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Gender Flashcards

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Sociology 101 flashcards
1
Q

Evidence that women under-represented in politics?

A

Paxton et al (2007)

  1. 10% of countries have >30% of women in national parliament
  2. Only 30 women become top political executive in country
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2
Q

Paxton et al (2007)

A
  1. 10% of countries have >30% of women in national parliament
  2. Only 30 women become top political executive in country
  3. % of women in parliament 1975-2005:
    (a) quadrupled in Western industrial countries
    (b) more than tripled in Latin America and Africa
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3
Q

Evidence on aggregate-level gender gap in vote choice in Britain

A

Shorrocks (2016)

Little/no statistically significant aggregate-level gender gap in vote choice in elections since 70s

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4
Q

Evidence that women more/less supportive of different issues?

A

McAllister and Hayes (1998):

(a) Women more supportive of feminist values, social spending and welfare state
(b) Women less supportive of market-based solutions

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5
Q

Campbell, Childs and Lovenduski (2010)

A

Attitudes to gender roles and equality in Britain

At both the mass and elite level, women:

  1. Have more feminist attitudes to gender equality
  2. More hostile to traditional gender roles
  3. More supportive of measures to improve descriptive representation of women
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6
Q

Evidence that female legislators propose different types of bills

A

Schwindt-Bayer (2006)

  1. Argentina, Colombia and Costa Rica
  2. women initiated 11% more women’s issue bills (relating to children, family, education and health)
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7
Q

Evidence that female legislators have different voting records to men

A
  1. USA (Swers 2002) – congress women more likely to vote for women’s issue bills (e.g. Family and Medical Leave Act), even after controlling for party and district characteristics
  2. New Zealand (Grey 2002) – conservative women crossed party lines to support pro-female bill about parental leave, showing significance of gender across all parties
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8
Q

Swers (2002)

A
  1. In US, congress women more likely to vote for women’s issue bills (e.g. Family and Medical Leave Act), even after controlling for party and district characteristics
  2. Caveat:
    (a) Republican women less likely to cross party lines following Republican majority in next 104th Congress
    (b) whereas results above based on analysis of Congress in which Democrats controlled House
    (c) so Republicans had less power/leverage because cost of defection lower given lack of majority anyway
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9
Q

Schwindt-Bayer (2006)

A

Female legislators in Argentina, Colombia and Costa Rica

  1. Women initiated 11% more women’s issue bills (relating to children, family, education and health)
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10
Q

Evidence that female legislators systematically different to men on non-women’s issues

A
  1. Infrastructure (Chattopadhyay and Duflo 2004):
    (a) Randomised policy experiment (India)
    (b) Leaders invest more in infrastructure directly relevant to needs of own gender
  2. Crime (Kathlene 1995):
    (a) Female legislators in Colorado House of Representatives more likely to introduce bills focused on crime prevention and victim’s rights
    (b) Men more likely to introduce bills focused on stricter sentencing and longer prison terms
  3. War and foreign policy (Conover and Sapiro 1993):
    (a) Women more likely to be wary/fearful of war/foreign interventions
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11
Q

Chattopadhyay and Duflo (2004)

A

(a) Randomised policy experiment (India)

(b) Leaders invest more in infrastructure directly relevant to needs of own gender

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12
Q

Kathlene (1995)

A

Women and crime

(a) Female legislators in Colorado House of Representatives more likely to introduce bills focused on crime prevention and victim’s rights
(b) Men more likely to introduce bills focused on stricter sentencing and longer prison terms

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13
Q

Conover and Sapiro (1993)

A

Women and war

  1. Women more likely to be wary/fearful of war/foreign interventions
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14
Q

Philips (1998)

A

Substantive representation of women

  1. necessary condition for representation of women’s interests = presence of women in decision-making bodies
  2. Interests discovered during pre-vote discussion and deliberation of legislation
  3. Women can only have interests represented if female politicians present during policy-making process
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15
Q

Dovi (2007)

A

Substantive representation of women

  1. Women have specific needs and interests due to particular life experiences
  2. Male representatives not always aware of how public policies affect female citizens
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16
Q

Ladam et al (2018)

A

HIGH-PROFILE FEMALE POLITICIANS INSPIRE WOMEN TO RUN

  1. Data - US states 1978-2012
  2. High-profile women in politics have strong large positive effect on probability of women running for office
  3. Lower interest/knowledge of politics and inequality within household also help explain why women don’t run for political office at same rate as men
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17
Q

Grey (2002)

A

Female legislators and female bills

  1. In New Zealand, Conservative women crossed party lines to support pro-female bill about parental leave, showing significance of gender across all parties
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18
Q

Evidence that female legislators more successful in passing bills of broad interest to women?

A

Bratton and Haynie (1999) (USA)

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19
Q

Bratton and Haynie (1999)

A

US evidence that female legislators more successful in passing bills of broad interest to women

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20
Q

Methodological challenges in separating influence of women from their party

A
  1. Causal mechanism – are more ‘female-friendly’ pieces of legislation passed due to female legislators, or are already liberal parties (already likely to pass such legislation) also more likely to select female candidates?
  2. Proposing vs passing legislation – strong evidence that female legislators systematically propose different types of bills, but more mixed evidence about whether those bills successfully passed
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21
Q

Shorrocks (2016)

A

Aggregate gender vote gap (Britain)

  1. Britain – little/no statistically significant aggregate-level gender gap in vote choice in elections since 70s
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22
Q

Evidence of history of gender vote gap

A
  1. Cross-national evidence:
    (a) ‘traditional’ gender gap until 70s
    (b) followed by period of little/no gender gap
    (c) then emergence of new ‘modern’ gender gap from 80s
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23
Q

Evidence of cohort differences in gender vote gap?

A

Shorrocks (2018)

  1. Data - Europe and Canada
  2. Older cohorts of women more right-wing
  3. Younger cohorts of women more left-wing
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24
Q

Evidence of cross-national variation in emergence of modern gender gap?

A

Campbell (2006)

  1. In Britain, not all younger cohorts show ‘modern’ gender gap
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25
Q

Campbell (2006)

A

In Britain, not all younger cohorts show ‘modern’ gender gap

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26
Q

Explanation of:

  1. why not all younger cohorts confirm to trend of ‘modern’ gender gap
  2. cross-national variation in extent to which gender gaps changing/stable
A

Shorrocks (2017)

  1. Broad trend driven by modernisation and esp. secularisation
  2. But mediated by early socialisation, w/political context and ruling party during formative years shaping vote choice throughout life
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27
Q

Shorrocks (2017)

A

Explains cross-country variation in change in gender vote gap

  1. broad trend mediated by early socialisation (w/political context and ruling party during formative years shaping vote choice throughout life)
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28
Q

Verba et al (1978)

A

In 1970s, men voted at significantly higher rates than women

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29
Q

Evidence of change in gender gap in electoral participation over time

A
  1. In decades following enfranchisement, women’s voting participation trailed men (significant gender gap)
    (a) Verba et al (1978) – during 70s, men voted at significantly higher rates than women
  2. Carreras (2018)
    (a) No gender gap in electoral participation (if anything, women slightly more likely to vote on average)
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30
Q

Evidence of cross-national variation in gender gap in turnout

A

Kittilson (2016)

(a) USA – higher % of women voted in 2012 presidential election
(b) Germany – gender voting gap of almost 8% in favour of men

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31
Q

Kittilson (2016)

A

Gender gap in electoral participation:

(a) USA – higher % of women voted in 2012 presidential election
(b) Germany – gender voting gap of almost 8% in favour of men

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32
Q

Blais et al (2019)

A

Gender gap in turnout (2nd order elections)

  1. Evidence - persistent and significant gender gap in turnout in 2nd order elections across 26 advanced democracies
  2. Reason - lower interest in and knowledge of politics among women
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33
Q

Caveat to evidence that gender gap in electoral participation effectively closed?

A
  1. Blais et al (2019):

(a) Persistent and significant gender gap in turnout in 2nd order elections across 26 advanced democracies
(b) Reason - lower interest in and knowledge of politics among women

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34
Q

Cross-national evidence of gender gap in non-electoral forms of political participation?

A

Coffe and Bolzendahl (2010)

  1. Women 33% less likely to engage in various forms of political participation than men across 18 advanced democracies
  2. Especially political party membership and collective activism
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35
Q

Why gender gap in electoral participation closed far more quickly than gap in non-electoral forms of participation

A

Voting requires fewest resources, like time and information, which women often lack

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36
Q

Coffe and Bolzendahl (2010)

A
  1. Women 33% less likely to engage in various forms of political participation than men across 18 advanced democracies
  2. Especially political party membership and collective activism
  3. Political interest consistently highly statistically significant and large effect in regressions explaining gender gaps in non-electoral participation
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37
Q

US evidence of gender gap in non-electoral political participation

A

Burns, Schlozman and Verba (2001)

  1. Women consistently less likely to:
    (a) Make campaign contributions
    (b) Join political organisations
    (c) Write letters to politicians
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38
Q

Burns, Schlozman and Verba (2001)

A

Women consistently less likely to:

(a) Make campaign contributions
(b) Join political organisations
(c) Write letters to politicians

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39
Q

Evidence of success of men vs women when running for election

A

Seltzer et al (1997)

  1. Men and women, broadly, do similarly well in elections
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40
Q

Seltzer et al (1997)

A

Men and women, broadly, do similarly well in elections

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41
Q

Evidence of increasing representation of women in parliament in recent decades?

A

Paxton et al (2007)

  1. % of women in parliament 1975-2005:
    (a) quadrupled in Western industrial countries
    (b) more than tripled in Latin America and Africa
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42
Q

Lawless (2015)

A

1a. Women 16% less likely to consider running for office
1b. 40% less likely to actually run for office
1c. Gender gap does not vary w/income, age, race or profession

  1. Party gatekeepers mostly male and tend to identify/recruit candidates from male-dominated networks
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43
Q

Evidence that women less likely to consider running for and actually run for office

A

Lawless (2015)

In the USA:

(a) Women 16% less likely to consider running for office
(b) 40% less likely to actually run for office
(c) Gender gap does not vary w/income, age, race or profession

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44
Q

Evidence of gender gap in turnout

A

Carreras (2018)

No gender gap in electoral participation w/women, if anything, slightly more likely to vote

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45
Q

Evidence of gender inequalities within households

A
  1. Women spend more time on housework than males, even when both partners work full-time (Knudsen and Waerness 2008)
  2. Family obligations lead women to work part-time (Schlozman et al 1999)
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46
Q

Knudsen and Waerness (2008)

A

Women spend more time on housework than males, even when both partners work full-time

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47
Q

Schlozman et al (1999)

A
  1. Family obligations lead women to work part-time

2. Women’s political participation decreases with hours worked, but men’s doesn’t

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48
Q

Evidence that gender inequalities explain gender gaps in political behaviour

A
  1. Rotolo (2000):
    (a) After marriage, women spend more time on housework
    (b) marriage associated with decrease in political participation among women (but not men)
    (c) Stronger decrease in political participation for resource-demanding activities (e.g. collective action), indicating lack of resource (time) resulting from gender inequality within household explains gender gap in participation
  2. Schlozman et al (1999):
    (a) women’s political participation decreases w/hours worked, but men’s doesn’t
    (b) indicates unequal division of household labour impacts political participation of women
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49
Q

Rotolo (2000)

A

Impact of marriage on political participation

(a) After marriage, women spend more time on housework
(b) marriage associated w/ decrease in political participation among women (but not men)
(c) Stronger decrease in political participation for resource-demanding activities (e.g. collective action), indicating lack of resource (time) resulting from gender inequality within household explains gender gap in participation

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50
Q

Evidence of gender gap in political interest and knowledge

A

Kittilson and Schwindt-Bayer (2012):

In 31 countries, women have:

(a) lower political interest and knowledge
(b) less frequent political discussions

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51
Q

Kittilson and Schwindt-Bayer (2012):

A

In 31 countries, women have:

(a) lower political interest and knowledge
(b) less frequent political discussions

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52
Q

Shorrocks (2018)

A

Trends in the gender gap by cohort

  1. Firm evidence that in Europe and Canada:
    (a) Older cohorts of women more right-wing
    (b) Younger cohorts of women more left-wing
  2. Trend explained by secularisation (greater religiosity = key reason older women vote right) + economics preferences:
    (a) Older women more right-wing despite economic preferences (due to religiosity)
    (b) Younger women more left-wing, in line w/economic preferences (due to decline in religiosity)
    (c) Women consistently have more left-wing economic preferences
  3. No support for modernisation theory
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53
Q

Explanation for cross-national trend of move from traditional to modern gender gap

A

Shorrocks (2018)

  1. Trend explained by secularisation (greater religiosity = key reason older women vote right) + economics preferences:
    (a) Older women more right-wing despite economic preferences (due to religiosity)
    (b) Younger women more left-wing, in line w/economic preferences (due to decline in religiosity)
    (c) Women consistently have more left-wing economic preferences
54
Q

Theoretical link between gender inequality within household and women’s left-wing economic preferences

A

Household inequality + unequal caring responsibilities mean women support greater social spending and welfare provision (esp. for children and elderly)

55
Q

Fox and Lawless (2014)

A
  1. Equally qualified (as men) women feel less qualified to run for office
  2. Differences in political ambition in high school students, suggesting early socialisation process
56
Q

2 main types of quotas:

A
  1. Candidate quotas – all parties required to field certain % of female candidates
  2. Reserved seats – certain % of seats set aside for women, regardless of no. female candidates
57
Q

Disadvantage of candidate quotas

A

parties may put women in unwinnable seats or at bottom of electoral lists

58
Q

What are candidate quotas?

A

all parties required to field certain % of female candidates

59
Q

What are reserved seat quotas?

A

certain % of seats set aside for women, regardless of no. female candidates

60
Q

Advantage of reserved seat quotas?

A

guaranteed to fill certain % of legislature w/female candidates

61
Q

Evidence that women more represented in PR electoral systems

A

Norris (1993)

  1. In countries that use both PR and plurality voting systems, women elected at much higher rates under PR
  2. Example (NZ) – in 2005, women won over 2X as many of PR party-list seats vs plurality seats
62
Q

Norris (1993)

A

PR boosts representation of women

  1. In countries that use both PR and plurality voting systems, women elected at much higher rates under PR
  2. Example (NZ) – in 2005, women won over 2X as many of PR party-list seats vs plurality seats
63
Q

Evidence that more female politicians increases political interest among women

A

Wolbrecht and Campbell (2017)

64
Q

Wolbrecht and Campbell (2017)

A

more female politicians results in higher political interest among women

65
Q

Why do PR systems result in greater female representation?

A
  1. Reason – higher district and party magnitudes (i.e. electoral district sends larger no. representatives to national legislature)
  2. Plurality SMD – getting into legislature = zero-sum game where every female replaces a male (winner-takes-all)
  3. Multi-member districts – parties pressured to balance party lists of candidates across interest groups
66
Q

Kanthak and Woon (2015)

A

women more risk-averse and less likely to see the costs of running as justified by winning

67
Q

Women more risk-averse and less likely to see the costs of running as justified by winning

A

Kanthak and Woon (2015)

68
Q

Attitudes towards gender roles in Britain at mass and elite level

A

Campbell, Childs and Lovenduski (2010)

At both the mass and elite level, women:

  1. Have more feminist attitudes to gender equality
  2. More hostile to traditional gender roles
  3. More supportive of measures to improve descriptive representation of women
69
Q

Equally qualified (as men) women feel less qualified to run for office

A

Fox and Lawless (2014)

70
Q

Differences between genders in political ambition evident in high school students, suggesting early socialisation process

A

Fox and Lawless (2014)

71
Q

Impact of marriage on political participation of women

A

Rotolo (2000):

(a) After marriage, women spend more time on housework
(b) marriage associated w/ decrease in political participation among women (but not men)
(c) Stronger decrease in political participation for resource-demanding activities (e.g. collective action), indicating lack of resource (time) resulting from gender inequality within household explains gender gap in participation

72
Q

Family obligations result in reduced political participation among women, but not men

A

Schlozman et al (1999)

73
Q
  1. 10% of countries have >30% of women in national parliament
  2. Only 30 women become top political executive in country
A

Paxton et al (2007)

74
Q

Little/no statistically significant aggregate-level gender gap in vote choice in elections since 70s (Britain)

A

Shorrocks (2016)

75
Q

(a) Women more supportive of feminist values, social spending and welfare state
(b) Women less supportive of market-based solutions

A

McAllister and Hayes (1998)

76
Q

In Argentina, Colombia and Costa Rica, women initiated 11% more women’s issue bills (relating to children, family, education and health)

A

Schwindt-Bayer (2006)

77
Q

In New Zealand, conservative women crossed party lines to support pro-female bill about parental leave, showing significance of gender across all parties

A

Grey (2002)

78
Q

US congress women more likely to vote for women’s issue bills (e.g. Family and Medical Leave Act), even after controlling for party and district characteristics?

A

Swers (2002)

79
Q

In randomised policy experiment in India, leaders invest more in infrastructure directly relevant to needs of own gender

A

Chattopadhyay and Duflo (2004)

80
Q

In Colorado House of Representatives:

(a) Female legislators more likely to introduce bills focused on crime prevention and victim’s rights
(b) Male legislators more likely to introduce bills focused on stricter sentencing and longer prison terms

A

Kathlene (1995)

81
Q

Women more likely to be wary/fearful of war/foreign interventions

A

Conover and Sapiro (1993)

82
Q

In US states, high-profile women in politics have strong large positive effect on probability of women running for office

A

Ladam et al (2018)

83
Q

In Britain, not all younger cohorts show ‘modern’ gender gap

A

Campbell (2006)

84
Q

In 1970s, men voted at significantly higher rates than women

A

Verba et al (1978)

85
Q

In USA, a higher % of women voted in 2012 presidential election

A

Kittilson (2016)

86
Q

In Germany, gender turnout gap of almost 8% in favour of men

A

Kittilson (2016)

87
Q

Women 33% less likely to engage in various forms of political participation than men across 18 advanced democracies

A

Coffe and Bolzendahl (2010)

88
Q

Women especially less likely than men to engage in in collective activism or be member of a political party across 18 advanced democracies

A

Coffe and Bolzendahl (2010)

89
Q

Women consistently less likely to:

(a) Make campaign contributions
(b) Join political organisations
(c) Write letters to politicians

A

Burns, Schlozman and Verba (2001)

90
Q

Men and women, broadly, do similarly well in elections

A

Seltzer et al (1997)

91
Q

% of women in parliament 1975-2005:

(a) quadrupled in Western industrial countries
(b) more than tripled in Latin America and Africa

A

Paxton et al (2007)

92
Q

In the USA:

  1. Women 16% less likely to consider running for office
  2. Women 40% less likely to actually run for office
A

Lawless (2015)

93
Q

Party gatekeepers mostly male and tend to identify/recruit candidates from male-dominated networks

A

Lawless (2015)

94
Q

No gender gap in electoral participation w/women, if anything, slightly more likely to vote

A

Carreras (2018)

95
Q

Women spend more time on housework than males, even when both partners work full-time

A

Knudsen and Waerness (2008)

96
Q

In Britain, not all younger cohorts show ‘modern’ gender gap

A

Campbell (2006)

97
Q

Key modernisation processes that purport to explain emergence of modern gender gap

A
  1. Labour force participation
  2. Divorce rates
  3. Education levels
98
Q

Evidence for modernisation as explanation of emergence of modern gender gap?

A

Shorrocks (2018)

  1. No support for modernisation theory in Europe and Canada
  2. Women of all cohorts more supportive of redistribution and welfare spending than men
  3. Interaction w/birth year statistically insignificant and negligible in size, indicating that gender gap doesn’t change over time as theory predicts
99
Q

Theoretical problem with post-materialist value change as explanation of modern gender gap?

A

unclear why women experienced greater increase in post-material values than men

100
Q

Empirical problem with post-materialist value change as explanation of modern gender gap?

A
  1. Inglehart (2008) – own work shows cohorts born from 60s onwards v. similar in levels of post-materialism, so doesn’t explain emerging gender generation gap
101
Q

Inglehart (2008)

A

Cohorts born from 60s onwards v. similar in levels of post-materialism, so weak explanation for emergence of gender generation gap

102
Q

Cohorts born from 60s onwards v. similar in levels of post-materialism, so weak explanation for emergence of gender generation gap

A

Inglehart (2008)

103
Q

Single women especially left-wing

A

Iversen and Rosenbluth (2006)

104
Q

Iversen and Rosenbluth (2006)

A

Single women especially left-wing

105
Q
  1. Women have specific needs and interests due to particular life experiences
  2. Male representatives not always aware of how public policies affect female citizens
A

Dovi (2007)

106
Q
  1. necessary condition for representation of women’s interests = presence of women in decision-making bodies
  2. Interests discovered during pre-vote discussion and deliberation of legislation
  3. Women can only have interests represented if female politicians present during policy-making process
A

Philips (1998)

107
Q

Darcy et al (1994)

A

GENDER REPRESENTATION GAP DUE TO INCUMBENCY + PIPELINE PROFESSIONS

  1. Evidence - gender gap in representation, but no electoral disadvantage
  2. Reason - could be explained by general incumbency advantage (incumbents generally male)

3a. Reason - fewer women in ‘pipeline professions’ like lawyers
3b. Problem - 35% of lawyers are female in the USA, far higher than the % of female representatives

108
Q

GENDER REPRESENTATION GAP DUE TO INCUMBENCY + PIPELINE PROFESSIONS

  1. Evidence - gender gap in representation, but no electoral disadvantage
  2. Reason - could be explained by general incumbency advantage (incumbents generally male)

3a. Reason - fewer women in ‘pipeline professions’ like lawyers
3b. Problem - 35% of lawyers are female in the USA, far higher than the % of female representatives

A

Darcy et al (1994)

109
Q

Evidence that incumbency advantage might explain gender gap in representation

A

Darcy et al (1994)

  1. Evidence - gender gap in representation, but no electoral disadvantage
  2. Reason - could be explained by general incumbency advantage (incumbents generally male)

3a. Reason - fewer women in ‘pipeline professions’ like lawyers
3b. Problem - 35% of lawyers are female in the USA, far higher than the % of female representatives

110
Q

Braden (1996)

A

GENDER-BIASED MEDIA COVERAGE OF CANDIDATES

  1. Male candidates more likely to receive coverage that looks at professional background
  2. Coverage of female candidates often focuses on appearance
111
Q

GENDER-BIASED MEDIA COVERAGE OF CANDIDATES

  1. Male candidates more likely to receive coverage that looks at professional background
  2. Coverage of female candidates often focuses on appearance
A

Braden (1996)

112
Q

Evidence that media portrayals of female candidates systematically differ from male counterparts

A

Braden (1996)

  1. Male candidates more likely to receive coverage that looks at professional background
  2. Coverage of female candidates often focuses on appearance
113
Q

Kittilson (2011)

A

More support for social justice and gender quotas in manifestos of parties with more female parliamentarians

114
Q

More support for social justice and gender quotas in manifestos of parties with more female parliamentarians

A

Kittilson (2011)

115
Q

Evidence that party manifestos differ based on proportion of female parliamentarians

A

Kittilson (2011)

More support for social justice and gender quotas in manifestos of parties with more female parliamentarians

116
Q

De Paola et al (2010)

A

IMPACT OF QUOTAS ON FEMALE REPRESENTATION

Italian quasi-random experiment:

  1. Quotas temporarily adopted in some (but not all) Italian areas 1993-5
  2. Women’s representation increased significantly more in areas w/quotas
  3. Effects continued past end of quota policy
  4. Suggests gender inequality in representation partially explained by lack of female candidates
117
Q

Italian quasi-random experiment:

  1. Quotas temporarily adopted in some (but not all) Italian areas 1993-5
  2. Women’s representation increased significantly more in areas w/quotas
  3. Effects continued past end of quota policy
  4. Suggests gender inequality in representation partially explained by lack of female candidates
A

De Paola et al (2010)

118
Q

Evidence of impact of quotas on female representation

A

De Paola et al (2010)

Italian quasi-random experiment:

  1. Quotas temporarily adopted in some (but not all) Italian areas 1993-5
  2. Women’s representation increased significantly more in areas w/quotas
  3. Effects continued past end of quota policy
  4. Suggests gender inequality in representation partially explained by lack of female candidates
119
Q

McAllister and Hayes (1998)

A

GENDERED ISSUE SUPPORT

(a) Women more supportive of feminist values, social spending and welfare state
(b) Women less supportive of market-based solutions

120
Q

….. et al (…..)

  1. …..% of countries have …..% of women in national parliament
  2. Only ….. women become top political executive in country
  3. % of women in parliament 1975-2005:
    (a) ….. in Western industrial countries
    (b) ….. in Latin America and Africa
A

Paxton et al (2007)

  1. 10% of countries have >30% of women in national parliament
  2. Only 30 women become top political executive in country
  3. % of women in parliament 1975-2005:
    (a) quadrupled in Western industrial countries
    (b) more than tripled in Latin America and Africa
121
Q

Attitudes to gender roles and equality in Britain

At both the mass and elite level, women:

  1. Have more feminist attitudes to gender equality
  2. More hostile to traditional gender roles
  3. More supportive of measures to improve descriptive representation of women
A

Campbell, Childs and Lovenduski (2010)

122
Q

HIGH-PROFILE FEMALE POLITICIANS INSPIRE WOMEN TO RUN

  1. Data - US states 1978-2012
  2. High-profile women in politics have strong large positive effect on probability of women running for office
  3. Lower interest/knowledge of politics and inequality within household also help explain why women don’t run for political office at same rate as men
A

Ladam et al (2018)

123
Q

Evidence that high-profile women in politics have large effect on probability of other women running for office?

A

Ladam et al (2018)

  1. Data - US states 1978-2012
  2. High-profile women in politics have strong large positive effect on probability of women running for office
  3. Lower interest/knowledge of politics and inequality within household also help explain why women don’t run for political office at same rate as men
124
Q

Gender gap in turnout (2nd order elections)

  1. Evidence - persistent and significant gender gap in turnout in 2nd order elections across 26 advanced democracies
  2. Reason - lower interest in and knowledge of politics among women
A

Blais et al (2019)

125
Q

Women’s political participation decreases with hours worked, but men’s doesn’t

A

Schlozman et al (1999)

126
Q

IMPACT OF MARRIAGE ON WOMEN’S POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

(a) After marriage, women spend more time on housework
(b) marriage associated with decrease in political participation among women (but not men)
(c) Stronger decrease in political participation for resource-demanding activities (e.g. collective action), indicating lack of resource (time) resulting from gender inequality within household explains gender gap in participation

A

Rotolo (2000)

127
Q

In 31 countries, women have:

(a) lower political interest and knowledge
(b) less frequent political discussions

A

Kittilson and Schwindt-Bayer (2012)

128
Q

PR BOOSTS FEMALE REPRESENTATION

  1. In countries that use both PR and plurality voting systems, women elected at much higher rates under PR
  2. Example (NZ) – in 2005, women won over 2X as many of PR party-list seats vs plurality seats
A

Norris (1993)

129
Q

Box-Steffenmeier et al (2004)

A
  1. DATA - USA time series-data 1979-2000
  2. THEORY - changes in gender gap due to interaction between societal conditions + politics
  3. EVIDENCE - gender gap increases when:
    (i) Political climate becomes more conservative (i.e. hostile to welfare, which women react more negatively to)
    (ii) Economy worsens (due to women’s greater dependence on welfare state + higher feelings of compassion)
    (iii) % of economically vulnerable single women increases
130
Q
  1. DATA - USA time series-data 1979-2000
  2. THEORY - changes in gender gap due to interaction between societal conditions + politics
  3. EVIDENCE - gender gap increases when:
    (i) Political climate becomes more conservative (i.e. hostile to welfare, which women react more negatively to)
    (ii) Economy worsens (due to women’s greater dependence on welfare state + higher feelings of compassion)
    (iii) % of economically vulnerable single women increases
A

Box-Steffenmeier et al (2004)

131
Q

US evidence for explanations of changes/dynamics of partisan gender gap?

A

Box-Steffenmeier et al (2004)

Gender gap increases when:

(i) Political climate becomes more conservative (i.e. hostile to welfare, which women react more negatively to)
(ii) Economy worsens (due to women’s greater dependence on welfare state + higher feelings of compassion)
(iii) % of economically vulnerable single women increases

132
Q

Reasons the gender gap changes over time (USA)?

A

Box-Steffenmeier et al (2004)

Gender gap increases when:

(i) Political climate becomes more conservative (i.e. hostile to welfare, which women react more negatively to)
(ii) Economy worsens (due to women’s greater dependence on welfare state + higher feelings of compassion)
(iii) % of economically vulnerable single women increases

Political Sociology (5 decks)

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