will be possible to do away with states and statespeople, foreign ministries, armed forces, and other agents and instruments of international conflict. Rather, the claim is that it is possible to tame states and statespeople by subjecting them to the appropriate international organ- izations, institutions, and laws.

14 points and Briand-Kellog pact

Question 14

liberal causes of war

Answer 14

regimurile non-democratice, liderii iraționali, diplomația secretă și naționalismul expansionist ca principale cauze ale războiului.

Question 15

norman angel view on war

Answer 15

Norman Angell argues that war is no longer profitable because it disrupts international trade and is too costly. He believes modernization makes states more dependent on resources, credit, and markets from other countries, increasing economic interdependence. As a result, war and force become less important, and international law evolves to manage these growing connections. Ultimately, modernization and interdependence lead to a world where war becomes obsolete.

! Norman Angell’s high hopes for a smooth process of modernization and interdepend- ence also foundered on the harsh realities of the 1930s. The Wall Street crash of October 1929 marked the beginning of a severe economic crisis in Western countries that would last until the Second World War and would involve hard measures of economic protectionism. World trade shrank dramatically, and industrial production in developed countries declined rapidly. In July 1932—at the trough of the Great Depres- sion—American production of pig iron reached its lowest level since 1896. In ironic contrast to Angell’s vision, it was each country for itself, each coun- try trying as best it could to look after its own interests rather for international cooperation and aid.

Question 16

how did willson and angel looked at human nature?

Answer 16

Wilson and Angell’s ideas reflect a liberal belief that humans are rational and capable of creating institutions that benefit everyone. They argued that public opinion is a positive force and that diplomacy should be transparent to ensure fair agreements. These ideas influenced international relations in the 1920s, leading to the creation of the League of Nations and agreements like the Kellogg–Briand Pact of 1928, which sought to abolish war except in self-defense. Liberal ideas had already shaped international efforts before World War I, as seen in the Hague Conventions of 1899 and 1907.

Question 17

What was E.H. Carr’s main critique of liberal idealism in international relations?

Answer 17

E.H. Carr argued that liberal idealists misunderstood international relations by assuming a harmony of interests between nations. Instead, he believed IR is fundamentally about conflict, as some countries and people seek to maintain their privileged positions while others struggle for change. He labeled liberalism “utopian” and contrasted it with his “realist” perspective, which he viewed as a more accurate analysis of global politics.

at best liberal utopians are at best naive but actually they have a hidden agenda for imperialism (the way that the security council works, it is priveledged)

Question 18

What was Hans J. Morgenthau’s main argument about human nature in international relations?

Answer 18

Hans J. Morgenthau argued that human nature is fundamentally self-interested and driven by the pursuit of power. He believed that this inherent desire for power leads to conflict rather than cooperation in global politics. Morgenthau’s realism was shaped by historical events, particularly the aggressive expansionist policies of Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, and Imperial Japan in the 1930s. These regimes demonstrated that international politics is not guided by moral ideals or cooperation but by the ruthless struggle for power.

Morgenthau’s perspective was rooted in classical realism, which sees the international system as anarchic—lacking a central authority to enforce order. Because of this, states must rely on their own power for survival. He also drew from psychological and religious interpretations of human nature, referencing thinkers like Sigmund Freud, who believed in an innate human impulse toward aggression, and Reinhold Niebuhr, who spoke of humanity’s original sin and temptation toward evil.

Ultimately, Morgenthau dismissed liberal idealism, which assumed that reason and institutions could create a harmonious international order. Instead, he argued that conflict is inevitable because states, like individuals, act primarily in their own self-interest, seeking to maximize their power in a world where security is never guaranteed.

Question 19

main elements in realism

Answer 19

1. human nature is ingerently bad
2. international politics is a struggle for power, meaning that the international arena is an anarchy where armed states try to survive and up their own interests (The quest for power certainly character- ized the foreign policies of Germany, Italy, and Japan. The same struggle, in response, applied to the Allied side during the Second World War. Britain, France, and the United States were the ‘haves’ in Carr’s terms, the ‘status quo’ powers who wanted to hold on to what they already had, and Germany, Italy, and Japan were the ‘have-nots’, who wanted to change the status quo. So it was only natural, according to realist thinking, that the ‘have-nots’ would try and redress the international balance through the use of force)
3. Contrary to the optimistic liberal view that qualitative change for the better is possible, realism stresses continuity and repetition ()

Question 20

What is behaviouralism in IR?

Answer 20

Behaviouralism in international relations emerged after World War II as a new methodological approach focused on making IR more scientific. Unlike earlier scholars who studied IR through history, law, or philosophy, behaviouralists used empirical data and scientific methods to analyze international relations. They aimed to identify measurable patterns and generalizable laws governing state behavior, similar to how natural sciences explain physical phenomena.

Behaviouralists prioritized data collection, classification, and hypothesis testing to understand recurring trends in international politics. They believed that facts are separate from values, meaning that IR should focus on observable, measurable behaviors rather than subjective moral or ideological perspectives. This approach transformed IR into a more systematic, data-driven discipline, especially in the United States, where government agencies and private foundations supported research that was seen as serving national interests.

Question 21

What is their scientific procedure?

Answer 21

Their scientific method is a structured process used to test hypotheses through observation and empirical data collection. To validate a hypothesis, researchers must design experiments or gather data systematically. The collected data is then carefully recorded and analyzed. Based on the results, the hypothesis may be confirmed, modified, reformulated, or discarded. Findings are shared with the scientific community, allowing others to replicate the study and verify or challenge the conclusions. This process ensures that knowledge is continuously tested and refined through objective investigation.

Question 22

What are the key differences between the traditional and behavioral approaches to International Relations?

Answer 22

The traditional approach to IR is holistic and humanistic, emphasizing historical context, diplomacy, ethics, and the complexity of international relations. It seeks to understand the motives and dilemmas of statespeople rather than reducing IR to scientific laws. E.H. Carr is an example of this approach, rejecting empirical testing of IR theories.

The behavioral approach, on the other hand, aims to study IR scientifically by gathering data and identifying patterns in state behavior. It avoids moral or ethical considerations, treating human relations as objective phenomena that can be analyzed like natural sciences. Critics argue that human affairs are too complex and value-laden to be studied in the same way as the physical world. Some scholars, like Morgenthau, attempt to blend both approaches by acknowledging moral dilemmas while also formulating general political laws.

Question 23

Neoliberalism

Answer 23

Neoliberalism is a renewed form of liberalism that emerged after World War II as an alternative to realism. Unlike early liberal idealism, neoliberals focus on progress and change but reject utopian thinking. They aim to apply scientific methods and theories to the study of international relations, emphasizing cooperation and interdependence rather than conflict.

Question 24

What is regional integration, and why was it important for neoliberals?

Answer 24

Regional integration refers to deep international cooperation, particularly in areas like trade and investment. In the 1950s, neoliberals observed the growing economic and political integration in Western Europe and theorized that cooperation in one area would lead to further cooperation in others. This idea influenced early studies of how economic ties promote long-term stability and peace.

Question 25

Sociological Liberalism

Answer 25

Sociological liberalism is a branch of neoliberal thought that focuses on the role of cross-border interactions, such as trade, communication, and cultural exchange, in fostering peace. Karl Deutsch argued that as people from different states engage more frequently, they develop shared values and identities, making war increasingly costly and less likely.

Question 26

Interdependence Liberalism

Answer 26

Based on the idea of Complex Interdependence, Interdependence liberalism, developed by Keohane and Nye, argues that in a highly interconnected world, states and societies rely on each other economically and politically, reducing the likelihood of conflict. In modern international relations, multiple actors, including corporations and international organizations, play key roles, and military power is no longer the central focus of foreign policy.

Question 27

Institutional liberalism

Answer 27

Institutional liberalism is a branch of neoliberalism that emphasizes the role of international institutions (such as the UN, WTO, and EU) in facilitating cooperation between states. It argues that these institutions help create rules, reduce uncertainty, and encourage trust, making cooperation more beneficial than conflict. By providing mechanisms for negotiation and dispute resolution, they increase stability in international relations.

Question 28

Republican liberalism

Answer 28

Republican liberalism is a strand of neoliberalism that argues liberal democracies do not go to war against each other, promoting global peace. This idea gained traction after the Cold War with the spread of democracy, particularly in Eastern Europe. Michael Doyle (1983) identified three pillars of democratic peace:

• Peaceful conflict resolution between democratic states.
• Common values and moral foundations shared by democracies.
• Economic cooperation among democratic nations.

Republican liberals believe in an expanding “Zone of Peace” among democracies, despite occasional setbacks.

Question 29

Variations of (neo)liberalism

Answer 29

• Sociological liberalism: Cross-border flows, common values
• Interdependence liberalism: Transactions stimulate cooperation
• Institutional liberalism: International institutions, regimes
• Republican liberalism: Liberal democracies living in peace with each other

Question 30

ethics of statecraft

Answer 30

The ethics of statecraft refers to the moral and ethical considerations that guide the decisions and actions of state leaders in international relations. It involves balancing national interests with ethical principles such as justice, human rights, and global responsibility. Key ethical dilemmas in statecraft include:

• Just War Theory – When is it morally acceptable to go to war?
• Realpolitik vs. Idealism – Should states prioritize power and security over ethical concerns?
• Human Rights vs. Sovereignty – When should states intervene in other countries’ affairs for humanitarian reasons?
• Diplomatic Integrity – The role of honesty, transparency, and fairness in international agreements.

Ethical statecraft seeks to find a balance between pragmatism and moral responsibility in global politics.

classical realism

Question 31

What is the main focus of Waltz’s structural realism?

Answer 31

Kenneth Waltz’s structural realism (or neorealism) emphasizes the structure of the international system as the key determinant of state behavior. He defines structure based on three elements:

Anarchy – The international system lacks a central authority or world government.

Like Units– All states, regardless of size, must perform similar governmental functions (e.g., defense, taxation).

Relative Capabilities – The only major difference between states is their power, which determines their position in the system.

Waltz argues that anarchy forces states to prioritize their security and relative power, leading to competition and balancing behavior. This structure-driven perspective explains why anarchy is likely to persist in global politics.

Question 32

How does Waltz’s balance-of-power theory explain state behavior?

Answer 32

Waltz argues that great powers naturally balance against each other. If one state becomes too dominant, other states will align to counterbalance it. After the Cold War, the U.S. became unchallenged, but balance-of-power theory predicts other nations will eventually rise to check its dominance.

Question 33

Why do states seek power in Waltz’s neorealism?

Answer 33

Waltz rejects the classical realist idea that human nature drives power-seeking behavior. Instead, he argues that states act this way because the international system is anarchic, meaning there is no central authority to guarantee their security. States seek power and security to survive in this system.

Question 34

How does neorealism counter neoliberalism’s argument about cooperation?

Answer 34

Neorealists acknowledge that states may cooperate, but they argue that cooperation is always driven by self-interest. Even when states work together, they aim to maximize their own relative power and autonomy rather than pursuing idealistic cooperation for mutual benefit, as neoliberals suggest.

Question 35

Why did neorealism gain more influence in the 1980s?

Answer 35

The renewed Cold War tensions, including Reagan’s hardline stance against the Soviet Union and the intensification of the arms race, reinforced neorealist arguments that international relations are driven by power politics and security concerns rather than cooperation and interdependence.

Question 36

How did neorealism and neoliberalism come closer in the 1980s?

Answer 36

While they still differed, many neoliberals started accepting neorealist assumptions, such as the idea that states operate in an anarchic system and prioritize their own interests. Both schools also embraced scientific methodologies from behavioralism, leading to some shared analytical frameworks.

Question 37

What key issues still divide neorealists and neoliberals?

Answer 37

While some scholars tried to synthesize the two perspectives, major disagreements persist. Neorealists like Mearsheimer emphasize power politics and conflict, while neoliberals like Moravcsik stress the role of institutions, democracy, and economic interdependence in fostering cooperation.

Question 38

What is the English School in International Relations?

Answer 38

The English School, also called the International Society approach, blends realism and liberalism. It argues that while states pursue power and self-interest (realist element), they are also bound by common rules and norms (liberal element). It rejects behavioralism and focuses on history, law, and human understanding in international relations.

Question 39

What does the English School mean by “International Society”?

Answer 39

International Society exists when states recognize common interests and values, follow shared rules, and participate in common institutions. While international relations are anarchic (no world government), they are not purely chaotic; states interact within a framework of norms, diplomacy, and international law.

! Power remains a core element, but it operates alongside norms and laws. While states seek power and security, they also follow rules, engage in diplomacy, and recognize mutual obligations. The balance of power is a key institution that maintains order in the system.

anarchic society

Question 40

How does the English School differ from realism and liberalism?

Answer 40

Unlike realism, it acknowledges the role of norms and institutions in international relations. Unlike liberalism, it recognizes the enduring importance of power and national interest. It avoids extreme positions and instead sees world politics as a mix of conflict, cooperation, and legal norms.

Question 41

What are the three main elements of International Society?

Answer 41

Realist Element: Power and national interest are crucial.

Liberal Element: International rules and institutions promote cooperation.

Cosmopolitan Element: Universal human rights and moral concerns also shape world politics.

Question 42

How does the English School interpret the role of the UN?

Answer 42

The UN reflects both power politics and international norms. The Security Council represents power and inequality (with permanent members having veto power), while the General Assembly embodies legal equality among states. The UN also promotes human rights, reflecting the cosmopolitan dimension of International Society: the ES like that. They don’t only regrd sttes but also individuals

Question 43

Why do English School theorists reject behavioralist methods in IR?

Answer 43

They argue that IR cannot be studied like the natural sciences. Instead of searching for universal laws, they focus on historical analysis, moral judgment, and interpreting state behavior within a broader historical and philosophical context.

Question 44

What ethical responsibilities do leaders have in international politics according to the English School?

Answer 44

Leaders must balance three key responsibilities:

National Responsibility: Serve their state’s interests.

International Responsibility: Follow international law and respect other states.

Humanitarian Responsibility: Protect human rights globally when possible. Balancing these obligations is challenging, as seen in crises like Darfur (2003–2009).

Question 45

What is Hedley Bull’s concept of an “Anarchical Society”?

Answer 45

Hedley Bull argued that while the international system is anarchic (lacking a central authority), it is still structured by norms, rules, and institutions. States follow diplomatic protocols, respect sovereignty, and engage in balance-of-power politics, creating an “anarchical society” rather than a chaotic free-for-all.

Question 46

neo-marxism

Answer 46

Argues that global capitalism systematically exploits developing countries, keeping them in a state of dependency. Influenced by Karl Marx, thinkers like Andre Gunder Frank and Immanuel Wallerstein claim that economic underdevelopment is not a natural condition but a consequence of historical and structural exploitation. Concepts such as dependency theory and unequal exchange explain how poor countries are forced to sell raw materials at low prices while buying manufactured goods at high prices from wealthy nations, ensuring their continued economic subordination.

Question 47

Liberal IPE

Answer 47

Views global capitalism as a force for economic progress. Rooted in classical economic theories from Adam Smith and David Ricardo, it argues that free markets, private property, and individual economic freedom drive global prosperity. Unlike Neo-Marxists, liberals believe that international trade benefits all countries by encouraging efficiency, innovation, and long-term economic growth.

Question 48

Realist IPE (Mercantilism/Economic Nationalism)

Answer 48

Focuses on the role of the state in controlling and directing economic resources to enhance national power. This perspective, influenced by Friedrich List, sees economic strength as essential for national security and political sovereignty. Realist scholars argue that economic policy should serve state interests rather than global market forces, and they emphasize the need for a hegemon (a dominant economic power, such as the United States) to maintain global economic stability.

Question 49

The debate over IPE extends to contemporary issues such as:

Answer 49

Economic globalization – Does it erode national economies by subjecting them to global market forces, or does it promote overall economic growth?

Winners and losers in globalization – Who benefits from free trade, and who is left behind?

The role of the state in the economy – Are states still in control of economic policy, or do multinational corporations and global financial institutions dictate the terms?

The decline of U.S. economic hegemony – How does the weakening of American economic dominance affect global economic stability?

Question 50

Dependency Theory

Answer 50

The idea that poor countries remain underdeveloped due to their economic dependence on and exploitation by wealthy nations.

Question 51

Unequal Exchange

Answer 51

The process in which developing countries sell raw materials cheaply while purchasing expensive manufactured goods from developed countries, reinforcing economic disparity.

Question 52

world-systems theory

Answer 52

World-Systems Theory, developed by Immanuel Wallerstein, analyzes the global capitalist system as a hierarchical structure. It divides the world into three main regions:

Core: Wealthy, industrialized countries with strong economies, high productivity, and technological advancement. They often exploit the periphery for resources and labor while maintaining control over global markets.

Periphery: These are less developed, often exploited nations that rely on exporting raw materials and cheap labor to the core. They have weaker economies and less political influence.

Semi-Periphery: This region serves as an intermediate zone between the core and periphery. It may have some industrialization and economic growth but still faces dependency and exploitation from the core.

Wallerstein’s theory challenges the idea that development is a linear process, suggesting that global inequality is maintained through historical exploitation. It provides a framework for understanding global economic relations, development, and underdevelopment, emphasizing the structural inequalities that persist in the capitalist world economy.

Question 53

How did the end of the Cold War influence IR theory?

Answer 53

The end of the Cold War led to new global challenges such as civil war, terrorism, migration, and environmental crises, prompting scholars to challenge the Cold War-era neorealist approach, which failed to account for the complexity of post-Cold War international relations.

Neorealism, particularly Kenneth Waltz’s version, is criticized for being overly focused on the balance of power and material forces, failing to address emerging global issues such as mass migration, climate change, and the rise of non-state actors. Neorealism also lacks an ability to foster positive change.

Question 54

What is social constructivism in IR?

Answer 54

Social constructivism emphasizes the role of human agency, ideas, and norms in shaping international relations, in contrast to the material focus of neorealism and neoliberalism. It argues that international systems are constructed through ideas, not just through power and material forces.

Question 55

How do post-positivist approaches challenge traditional IR methods?

Answer 55

Post-positivist approaches, such as post-structuralism, postcolonialism, and feminism, challenge the positivist methods of IR, arguing that traditional theories often overlook power structures, historical contexts, and social issues in global relations.

Question 56

criteria for a good theory

Answer 56

• Coherence: the theory should be consistent, i.e., free of internal contradictions.
• Clarity of exposition: the theory should be formulated in a clear and lucid manner.
• Unbiased: the theory should not be based on purely subjective valuations. No the- ory is value-free, but the theory should strive to be candid about its normative premises and values.
• Scope: the theory should be relevant for a large number of important issues. A theo- ry with limited scope, for example, is a theory about US decision-making in the Gulf War. A theory with wide scope is a theory about foreign policy decision-making in general. Moreover, the theory is better if the issues it explains have hitherto been puzzling and if it offers policy advice for decision makers and practitioners.
• Depth: the theory should be able to explain and understand as much as possible of the phenomenon that it purports to tackle. It should be as complete as possible. For example, a theory of European integration has limited depth if it explains only some part of that process and much more depth if it explains most of it.

Question 57

significance for the westphalia treaty

Answer 57

states become the only legitimate source of political power (compared to churches)

Question 58

security dilemma

Answer 58

a situation in which actions taken by a state to enhance its own security, such as military buildup, are perceived as threats by other states, prompting them to respond with similar measures, leading to increased tensions and potential conflict.

Question 59

vienna conference 1814–1815

Answer 59

1. Balance of Power: The Congress of Vienna successfully reestablished the balance of power in Europe, preventing any single state from dominating the continent.
2. France Contained: France was contained through the creation of strong neighbouring states but was not harshly punished, allowing for a more peaceful reintegration into European affairs. it wanted to prevent it from domination. France had to be contained by buffer states (Nl, a stronger Prussia, Piedmont-Sardegna)
3. Instalement of the Burbon monarchy
4. European Stability: The diplomatic solutions of the Congress ensured nearly a century of relative peace in Europe until the outbreak of World War I in 1914.
5. British Colonial Dominance: Britain emerged as the dominant global naval power and began its century of world leadership, solidifying its colonial empire.
6. Polish Question Unresolved: The compromise on Poland only delayed future conflicts over the region, as the “Congress Poland” lasted only 15 years, and Polish national aspirations remained unfulfilled.

Question 60

ontology

Answer 60

study of nature of existence; what constitutes the wqorld around us? relation between the individual and the society; to what states have the ability to manuver or are they structured?

Debate wether the social world is primarly determined by:

structure vs agency: is the setting/ context determine the world or are the political actions made by individuals/ state determine the world (context of the weimar republic vs the actions of hitler)
material factors vs ideational factors: (for Arab spring would be economic inequality/ authoritarian regime vs the want for liberty) (causes of marshal plan, plan to adress the severe economic devastation/ spread of communism vs symbol of american commitement/ integration/ sense of solidarity)

Question 61

epistemology

Answer 61

scinece of knowlege, how is knowledge aquired, how can we study/ understand social phenomena, what is the role of subjectivity in empirical research. what is the nature of social science research?

! positivist vs post-positivist debate

Positivism: causality, explaining, objectivity, decudction
Post positivism: Mutual constitution (not 100% on what is the cause and consequence), understanding, plausability, induction

Question 62

What does realist theory in International Relations say about the nature of international politics and historical change?

Answer 62

Realist theory argues that the fundamental nature of international politics is timeless and unchanging. States operate in an anarchic system, constantly competing for power and security. Unlike domestic politics, there is no progressive change—international relations are marked by a persistent struggle for dominance. This makes realism universally applicable, across all times and places.

Question 63

What are the two main realist claims made by Thucydides?

Answer 63

Thucydides argued that the structure of the international system shapes relations between states, often leading to conflict and war. He also believed that moral reasoning plays a minimal role in international politics. Instead of justice or ethics guiding state behavior, power dynamics and survival concerns dominate. These ideas form the foundation of classical realism, where states act in their self-interest under conditions of anarchy.

Question 64

How did Thucydides view inequality between states?

Answer 64

Thucydides saw inequality among states as natural and permanent. In the context of ancient Greece, powerful city-states like Athens and Sparta coexisted with much weaker ones, such as the island-state of Melos. He argued that all states must adapt to this reality of unequal power or risk destruction. This view reflects a core realist assumption: that international relations are driven by power, not ideals of fairness or equality.

Question 65

What does the Melian Dialogue illustrate in realist theory?

Answer 65

The Melian Dialogue is a famous example where Thucydides puts realist ideas into practice. When Melos appealed to justice to avoid domination by Athens, the Athenians dismissed the idea, claiming that in international politics, the strong do what they can, and the weak suffer what they must. This reflects the realist belief that moral appeals have no place in power politics—only relative strength determines outcomes.

Question 66

What is the theory of hegemonic war, and how is it connected to Thucydides?

Answer 66

The theory of hegemonic war, developed by scholars like Robert Gilpin, builds on Thucydides’ insight that the growth of Athenian power caused fear in Sparta, making war inevitable. This theory explains how rising powers threaten established ones, often resulting in conflict. Historical examples include the Thirty Years War, Napoleonic Wars, and World War I. Today, some scholars apply this theory to tensions between the U.S. and a rising China.

Question 67

Why does Machiavelli separate political responsibility from Christian morality?

Answer 67

According to Machiavelli, political leaders cannot afford to follow Christian values like charity, forgiveness, and honesty. These are private virtues, but political life is about survival. Rulers must sometimes lie, break promises, or act ruthlessly if it means preserving the state. Politics, for him, operates under its own logic and necessities.

Question 68

What does Machiavelli mean by the ‘autonomy of politics’?

Answer 68

Machiavelli was one of the first to argue that politics should be independent from ethics and religion. He believed that rulers must prioritize the survival and power of the state above moral or religious rules. This idea is called the ‘autonomy of politics’ — the belief that political decisions must sometimes override traditional moral norms.

Question 69

What does Machiavelli mean by ‘virtú’ and how is it connected to ‘Fortuna’?

Answer 69

‘Virtú’ is the quality of a ruler who is skillful, bold, and decisive — someone who shapes events rather than letting events shape them. This quality is attractive to ‘Fortuna’, the goddess of fortune, meaning that those who possess virtú are more likely to succeed because they can seize and control opportunities as they arise.

Question 70

What is Machiavelli’s view on international relations?

Answer 70

Machiavelli sees international relations as a dangerous and competitive arena where the primary goal is the survival and independence of the state. He argues that rulers must use both force (like a lion) and deception (like a fox) to defend their interests. Traditional moral values like honesty, charity, or peace have no place in foreign policy if they put the state at risk. Instead, rulers must act strategically, ruthlessly if needed, and always prioritize power and security over ethics.

Question 71

Why do people create a sovereign state, according to Hobbes?

Answer 71

People create a sovereign state to escape the fear and danger of the state of nature. Hobbes argues they are “civilized by fear of death.” Out of self-preservation, they form a mutual security pact, agreeing to submit to a sovereign with absolute power to ensure internal peace and protect against external threats. This transformation is driven more by passion (fear) than reason.

Question 72

What is the ‘security dilemma’ and how did Hobbes anticipate it?

Answer 72

The security dilemma is a situation in international relations where one state’s efforts to increase its security (e.g., building military power) lead other states to feel insecure and respond with their own military buildup, thus increasing overall insecurity. Though the term was coined by John Herz in 1951, Hobbes anticipated this idea: while individuals can escape insecurity by forming a state, states themselves exist in a condition of anarchy, like individuals in the state of nature, leading to mutual suspicion and potential conflict.

Question 73

Why can’t international peace be achieved according to Hobbes?

Answer 73

Hobbes argues that while civil peace can be achieved within a state through a sovereign authority, international peace is not possible because there is no overarching global authority. The international system remains anarchic, and sovereign states are always in a state of potential war. Therefore, the idea of lasting international peace is a dangerous illusion.

Question 74

What does Hobbes mean by ‘felicity’?

Answer 74

In Hobbes’s thought, ‘felicity’ refers to happiness, well-being, and the continual success of desires. It is only possible under civil conditions—when people are secure and at peace within a sovereign state. In the state of nature, where constant fear dominates, felicity is unattainable.

Question 75

What do classical realists agree on regarding the human condition and political wisdom?

Answer 75

• Classical realists agree that the human condition is marked by insecurity and conflict, which must be dealt with.
• They believe there is a body of political wisdom to help manage these issues, and each thinker tries to uncover the best solutions.
• However, they all agree that there is no permanent escape from this conflict—it’s a constant part of life.
• Despite the political wisdom available, there is no final solution to the problems of politics, and enduring peace between states is impossible.

Question 76

Self-help from waltz

Answer 76

states must rely on their own resources and capabilities to esure their security rather than depending on other states and international organisaitions

Question 77

What is the difference between defensive and offensive neorealism?

Answer 77

• Defensive neorealism (Kenneth Waltz): States strive to balance power, avoiding excessive power accumulation to prevent a security dilemma. The main focus is on maintaining security and stability.
• Offensive neorealism (John Mearsheimer): States behave aggressively and seek hegemonic power. They will expand their influence if possible, always striving to become dominant in their region or globally.
• Both theories share the view that anarchy defines international relations, states are the most important rational actors, and the world operates on power politics, self-help, and a zero-sum game.
• Waltz argues that excessive power can create instability, while Mearsheimer suggests that hegemonic aspirations are inevitable (e.g., U.S. Monroe Doctrine).
• Mearsheimer’s view justifies actions like Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, believing that Ukraine’s move toward NATO would provoke such a response.

Question 78

critics of neorealism

Answer 78

• Underestimating the role of NGOs, international organisations, lobby groups
• Overemphasis of the role of great powers, small states also matter
• The growth of terrorism, they don’t focus on that just on the state even though its very urgent
• They underestimate the role of ideas, ideology, religion, history (US and Israel)= non material powers/ variables

Question 79

morgenthau on use of power

Answer 79

How power can be used (Balance of Power):
Morgenthau believes that power can be used in international relations through a balance of power. This idea suggests that nations should seek to prevent any one state from becoming too powerful, as a state with overwhelming power can disrupt international stability and lead to war. By maintaining a balance of power, where no single state dominates, nations can create a more stable and peaceful international system. This balance can be achieved through alliances, military deterrence, or diplomacy, ensuring that states don’t become aggressive due to fear of being overpowered.

How power should be used (International Law):
Morgenthau also emphasizes that the use of power should be guided by principles of international law. While states act based on their national interests, the use of force and power should ideally be constrained by laws and agreements that govern state behavior. This helps prevent arbitrary or unjust actions and ensures that power is exercised in ways that respect the sovereignty of other states and maintain peace in the international system. International law, in Morgenthau’s view, serves as a framework to ensure that states don’t exploit power recklessly, even though politics may sometimes require morally questionable actions.

Question 80

How does Morgenthau distinguish between private morality and political morality?

Answer 80

Morgenthau follows the tradition of classical realism in asserting that political ethics differ from private morality. In politics, actions like lying, spying, or even war might be justified if they serve the national interest, which is not allowed in private morality. He believes this distinction is crucial for leaders who must make tough decisions for national security.

Question 81

six principles of political relaists morgenthau

Answer 81

• Politics is rooted in a permanent and unchanging human nature which is basically self-centred, self-regarding, and self-interested.
• Politics is ‘an autonomous sphere of action’ and cannot therefore be reduced to morals (as Kantian or liberal theorists are prone to do).
• Self-interest is a basic fact of the human condition. International politics is an arena of conflicting state interests.
• The ethics of international relations is a political or situational ethics which is very different from private morality. In exercising political responsibility, a politi- cal leader may have to violate private morality to defend national security. Not only would that be justifiable, it may be absolutely necessary.
• Realists are opposed to the idea that particular nations can impose their ideolo- gies (e.g., democracy) on other nations. It is fundamentally unwise as, ultimately, it could backfire and threaten the crusading country.
• Statecraft is a sober and uninspiring activity that involves a profound awareness of human limitations and human imperfections.

Question 82

What are the contradictions in Morgenthau’s realist theory of international politics?

Answer 82

Morgenthau claims to have identified “iron laws” of international politics that states must follow, but at the same time, he argues that states should “ought” to follow his maxims. Critics, like Robert W. Tucker, argue that these “iron laws” are not truly deterministic, exposing contradictions in Morgenthau’s theory. This issue arises from trying to mix empirical analysis (what is) with normative analysis (what should be), which led to criticism of classical realism, especially in the 1960s and 1970s.

Question 83

What is the difference between coercion and brute force in Schelling’s strategic realism?

Answer 83

Coercion involves using threats to make an adversary comply, while brute force involves taking what is wanted directly. Coercion is seen as more effective and less risky.

Question 84

How does Schelling describe diplomacy in international relations?

Answer 84

Diplomacy is seen as a bargaining process where states aim to achieve outcomes that are better for both sides than the alternatives, often using threats and offers.

Question 85

Why does Schelling’s strategic realism avoid normative discussions of ethics?

Answer 85

Schelling focuses on the practical aspects of strategy and decision-making, treating values as given and not exploring their ethical implications in depth.

Question 86

strategic realism

Answer 86

• Focuses on rational, instrumental decision-making in international relations, emphasizing the application of game theory.
• Prioritizes strategic analysis, especially in high-stakes situations like nuclear deterrence, where the goal is to influence adversaries through threats or coercion, rather than brute force.
• Unlike classical realism, it does not probe into the moral implications of foreign policy but instead assumes values are taken as given for strategic action.

Question 87

difference between Schelling and Machiavelli

Answer 87

Machiavelli: Focuses on the survival and flourishing of the nation, with an ethical foundation in civic virtue. Emphasizes the importance of power and strategy in the context of political ethics and the moral obligations of rulers.

Schelling: Emphasizes a more strategic approach, focused on rational, instrumental decision-making without delving into ethical considerations. His focus is on practical outcomes in diplomacy and military strategy, particularly in the context of nuclear deterrence, without a foundational ethical framework.

Question 88

What normative assumptions does Waltz rely on in Theory of International Politics, despite presenting his theory as non-normative?

Answer 88

Waltz implicitly depends on normative assumptions like:

• Sovereignty: States are autonomous and self-determining units in the system.
• Equality: All states are functionally equal units in structural theory, regardless of size or power.
• Survival as primary goal: Assumes survival is the fundamental interest of states, guiding rational behavior.

These are not philosophically elaborated, but they shape the logic of neorealism by framing how states are treated within the international system.

Question 89

What is Stephen Walt’s “Balance of Threat” theory, and how does it revise Waltz’s original neorealism?

Answer 89

Stephen Walt refines Waltz’s theory by arguing:

States don’t balance against power, but against threats.

Threat perception is shaped by four variables:

• Aggregate power – Total resources of a state.
• Proximity – How geographically close a state is.
• Offensive capabilities– Potential to launch attacks.
• Aggressive intent – Perceived hostility or revisionist goals.

This explains why weaker but hostile states can provoke balancing, and why not all powerful states are seen as threatening.

Question 90

Why is Waltz’s structural realism considered too rigid by some scholars, and how did they attempt to expand it?

Answer 90

Critics argue that Waltz’s theory:

• Ignores domestic politics, leaders, ideology, and non-material factors.
• Defines “structure” too narrowly as only the distribution of capabilities.

Scholars who expanded it:

• Barry Buzan & Richard Little: Suggested that structure should include patterns of interdependence and normative institutions.
• John Mearsheimer: Proposed offensive realism—states don’t just preserve power, they seek to maximize it.
• Randall Schweller: Introduced the role of revisionist states and internal motivations (domestic regime types, elite goals). These scholars broadened neorealism to include more causes of state behavior, beyond structural constraints.

Question 91

Why are not all powerful states perceived as threats, according to Balance of Threat theory?

Answer 91

Threat is not purely a function of material power. Instead, states assess:

• Geographic distance: Distant powers may seem less threatening.
• Military posture: Defensive vs. offensive capability.
• Intentions: States seen as status quo actors (e.g., Canada) aren’t threatening, while revisionist states (e.g., North Korea) are.

Thus, states balance against perceived threats, not just raw power. This leads to cautious strategies aimed at preserving autonomy and security, rather than aggressive power maximization.

Question 92

Why does Waltz argue that neorealism cannot fully explain foreign policy?

Answer 92

Waltz believes neorealism, as a theory of international politics, explains state behavior only when external/systemic pressures dominate. Since this rarely happens, neorealism alone is not sufficient for explaining specific foreign policy actions. In such cases, explanations must look to unit-level factors (e.g., domestic politics), which lie outside the scope of the theory.

Question 93

How does Waltz differentiate between theories and accounts?

Answer 93

According to Waltz, theories are abstract, parsimonious models that identify a few key variables to explain general patterns. Accounts, on the other hand, are rich narratives that include many specific details (e.g., leaders, ideology, events). Critics confuse neorealism’s limited scope as a theory with a refusal to consider internal causes—but Waltz insists these belong in accounts, not in systemic theory.

Question 94

How does Waltz respond to the criticism that neorealism ignores unit-level (domestic) factors?

Answer 94

Waltz acknowledges that unit-level causes matter but argues they don’t belong in a systemic theory like neorealism. Including them would undermine the theory’s analytical clarity. Instead, neorealism focuses only on international structure and power distribution, while other theories can be used to analyze domestic-level influences.

Question 95

Why does Mearsheimer argue that bipolar systems are more stable and peaceful than multipolar ones?

Answer 95

Fewer Great-Power Rivalries:

• In a bipolar world, there are only two major powers.
• Fewer rivalries mean fewer opportunities for conflict or war among great powers.

Simpler Deterrence:

• With only two superpowers, it’s easier to maintain a balance and prevent escalation.
• Deterrence (threat of retaliation) works better because fewer actors are involved, making intentions clearer.

Less Risk of Miscalculation:

• Fewer actors = fewer misunderstandings or accidental escalations.
• Each power can focus directly on the other, avoiding the confusion seen in multipolar systems with many alliances and shifting dynamics (like pre-WW1 Europe).

Question 96

Defensive Realism (Waltz)

Answer 96

• States are security-maximizers, not power-maximizers.
• The anarchic international system compels states to act prudently, balancing against threats to maintain their own survival.
• States do not seek hegemony, because overly aggressive behavior tends to provoke counter-balancing by others, making states less secure.
• Stability is possible when states act rationally and avoid unnecessary wars.

📌 Core Idea:
States are defensive actors reacting to the structure of the system, not naturally expansionist or aggressive. Overreaching often leads to greater insecurity.

Question 97

Criticism of Mearsheimer’s Offensive Realism

Answer 97

• Fails to explain peaceful cooperation between great powers, such as the long-standing alliance between the U.S. and the U.K.
• Overemphasizes survival as a motive; in the post-WWII world, sovereignty is protected by norms and institutions, reducing fear of state extinction.
• Assumes conquest and territorial expansion are still relevant strategies, which doesn’t align with current global political realities.
• Underestimates the impact of nuclear weapons in deterring great power wars, making large-scale conflict less likely.
• Lacks empirical nuance; treats Europe and East Asia as structurally identical, ignoring significant historical and cultural differences.
• Ignores historical failures of would-be hegemons (e.g., Germany, Japan) and the enormous costs they incurred, which rational leaders today are likely to consider.
• Selective historical focus; bases conclusions on the U.S. post-1989 unipolar moment without comparing to other ideological hegemonies like Napoleonic France or the USSR.
• Dismisses the possibility that liberal democracies, while flawed, may be less aggressive than other ideologies; ignores that liberal democracies have never gone to war with each other.
• Overstates the role of liberal idealism in U.S. foreign policy; critics argue many interventions (e.g., Iraq War) were driven by national interest, not democratic values.
• Reducing theoretical complexity for simplicity undermines explanatory depth; omits key variables that would make the theory more empirically accurate.

Question 98

Offensive Realism (Mearsheimer)

Answer 98

• Great powers are inherently aggressive and power-maximizing.
• All states aim to become regional hegemons (dominant powers in their geographic area).
• States constantly seek opportunities to gain power over others, driven by the anarchic nature of the international system.
• Hegemony is the ultimate goal, because it ensures survival and maximum security.
• Mearsheimer believes this logic is universal and timeless—great power rivalry and conflict are inevitable.

📌 Example:
According to this logic, the U.S. will work to contain China as it rises, just as it did with the USSR during the Cold War. China, in turn, will try to dominate Asia.

Question 99

Mearsheimer and Waltz

Answer 99

Same:

• Both view the international system as anarchic, where no central authority exists above states.
• Both believe anarchy forces states to prioritize survival and pursue power to ensure security.
• Both argue that state behavior is shaped by the structure of the international system rather than internal characteristics.
• Both assume that rational states act in predictable, interest-driven ways under systemic constraints.

Different:

• Waltz advocates for defensive realism: states seek only enough power to ensure survival, not domination.
• Mearsheimer advances offensive realism: states are inherently aggressive and strive for regional hegemony to maximize security.
• Waltz believes excessive power invites balancing and increases risk; restraint is rational.
• Mearsheimer believes power-maximization is rational because only overwhelming dominance deters threats.
• Waltz sees bipolarity (e.g., Cold War) as stable due to clear deterrence and fewer players.
• Mearsheimer agrees but adds that multipolarity is dangerously unstable, especially without nuclear deterrence.
• Waltz avoids assumptions about specific state motivations; Mearsheimer injects a clear motive—pursuit of hegemony—into his model.

Question 100

Waltz’s 3 level of analysis

Answer 100

First Image: Individual Level
Focuses on human nature and individual leaders. War and conflict are explained by personal traits, psychology, or decision-making errors of individuals (e.g., Hitler’s aggression, or human selfishness).

Second Image: State Level
Attributes war to the internal structure of states. The nature of regimes, political ideologies, or economic systems (e.g., authoritarianism vs. democracy, capitalism vs. socialism) shape how states behave.

Third Image: International System Level
Focuses on the anarchic structure of the international system. There is no higher authority above states, so they must rely on self-help. This structure compels states to act in ways that ensure their survival—leading to power competition and, potentially, war.

Important:

Classical realists (like Morgenthau) often focus on the first and second images — they explain international politics through human nature and domestic politics. For example, Morgenthau believed humans have an inherent drive for power, which is reflected in state behavior.

Neorealists (like Waltz) reject that and instead emphasize the third image — the structure of the international system (anarchy and distribution of power).
Waltz argues that it doesn’t matter what kind of government a state has — in an anarchic system, all states are forced to act similarly (self-help, power-maximizing) if they want to survive.

So:
✅ Realists treat states as the main actors
❌ But not all realists agree on which level of analysis best explains outcomes
🔑 Neorealists like Waltz say the system (3rd image) shapes state behavior, not domestic politics (2nd) or individuals (1st).

Question 101

Neoclassical Realism: Core Contributions and Differences

Answer 101

Synthesis of Levels: Uses Waltz’s 3 levels—systemic (international), domestic (state), and individual (leadership)—but focuses especially on systemic and domestic.

Adds Domestic Politics: Includes internal factors like strategic culture, elite cohesion, institutions, interest groups, and leader perceptions.

More Flexible on State Behavior: Anarchy sets the parameters but doesn’t dictate behavior. This explains why states sometimes don’t balance power, contradicting what neorealism would predict.

Focuses on Foreign Policy: Not just outcomes of international structure, but how states decide what to do.

**Explains Anomalies: **Helps account for cases where neorealism fails (e.g., underbalancing).

Question 102

soft balance of powers

Answer 102

There is as distinction between a hard balance of power and a soft balance of power. The former is the classical realist concept of a balance of military power between major powers. The latter, on the other hand, is a more recent conception of liberal theorists. In this theory, the military power of states or international organizations—e.g., alliances—is not the main focus, as it is for both classical realists and International Society theorists. Rath- er, it emphasizes tacit or informal institutional collaboration or ad hoc cooperation among states for the purpose of joint security against a foreign threat. The concept clearly seeks to enlarge the focus of the balance of power, to include arrangements that are seen to be signifi- cant non-military ways in which major powers interact that cushion, assuage, or ease their relations which would otherwise be more antagonistic, uncompromising, and hostile.
The liberal notion of a soft balance of power has been the subject of much critical analysis. One important critique is the charge that the concept ‘stretches’ the notion of the balance of power to the point of making it so elastic and diverse that its core mean- ing is lost sight of (Nexon 2009).

Question 103

How is realism best understood in academic terms?

Answer 103

Realism is best seen as a broad research program rather than a specific theory. Within this framework, there are disagreements between realists, including distinctions between classical realism, strategic realism, structural realism (offensive and defensive), and neoclassical realism.

Question 104

strategic realism

Answer 104

Schelling seeks to provide analytical tools for strategic thought. He views diplomacy and foreign policy, especially of the great powers and particularly the United States, as a ration- al–instrumental activity that can be more deeply understood by the application of a form of mathematical analysis called ‘game theory’. Coercion is a method of bringing an adversary into a bargaining relationship and getting the adversary to do what we want him or her to do without having to compel it—i.e., employ brute force, which, in addition to being dangerous, is usually far more difficult and far less efficient.

Question 105

structural realism

Answer 105

Structural realists employ the concepts bipolar system and multipolar system, and many see bipolarity as more conducive to international order.

Question 106

neorealism

Answer 106

Neorealism is an attempt to explain international relations in scientific terms by reference to the unequal capabilities of states and the anarchical structure of the state system, and by focusing on the great powers whose relations determine the most important ‘outcomes’ of international politics. Waltz, Walt, and Mearsheimer believe that bipolar systems are more stable and thus provide a better guarantee of peace and security than multipolar systems. According to that view, the Cold War was a period of international stability and peace.

Question 107

neoclassical

Answer 107

Neoclassical realists seek to combine the structuralist argument of Waltz with the classical realist emphasis on domestic factors. They also seek to incorporate the concepts of domes- tic statehood and society, which are a characteristic feature of liberalism.

Question 108

overall critic of realism

Answer 108

The different strands of realism have encountered different criticisms. Classical realists such as Morgenthau have been criticized for an inability to distinguish between normative and positive analysis and for anchoring their views of the international relations solely on human nature. Structural realists have been criticized for slighting domestic factors in order to solely operate at the systemic level and for their inability to explain international change. Neoclassical realists have been criticized for failing to consider whether it is pos- sible to integrate systemic-level and national-level factors in a unified theoretical frame- work without turning a theory into a descriptive account of what happened in a particular situation.

Question 109

Comparații între Tipuri de Realism

Answer 109

Realismul clasic vs. Neorealismul: Identifică diferențele cheie în ceea ce privește accentul pe natura umană (clasic) versus structura sistemului (neorealism).
Realismul defensiv vs. Realismul ofensiv: Compară viziunile asupra obiectivelor statelor (securitate vs. hegemonie) și implicațiile pentru comportamentul statelor.

Question 110

International regimes

Answer 110

sets of rules, norms, and decision-making procedures that guide the behavior of states and other international actors in specific issue areas, like trade, climate change, or nuclear non-proliferation. They help coordinate expectations and cooperation without needing a central authority.

this can only work during a hegemony

Question 111

liberal assumptions

Answer 111

1. International law and inernational agreements together with IOs create a system that go beyond than just nation sattes (United Nations)
2. The spread of cpaitalism through free trade (and through the efforts of the US) and IOs like WTo, WB, IMF- which is beneficial towards all the actors involved
3. International liberal norms which favours internaitonal cooperatons, human rights, democracy and rule of law. And when violating them, there are costs= sanctions

Question 112

Sociological liberalism

Answer 112

is a theory in international relations that focuses on the importance of transnational relationships—connections between people, groups, and organizations across borders—rather than just interactions between states. It argues that increased communication, cultural exchange, and societal interaction create a more peaceful and cooperative international system by building trust and mutual understanding among people.

The cobweb model, developed by John Burton, visualizes the international system as a complex web of interdependent relationships—not just between governments, but also between individuals, companies, NGOs, and other actors across borders.

Instead of seeing states as isolated “billiard balls,” this model shows them as nodes in a web, connected by many strands of communication, trade, migration, and shared interests. These connections make conflict less likely, because damaging one strand affects many others—just like disturbing a cobweb affects the whole structure.

waltz 2nd image: nationa state level

Question 113

Interdependence liberalism

Answer 113

is a theory in international relations that argues that as states become more economically, socially, and politically interconnected, the likelihood of conflict decreases and cooperation increases. It emphasizes that mutual benefits from trade, communication, and institutions reduce incentives for war and promote peace and stability.

complex interdependence; watlz 3rd immage: systemic

Question 114

difference between realists and liberals on the role of the state

Answer 114

Where realists see the state first and foremost as a concentration of power, a Machtstaat, liberals see the state as a constitutional entity, a Rechtsstaat which establishes and enforces the rule of law that respects the rights of citizens. Such constitutional states would also respect each other and would deal with each other in accordance with norms of mutual toleration.

J. Bentham believed that it was in the rational interests of constitutional states to adhere to international law in their foreign policies (Rosenblum 1978: 101). This argument was further developed by Immanuel Kant, an eighteenth-century German philosopher. He thought that a world of such constitutional and mutually respectful states—he called them ‘republics’—could eventually establish ‘perpetual peace’ in the world.

Question 115

Institutional liberalism

Answer 115

argues that international institutions—like the UN, WTO, or NATO—help promote peace and cooperation by providing rules, reducing uncertainty, increasing transparency, and helping states resolve conflicts peacefully. Institutions make it easier for states to trust each other and work together.

you make up with this for the lack of trust between the states. watlz 3rd immage: systemic

Question 116

Republican liberalism

Answer 116

, often known through the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT), holds that democracies are less likely to go to war with one another. The idea is that democratic governments are more accountable to their citizens, more transparent, and more likely to resolve disputes through dialogue—making peace between democracies more stable and reliable. They also dont go to war because of interdependence

waltz 2nd image: nationa state level

Question 117

“spillover” in the theory of integration

Answer 117

In Ernst Haas’s theory of integration, spillover refers to the idea that cooperation in one area (like trade or transport) naturally leads to cooperation in other areas—because the issues are interconnected.
As integration deepens, political elites are persuaded to shift their loyalties toward new, supranational institutions that claim authority beyond the nation-state. Haas believed this process, driven by the practical needs of cooperation, would gradually push states toward political integration.
He observed this dynamic in early European cooperation during the 1950s and 60s.

Question 118

transnationalism

Answer 118

‘the processes whereby international relations conducted by governments have been supplemented by relations among private individuals, groups, and societies that can and do have important consequences for the course of events’

Question 119

what are the 3 revolutions conceptualised by Moises?

Answer 119

• The ‘More revolution’ means that many more people are living longer and healthier lives and that makes them more difficult to ‘regiment and control’ (2013a: 58).
• The ‘Mobility revolution’ implies that people are able to move around a lot more than earlier: they cross borders, they communicate globally, and they easily switch loyalties.
• Finally, the Mentality revolution concerns the aspiration of the rapidly growing middle classes around the world. They shake off traditional values, take nothing for granted, and they do not easily defer to authorities.

Question 120

functionalist theory of integration,

Answer 120

The functionalist theory of integration, developed by David Mitrany, argues that increased interdependence through transnational ties—especially in technical and economic areas like transport, communication, and finance—can lead to peace.
Mitrany believed that technical experts, not politicians, would drive cooperation by solving common problems. As people experienced the benefits of international collaboration, they would shift their loyalty from the nation-state to international organizations. Over time, this would foster political integration and reduce the chances of conflict.

Question 121

How do neorealists critique the liberal institutionalist view?

Answer 121

Neorealists argue that anarchy leads to mistrust and self-help behavior. According to Mearsheimer, states can’t rely on others for security and must guarantee their own survival. They claim institutions cannot overcome the security dilemma or constrain powerful states effectively. The end of the Cold War and return to multipolarity, in their view, increases instability in Europe.

Question 122

What are the two dimensions used to assess the institutionalization of international institutions?

Answer 122

ScopeHow many issue areas (economic, military, socio-political) the institutions cover.

Depth: Measured by:

• Commonality (shared expectations/interpretations),
• Specificity (clarity of rules),
• Autonomy (ability of the institution to act independently of states).
  (Source: Keohane 1989; Peters 2011)

Question 123

Three Conditions for Democratic Peace

Answer 123

• Democratic norms of peaceful conflict resolution
• Peaceful relations based on shared moral values
• Economic cooperation and interdependence

Question 124

What are liberal intergovernmentalism and neofunctionalism?

Answer 124

Liberal Intergovernmentalism (Moravcsik 1999): Emphasizes that state interests drive institutional cooperation.

Neofunctionalism: Argues that functional challenges (tasks better solved through cooperation) push states toward deeper integration. Revised versions combine both functional and intergovernmental explanations.
Leadership, democracy, and legitimacy have also become key areas of focus.

Question 125

What criticisms are made of international institutions in today’s globalized world?

Answer 125

Legitimacy deficit: Institutions intervene deeply in national affairs but lack sufficient democratic legitimacy.

Weak capacity:They are too weak to address major global challenges like financial regulation or climate change.

Resistance: Growing societal and national backlash due to perceived overreach and ineffectiveness.
(Source: Zürn 2011)

Question 126

Reasons for Peace Between Democracies (Kantian Roots)

Answer 126

Democratic norms and political culture promote peaceful conflict resolution since democratic leaders are accountable to citizens who oppose war.

Shared moral values form a “pacific union,” fostering mutual understanding and peaceful diplomacy.

Economic interdependence among democracies incentivizes cooperation and reduces conflict, also tied to what Kant called “the spirit of commerce.”

Civil society also plays a growing role—social and electoral accountability help secure peace among democracies (Hegre, Bernhard, and Teorell 2020).

Question 127

What is the concept of “liberal overreach”?

Answer 127

Liberal overreach refers to the perceived excessive expansion of liberal values and principles, particularly the push for a liberal world order, which led to a populist backlash, including events like Brexit and the election of Donald Trump.

Question 128

Bretton Woods System (1944–1971)

Answer 128

• A global financial system set up after World War II to bring stability to the world economy.
• Currencies were tied to the U.S. dollar, and the U.S. dollar was backed by gold (at $35 per ounce).
• Only the U.S. dollar could be converted into gold, and only by foreign central banks, not regular people.
• This made the dollar the global reserve currency.

Question 129

Nixon Ends the Gold Standard (1971)

Answer 129

• In 1971, President Nixon ended the dollar’s convertibility into gold — this is called “closing the gold window”.
• Why? Because the U.S. was printing too many dollars (for war spending and global trade), and other countries like France started demanding gold in return.
• Nixon stopped it to protect U.S. gold reserves and avoid a financial crisis.
• This ended the Bretton Woods system and began the era of fiat money (currencies backed by governments, not gold).

Question 130

economic rivarly mercantelism types

Answer 130

Defensive (“benign”) mercantilism:
States protect their own economies to support national security, without necessarily harming others (West germany and Japan after ww2)

Aggressive (“malevolent”) mercantilism:
States exploit the global economy through expansionist or imperialist policies, aiming to boost both economic and military-political power, which reinforce each other (Soviet Onion)

Question 131

law of comparative advantage

Answer 131

formulated by David Ricardo in 1817, posits that even if one country is less efficient than another in producing all goods, both can benefit from trade by specializing in the goods they produce most efficiently relative to others. This principle underlies the argument for free trade, suggesting that specialization and exchange lead to more efficient global production and mutual gains.

Ricardo’s theory challenges protectionist policies by demonstrating that trade restrictions, like tariffs, can prevent countries from realizing the benefits of specializing in their comparative advantages. His work laid the foundation for modern trade theory and continues to influence economic thought today.

Question 132

What is Laissez-faire in economic liberalism?

Answer 132

Definition: Laissez-faire is the principle that markets should operate without government interference. It advocates for minimal state regulation, with the belief that the market will naturally regulate itself to maximize efficiency and wealth.

Key Idea: Government’s role is limited to ensuring the basic framework (e.g., protection of property rights, rule of law) for markets to function properly.

Main Thinkers: Adam Smith, David Ricardo, early economic liberals.

Example: The economic policies of Ronald Reagan in the 1980s, which focused on reducing government regulation and encouraging free-market practices.

Question 133

What is the “Law of Unequal Development”?

Answer 133

Definition: The Law of Unequal Development refers to the idea that economic development occurs unevenly across different regions or countries. Some areas advance more quickly than others due to various factors, such as access to resources, political systems, or historical conditions.

Key Idea: This unevenness leads to a global division of labor where some countries or regions become more industrialized and economically powerful, while others remain underdeveloped or dependent.

Main Thinkers: Immanuel Wallerstein (World-Systems Theory), Andre Gunder Frank (Dependency Theory).

Example: The development of core countries like the U.S. and Western Europe compared to the peripheral countries in Africa, Asia, and Latin America during colonialism and post-colonial periods.

Question 134

What is the Marxist principle of historical specification?

Answer 134

Definition: The Marxist principle of historical specification asserts that the nature of conflicts and competition between states or ruling classes must be understood within the specific historical context of the economic system in place at that time. Each historical phase (such as feudalism, capitalism, etc.) has its own unique set of social forces and modes of production, which shape the conflicts and dynamics of that era.

Key Idea: For example, the competition between capitalist states in the modern era is driven by the capitalist mode of production, whereas earlier conflicts, such as those between feudal lords, were shaped by the feudal economic system. The underlying economic structure of each historical phase determines the nature of social and political struggles.

Implication: This principle highlights that historical analysis must take into account the specific economic and social relations of the time, rather than applying a one-size-fits-all approach to understanding conflicts across different periods.

Example: The transition from feudalism to capitalism altered the nature of conflict from struggles between monarchs and feudal lords to the competition between capitalist nations and imperial powers.

Question 135

Marxist IPE Framework

Answer 135

A critical approach to international political economy (IPE) that views capitalism as the driving force behind global economic relations and state behavior.

• States are not autonomous; they serve the interests of the ruling capitalist class (bourgeoisie).
• Class conflict is more fundamental than state conflict.
• Capitalism is inherently expansionist—always seeking new markets and profits.
• Global class struggles extend beyond borders, driven by transnational capitalism.
• History of IPE = history of global capitalist expansion (imperialism → globalization).

Question 136

Cox’s analytical framework

Answer 136

Social Forces: Who’s Driving Change?
Social forces refer to the people and classes involved in the production process—like workers, corporations, and capitalists. Cox looks at how capitalism is developing globally, especially through economic globalization. This includes the spread of factories and supply chains across countries, and the movement of people from poorer to richer regions. These changes create tensions, and Cox believes new social movements will rise to challenge the current system and push for more control over globalization.

Forms of State: How Do States Adapt?
Not all states react to global capitalism in the same way. According to Cox, each state has a form that reflects how it connects with social forces and global economic pressures. Even though states are still powerful, they are increasingly shaped by global competition. Most capitalist states prioritize economic competitiveness and avoid interfering in ways that might slow down growth. Also, non-governmental actors like multinational corporations and NGOs now influence global affairs alongside states.

World Orders: What Kind of Global System Do We Have?
World orders describe how the international system is organized. For Cox, the current U.S.-dominated global order may not last forever. He imagines a few future scenarios: one is a world of competing regional powers (like the EU, China, or Japan), while another is a post-hegemonic order where countries cooperate more equally through shared rules and institutions. Cox sees the future as open and shaped by ongoing struggles between different forces.

Question 137

What is a world-system in Wallerstein’s theory?

Answer 137

A large region where countries are linked by shared economic and political structures, either under a central empire or through decentralized capitalism.

There are two types of them:

• World Empires– Centralized political control (e.g., Roman Empire)
• World Economies – Decentralized states tied together by capitalism

There are 3 zones:

• Core – Rich, industrialized, strong states
• Periphery – Poor, dependent, weak states
• Semi-Periphery – Middle layer; mix of both

! the core exploits the periphery through unequal exchange—cheap labor and resources flow from the periphery to the core, while expensive goods and profits flow the other way. Capitalism creates underdevelopment in the periphery, keeping them dependent and poor rather than helping them modernize. Yes, countries can shift (e.g., from periphery to semi-periphery), and economic activities change, but the global hierarchy stays the same. The semi-perihpery acts as a buffer zone, dividing the global poor and preventing a unified challenge to the core.Walterstein believes capitalism will eventually collapse due to internal contradictions and lack of space for further expansion.

Question 138

Uneven and Combined Development (Rosenberg/Trotsky)

Answer 138

Capitalist development is uneven across countries and combines old and new social forms, shaped by both national and international contexts.

Origin of the Theory:

• Developed by Leon Trotsky to explain the unexpected Russian Revolution (1917).
• Rejected Marx’s idea that all countries would follow the same path as industrialized Europe.
• Claimed that capitalism spreads unevenly, creating unique combinations of development in each country.

Rosenberg’s Update (2016):

Applies the theory to modern global capitalism and events like Brexit and Trump’s election.

Uneven development:

• Western countries faced economic stagnation post-1970s.
• Globalization + China’s market opening → Job loss & inequality in the West.

Combined development:

• Western economies fused high-tech sectors with declining traditional industries.
• Rising discontent fueled anti-globalization backlash.

Implication:
The theory helps explain how global capitalism creates instability, national disparities, and political backlash—not all countries develop the same way, and the global system is deeply interconnected.

Question 139

What is the main thrust of the Marxist approach as compared with liberalism and mercantilism?

Answer 139

This basic Marxist view can be summarized as follows: the economy is a site of exploitation and inequality between social classes. Politics is to a large extent determined by the socioeconomic context. The dominant eco- nomic class is also dominant politically. That means that in capitalist economies the bourgeoisie will be the ruling class. Global capitalist development is uneven and bound to produce crises and contradictions, between both states and social classes (see Table 6.3). Marxist IPE thus concerns the history of global capitalist expansion, the struggles between classes and states to which it has given rise around the world, and how a revolutionary transformation of that world might come about.

Question 140

constructivism

Answer 140

• Focus of constructivism: ideas and beliefs that inform the actors on the international scene.
• Material facts are secondary to ideas: ‘500 British nuclear weapons are less threatening to the United States than 5 North Korean nuclear weapons’ because ‘the British are friends and the North Koreans are not’ (Wendt 1995: 73). That is to say, it is not the material fact of numbers of nuclear warheads that ultimately matter; what matters is how the actors think about each other; i.e., their ideas and beliefs.
• Structures and actors: ‘[S]tructures exist only through the reciprocal interaction of actors. The means that agents, through acts of social will, can change structures. They can thereby emancipate themselves from dysfunctional situations that are in turn replicating conflictual practices’ (Copeland 2000: 190); because ideas can change, states do not have to be enemies: ‘anarchy is what states make of it’ (Wendt 1992).
• The emphasis is on meaning: is the patting of another person’s face a punishment or a caress? We cannot know until we assign meaning to the act. Constructivists rely on such insights to emphasize the importance of ‘meaning’ and ‘understanding’ (Fierke and Jørgensen 2001).
• Identity:forneorealists,identitiesandinterestsareagiven;statesknowwhotheyareandwhat they want before they begin interaction with other states. For constructivists, it is the very interactions with others that ‘create and instantiate one structure of identities and interests rather than another’ (Wendt 1992: 394). Constructivists argue that we can only discover the intentions of states by studying identities and interests as they are shaped in interactions between states.
• Knowledge about the world: one group of ‘conventional’ constructivists believe that we can explain the world in causal terms; that is, we can find out ‘why one thing leads to another’; we can understand ‘how things are put together to have the causal powers that they do’ (Wendt 1999: 372). According to this view, constructivist analysis ‘depends on publicly available evidence and the possibility that its conclusions might in some broad sense be falsified’ (Wendt 1999: 373).
• Another group of ‘critical’ or ‘post-positivist’ constructivists argue that ‘truth claims’ are not possible and truth and power cannot be separated; therefore, the main task of critical constructivism is to unmask that core relationship between truth and power and to criticize those dominant versions of thinking that claim to be true for all.

Question 141

structuration

Answer 141

Structuration, a concept developed by sociologist Anthony Giddens (1984), refers to the dynamic and reciprocal relationship between structures and actors. Rather than seeing structures—such as norms, rules, or systems—as rigid constraints that mechanically determine behavior (as in neorealism), structuration emphasizes that while structures shape and limit what actors can do, actors also have the capacity to alter those very structures through their practices and interpretations. This process is intersubjective, relying on shared meanings and understandings. Constructivist scholars in international relations, such as Alexander Wendt, adopt this perspective to argue that even core structural elements like anarchy are not fixed realities but socially constructed and subject to change through state behavior and collective meaning-making.

! An example of structuration in international relations is the evolving norm against the use of nuclear weapons. After their initial development and use during World War II, nuclear weapons became a dominant part of the material structure of global politics. However, over time, international actors—through treaties, diplomatic discourse, and public condemnation—constructed a powerful taboo against their use. This taboo is not simply imposed by material constraints but is the result of shared beliefs, fears, and moral judgments. Thus, while the existence of nuclear weapons shapes state behavior (structure), states and societies have also shaped the meaning and acceptability of those weapons (agency), altering the structural reality itself.

Question 142

two ways of explaining behaviour

Answer 142

Logic of consequences: People (or states) make choices based on what they think will give them the best outcome. They weigh costs and benefits like a math problem. For example, a country might sign a trade deal because it expects economic growth.

Logic of appropriateness: People (or states) act based on what they think is the right thing to do in a given situation. They follow rules, values, or norms—even if it’s not the most profitable choice. For instance, a country might send aid to another after a disaster, not because it benefits directly, but because it’s seen as the proper or moral thing to do.

These concepts matter because they show two ways of explaining state behavior: the logic of consequences (acting based on cost-benefit calculations) and the logic of appropriateness (acting based on norms and what’s seen as right). Constructivists argue the latter is often just as important, helping explain actions like respecting the nuclear taboo or imposing sanctions for moral reasons.

Question 143

How is constructivism similar to rational choice theory?

Answer 143

Both are broad social theories that try to explain how people act, but while rational choice focuses on fixed preferences and constraints (what makes sense to do), constructivism emphasizes that people’s preferences and constraints are shaped by social ideas, beliefs, and shared understandings (what people believe is right or real).

Question 144

The 4 types of ideas

Answer 144

• Ideologies or shared belief systems are a systematic set of doctrines or beliefs that reflect the social needs and aspirations of a group, class, culture, or state. Examples include the Protestant ethic or political ideologies such as liberalism, Marxism, and fascism.
• Normative (or principled) beliefs are beliefs about right and wrong. They consist of values and attitudes that specify criteria for distinguishing right from wrong or just from unjust and they imply associated standards of behaviour, [for example] the role of human rights norms at the end of the Cold War.
• Causal beliefs are beliefs about cause-effect, or means-end relationships. They . . . provide guidelines or strategies for individuals on how to achieve their objectives . . . [for example,] Soviet leaders’ changing beliefs about the efficacy (or more precisely non- efficacy) of the use of force influenced their decision in 1989 not to use force to keep Eastern Europe under Soviet control.
• Finally, policy prescriptions are the specific programmatic ideas that facilitate policy- making by specifying how to solve particular policy problems. They are at the centre of policy debates and are associated with specific strategies and policy programs.

Question 145

Types of Power

Answer 145

Compulsory Power – Direct power over resources (e.g., World Bank money, UN peacekeeping forces) and moral authority (e.g., EU pushing countries to change domestic institutions).

Institutional Power – IOs influence what issues get discussed and what policies are considered. They set agendas, frame debates, and subtly guide decisions (e.g., World Bank officials shaping meeting agendas).

Productive Power– IOs help define what the global problems are and how to solve them. For example, development agencies push the idea that markets are always the solution—transforming entire societies based on that assumption.

Question 146

Difference between constructivist camps

Answer 146

There is an important distinction between a more moderate and a more radical camp within constructivism. Both camps argue that the world is socially constructed (an ontological point), but they disagree with respect to whether the social world can be studied using the standard scientific methods (an epistemological point).

Question 147

post-positivist

Answer 147

Post-positivist approaches is an umbrella term for a variety of contemporary issues in the study of IR. What unites them is dissatisfaction with the established theoretical traditions in the discipline, in particular with neorealism, which is seen as the dominant conventional theory. In their critique of established traditions, post-positivist scholars raise both meth- odological and substantial issues.

Question 148

core ideas

post structuralism

Answer 148

No Objective Reality: Post-structuralism denies the existence of an objective, ahistorical reality. All knowledge is subjective, shaped by the context and perspective of the observer.

Rejection of Grand Theories: The approach critiques theories like neorealism for their reductionist, ahistorical nature, arguing that these frameworks simplify complex global relations by ignoring their historical and cultural contexts.

Power and Identity: Post-structuralists argue that identity (e.g., national identity) is constructed through power relations and discourse. Foreign policy, for instance, is not a neutral activity but is a process of creating boundaries between “us” and “them” through discursive practices.

Plurality of Perspectives: Post-structuralism supports a multiplicity of viewpoints and rejects the idea that any one perspective can claim universal truth. It values a diverse range of theories and encourages constant critical questioning of assumptions.

Question 149

Post-Structuralism and Sovereign States

Answer 149

State Sovereignty: The idea that states have absolute control over their territory, recognized by other states.

Post-Structuralism’s Critique: Argues that states and borders are socially constructed, not natural or fixed. They are shaped by historical, cultural, and political factors.

Inside vs. Outside: The distinction between what belongs inside (state control) and outside (foreign relations). Post-structuralism challenges this by showing how interconnected the world is today.

Examples:

• Migration: People cross borders, challenging the idea of fixed “insider” vs. “outsider.”
• EU: Countries give up some sovereignty to cooperate, blurring the line between inside and outside.

Why It Matters: Post-structuralism questions who benefits from borders and state sovereignty, revealing how power relations shape global politics.

Question 150

postcolonialism

Answer 150

Postcolonialism adopts a post-structural attitude in order to understand the situation in areas that were conquered by Europe, in particular in Africa, Asia, and Latin America. When Western scholars talk about ‘traditional’ and ‘underdeveloped’ countries, they are really constructing certain images of these areas that reflect how the powerful dominate and organize the ways in which states in the South are perceived and discussed. Any real libera- tion of the South thus needs to critically expose such images; only in that way can the road be paved for really democratic and egalitarian relationships.

Question 151

feminism

Answer 151

Feminism underlines that women are a disadvantaged group in the world, in both material terms and in terms of a value system that favours men over women. A gender-sensitive per- spective on IR investigates the inferior position of women in the international political and economic system and analyses how our current ways of thinking about IR tend to disguise as well as to reproduce a gender hierarchy.

Question 152

What is a Simulacrum?

Answer 152

A simulacrum is a copy or representation of something that no longer has an original (or never did). It is central to Jean Baudrillard’s theory of hyperreality, where symbols and signs take on a life of their own, detached from any grounding in the real world.

Key Concepts:

• Stages of simulation:
• Reflection of reality
• Perversion of reality
• Pretending to be reality
• No relation to reality (pure simulacrum)

Hyperreality: When simulacra replace reality itself.

examples

Theme parks like Disneyland: simulate idealized versions of the past or society, creating a world more real than the real.

Social media personas: people curate versions of themselves that may not reflect reality, but these curated selves are treated as “real”.

Virtual influencers: CGI characters that act like real influencers but have no original referent — pure simulacra.

Question 153

How is Simulacrum Related to the Gulf War?

Answer 153

Jean Baudrillard claimed “The Gulf War did not take place” — not literally, but philosophically.

Key Points:

• The war as experienced by the public was a media-produced simulation: stylized bombings, filtered briefings, no real blood or chaos.
• Reality was replaced by hyperreal imagery — turning war into a spectacle, like a video game.

Conclusion: People consumed the representation of war, not the war itself — a simulacrum of conflict.

Question 154

Constructivists Critique of Positivism

Answer 154

1. Positivism’s concentration on causal relations in ‘objective reality’ makes it difficult to visualize important possibilities in political life
2. Positivism’s emphasis on measurement and evidence can lead to situations where
   the questions researched are driven by method rather than practical or political importance.
3. Positivism’s concentration on ‘objectivity’ is insensitive to the biases and normative motivations of researchers.
4. Positivism’s tendency to neglect of the deeper roles of ideas, institutions and discourse often misses some of the most important politics (including the agency and injustice in politics).

Question 155

Poststructural International Relations

Answer 155

1. IR theorists are an integrated part of the world they study
2. Knowledge is not and cannot be neutral.
3. Post structuralists and (other post positivists) reject the empiricism of positivism
4. The social world is constructed and not discovered
5. Knowledge reflects the interests of the observer and production of knowledge is a normative/political matter
6. Discourse is the vehicle to reality and “the representation and constitution of the real” (Campbell, 1998)

NO objective external reality, subject/object distinction/value free social
science.

Question 156

infowar

Answer 156

A form of conflict where the primary weapon is information—its manipulation, distortion, or control—to influence, disrupt, or dominate an adversary’s perceptions, decisions, and behavior.

Objectives:

• Control narratives and truths
• Undermine trust in institutions
• Influence public opinion and decision-makers
• Disrupt enemy communication and coordination

Means:

• Psychological Operations (PsyOps)
• Disinformation / Propaganda
• Cyberattacks
• Media Manipulation
• Espionage & Surveillance

Examples:

Gulf War (1991): Use of CNN and live broadcasts to control global perception of the war—what Baudrillard called a “war that did not take place” in its simulacrum form.

Russia & Ukraine (Post-2014): Widespread use of fake news and cyber attacks to influence domestic and global narratives.

Question 157

different factors for explaining slums

Answer 157

• Industrialisation: capitalist expansion creates the need for cheap labour-> massive migration to urban centers where all of these people are concentrated into formation of slums
• Supply and demand: they are never equal where capitalism generates surplus labour that remains unemployed: there is no labour for everyone
• Land ownership: landspeculation, rent-seeking plactices-> exploitation of the urban land by the rich-> slums
• Imperialism: economic, cultural and political domination, highest stage of capitalism. This speeds up the proces of migration to cities which are unprepared to host these people
• State and class struggle: the state represents the interest of the dominant/ capitalist class. Therefore the slums is a product of class struggle and the contraditions in a capitalist society

Question 158

The Reserved Army of Labour

Answer 158

is a Marxist concept that refers to the unemployed or underemployed segments of the population who serve as a backup labor force within capitalism. Originally introduced by Karl Marx in Capital, this idea highlights how systemic unemployment is not a failure of capitalism but a built-in feature that helps capitalists maintain control. By keeping a pool of workers ready to replace those currently employed, capitalists can suppress wages and working conditions—since workers know they can easily be replaced. This “reserve army” takes different forms: the floating segment (temporarily unemployed), the latent segment (part-time or underemployed), the stagnant segment (long-term unemployed), and a surplus population, particularly in the global South, available for exploitation. Overall, the concept reveals how unemployment is strategically used to sustain capitalist profitability and discipline labor.

Question 159

historical materialism

Answer 159

is a Marxist framework for understanding history and social change through the lens of material conditions—primarily the mode of production—and class relations. It posits that the organization of economic life (the material base) shapes, and is shaped by, the superstructure (institutions, politics, culture).

Central to historical materialism is the idea of dialectics: social change arises not in a linear or peaceful manner, but through contradictions and tensions—antagonisms—between opposing social forces. The most fundamental of these is the class struggle between those who control the means of production (e.g., the bourgeoisie) and those who must sell their labor (e.g., the proletariat). These antagonisms are not static; they intensify as productive forces evolve and clash with the existing relations of production, eventually leading to systemic transformation (e.g., the transition from feudalism to capitalism, and potentially to socialism).

Thus, historical materialism explains history as a dynamic process driven by material contradictions and social conflict, rather than ideas or individual will alone.

Question 160

r > g

Answer 160

In Capital in the Twenty-First Century, Thomas Piketty argues that when the rate of return on capital (r) consistently exceeds the rate of economic growth (g), wealth tends to concentrate in the hands of those who already own capital. This dynamic leads to increasing inequality over time, as inherited wealth grows faster than the economy and labor income. Piketty supports this with historical data showing that r > g has been the norm for much of modern history, except during the mid-20th century when strong growth and progressive taxation reduced inequality. He warns that unless checked through policy measures like global wealth taxes or stronger redistribution, this trend will result in a return to patrimonial capitalism—where wealth and power are concentrated in a small elite.

Question 161

3 laws of marxism

Answer 161

1. supply and demand are not the same: In classical economics, people often think supply and demand naturally balance each other. Marx argues that this is too simplistic. In real life, supply can exceed demand (overproduction), or demand can fall short, causing crises.

Example:
Imagine a company produces millions of smartphones, thinking people will buy them. But if people don’t have the money (low wages, job cuts), demand drops. Now there’s a surplus—too many phones and not enough buyers. This leads to losses, layoffs, and even recession. People have less buying capacity because they don’t have jobs or money

2. tendency of the rate of profit to fall: As businesses compete, they invest more in machines and technology (capital), and less in workers (labor). But since only labor creates value (in Marx’s view), the rate of profit declines over time, even if production increases.

Example:
A car factory automates most of its production. The company saves on wages but also reduces the human labor that adds value. So, even though they’re making more cars, the profit per car drops over time. This creates pressure for cost-cutting, layoffs, and leads to instability.

3. technology replacing human beings

Question 162

Rosa’s imperialism

Answer 162

The expansion of capital in noncapitalist areas (by conquest, trade,
or violence) of the world provides the kind of outlet capital needs in order to be reproduced.

“[…] since capitalist production can develop fully only with complete access to all territories and climes, it can no more continue itself to the natural resources and productive forces of the temperate zone that it can manage with white labour alone. Capital needs other races to exploit territories where the white man cannot work. It must be able to mobilize world labour power without restriction in order to utilize all productive forces of the globe”(Luxemburg, 1913)

“Imperialism as the political expression of competition among capitalists for what remains still open of the non-capitalist environment” (Luxemburg, 1913)

Question 163

alienation

Answer 163

The process whereby the worker is made to feel foreign to the products of the
workers’ own labor. When humans feel disconnected or estranged from some part
of their nature or their society

The four dimensions of alienation identified by Marx are alienation from:
(1) the product of labor: the workers usually do not see themselves in the product they construct, sometimes they only make one part of the whole
(2) the process of labor: workers mut work as/when their employer requires, there is not much of a choice here. you are forced in the process of labour
(3) others: workers are encouraged to compete with one another for: jobs, higher profits-> they have to sell their labour for the lowest price (reserved army of labour)-> we do stuff we don’t like to do and pitch ourselves all the time, CV
(4) self: not satisfying, workers lose their humanity/ true desires

! The capitalist remedy for this is consumerism, like you become high for a short time on the products so you forget about how sad you are

Question 164

Lenin’s imperialism

Answer 164

as the highest stage of capitalism: imperialism facilitates the export of capital from the richer countries to others/ colonies

1. Capitalist monopoly and the rise of financial capital
2. Export of capital to the colonies
3. Competition among great powers and economic exploitation (can lead to wars benefitting the capitalist class while perpetuating underdevelopment in the colonies)
4. Imperialism and capitalist decay
5. The importance of a vanguard party

Question 165

dependency theory

Answer 165

Dependency Theory, which gained attention in the 1950s and 1960s, explains the unequal relationship between developed and developing countries. It was developed by thinkers like Raul Prebisch, Fernando H. Cardoso, Theotonio dos Santos, and Andre Gunder Frank. The theory argues that the underdevelopment of regions like Latin America was not caused by outdated institutions or a lack of capital, but rather by the same global economic processes that led to the development of wealthier nations. According to Andre Gunder Frank, underdevelopment is a result of the growth of capitalism itself. In other words, the rich countries developed by exploiting the poorer ones. However, critics of Dependency Theory argue that it sometimes generalizes too much and overlooks internal factors, such as local politics and governance, that also contribute to underdevelopment.

Question 166

World System Theory

Answer 166

World System Theory, developed by Immanuel Wallerstein in 1974, views the world as a single capitalist system with a three-level hierarchy: the core, semi-periphery, and periphery. Core countries are the wealthy, powerful nations that dominate the global economy, while peripheral countries are exploited for resources and labor. Semi-peripheral countries fall in between, benefiting slightly more than peripheral ones but not as much as core nations. This theory suggests that the world economy evolved after the decline of feudalism between 1300 and 1450, leading Europe to establish a global capitalist economy to ensure continued growth. According to World System Theory, economic surplus flows from the periphery to the core, reinforcing the dominance of wealthy nations. Critics argue that the theory is overly focused on economics and too centered on core countries, ignoring the agency of non-Western nations. It is also criticized for simplifying complex international relations and neglecting cultural factors, such as religion, language, and identity, that shape global political and economic systems.

Question 167

Neo-Gramscian hegemony

Answer 167

Neo-Gramscian Marxism is a way of understanding global power that goes beyond just money and military force. Inspired by the ideas of Italian thinker Antonio Gramsci and developed by scholars like Robert Cox in the 1980s, this theory looks at how powerful countries and elites keep their control not just by force, but by shaping ideas and beliefs.It says that capitalism remains strong not only because of laws or police (coercion), but also because many people accept it as normal or even good (consent).

For example, big international organizations like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) or the World Trade Organization (WTO) help spread capitalist ideas and systems around the world. They don’t just force countries to follow their rules—they often convince governments and even citizens that following these rules is the “right” or “modern” way to grow. This creates what Neo-Gramscians call hegemony—a kind of leadership or dominance that people accept, even if it’s unequal.

Hegemony, in Neo-Gramscian Marxism, is the idea that power is maintained not just through force but by gaining consent through ideas, culture, and institutions. It’s when people accept the dominant system—like capitalism—as natural or beneficial, even if it’s unequal. This kind of control is spread through media, education, and international organizations, making domination feel like common sense. To challenge it, people need to create new ideas and alliances that offer a different vision of the world

Question 168

gramscian civil society

Answer 168

In Gramsci’s thought, civil society is not just about charities or voluntary groups—it’s a key arena where power and ideas are fought over. It includes institutions like schools, churches, media, unions, and cultural organizations. These are the places where people learn values, form beliefs, and either accept or resist dominant ideas.

Gramsci saw civil society as the space where hegemony is built and maintained—but also where it can be challenged. It’s where the ruling class spreads its worldview and gains consent from the population, making its dominance seem legitimate or “natural.”

For the ruling class: Civil society helps spread dominant ideologies that support the status quo, like capitalism or nationalism.

For challengers: It can also be used to build counter-hegemonies—alternative ideas and alliances that question the current system.

Example:
If the media and education system constantly promote the idea that economic success is only a result of personal effort, people might blame themselves for being poor, instead of questioning the system. But if community groups, activist movements, or alternative media tell a different story—like pointing to structural inequality—they can begin to shift public thinking.

Question 169

“anarchy is what the state makes of it”

Answer 169

This phrase, from constructivist scholar Alexander Wendt, means that anarchy (the lack of a global government) doesn’t force states to be enemies—it depends on how they interact and what they believe about each other. Constructivists argue that international behavior is shaped by ideas, identities, and shared norms, not just power or fear. For example, the U.S. treats Canada as a friend and North Korea as a threat, even though both exist in the same anarchic system. Peace or conflict comes from relationships and perceptions, not just the structure of the international system.

Question 170

what is the function of foreign policy in post-positivism?

Answer 170

The function of foreign policy is idenity creation; sometimes by focusing on the issue of security, not all risks are equal or easily determined

Question 171

marxist historical change

Answer 171

Perspectiva marxistă vede motorul schimbării istorice în conflictul (dialectica) dintre forțele productive (cum producem lucruri) și relațiile de producție (sistemele sociale care organizează producția).