Unit 3 - Chapter 6 of Text - Attention and Memory Flashcards

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1
Q
  1. 1 - Overview of Information Processing
  2. Information processing
  3. Attentional and perceptual processing
A
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2
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6.1 - What are the primary aspects of the information-processing model?

A
  • It uses a computer metaphor to explain how people process stiumuli
  • Information enters the system, is transformed into code, and stored in various areas in the brain
  • Information enters temporary storage (the computer’s buffer) until it is stored more permanently, as on a disk
  • When needed, it can be recalled from the disk through the command to retrieve a file
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3
Q

6.1 - What are the areas where we observe differential age changes in attention and memory?

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4
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6.1 - What are the 3 assumptions underlying the information-processing approach?

A

1) People are active participants in the process
2) Both quantitative (how much information is remembered) and qualitative (what kinds of information are remembered) aspects of performance can be examined
3) Information is processed through a series of processes
a) Incoming information is transformed based on such things as what a person already knows about it

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5
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6.1 - What are the 3 fundamental questions for adult development and aging used in the information-processing model?

A

1) Which areas of information processing show evidence of age differences (early stages of processing such as attention, working memory, long-term memory)?
2) How can we explain variability when we find age differences in information processing?
3) What are the practical implications of age-related changes in information processing?

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6
Q

6.1 - Describe the importance of sensory memory.

A
  • All memories start as sensory stimuli
  • Sensory memory takes in huge amounts of information very quickly and reproduces a representation of the stimuli in your mind
  • If not paying attention, sensory information can be lost very quickly
  • Age differences are not typically found in sensory memory
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7
Q
  1. 2 - Attentional Control
  2. Speed of processing
  3. Processing resources
  4. Inhibitory Loss
  5. Attentional Resources
  6. Integration: Attention and cognitive change in older adulthood
A
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8
Q

6.2 - What is processing speed?

What age differences are found in processing speed?

A
  • How quickly and efficiently these early steps in information processing are completed
  • Age-related slowing of processing speed is specific to different kinds of processing, rather than across the board
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9
Q

6.2 - What are the processing resources that underlie information processing?

Why do older adults have more problems performing more difficult tasks, or tasks on which they have had little practice?

A
  • With increasing age comes a decline in the amount of available processing resources, the amount of attention one has to apply to a situation
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10
Q

6.2 - What is inhibition loss? When are age differences found?

A
  • Inhibition loss refers to the the difficulty one has inhibiting the processing of irrelevant information
  • Older adults have more task-irrelevant thoughts during processing and have trouble keeping them out of their minds
  • This explains why older people have trouble switching and dividing their attention
  • To help older adults with this, get them to close their eyes or look away from irrelevant information. When using this strategy, older adults performed as well as younger adults

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11
Q

6.2 - What are attentional resources? Under what conditions are age differences observed?

What is divided attention?

A
  • Divided attention addresses the question of how much information can be processed at any given time
  • Older adults are penalized when they must divide their attention between sources of information and/or responding
  • How well do people perform multiple tasks simultaneously?
  • Age differences are found on some divided -attention tasks and not others
  • Part of the explanation involves task complexity and practice
  • Age differences on divided-attention tasks can be minimuzed if older adults are given extensive practice in performing the task, reducing the demands on attention
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12
Q

6.2 - How do automatic and effortful processes differ? In what situations are age differences present?

A
  • Automatic processing places minimal demands on attentional capacity
  • Some automatic processes appear to be prewired and require no attentional capacity and do not benefit from practice
  • Infomration that is processed automatically gets into the system largely without us being aware of it
  • Effortful processing requires all of the available attentional capacity
  • Most tasks involving deliberate memory, such as learning the words on a list require effortful processing

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13
Q

6.2 - What are processing resources?

A
  • With increasing age comes a decline in the amount of available attention one has to apply to a particular situation
  • Declining processiing resources would account for poorer performance on attention tasks
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14
Q

6.3 - What are the 3 steps of memory processing that may reveal differences according to age?

A

1) Encoding - the process of getting information into the memory system
2) Storage - the manner in which information is presented and kept in memory
3) Retrieval - getting information back out of memory
- No evidence for age differences in how information is organized in storage
- Research looking at encoding and retrieval as sources of age differences

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15
Q

6.3 - What is working memory?

A
  • How is information kept in mind for additional processing into long-term memory or held temporarily during retrieval?
  • Individuals have a limited capacity for remembering information (about seven chunks of information) do older adults maintain this capacity?
  • Short-term memory tasks measure the longest span of digits an individual can recall immediately after presentation. Small or no age differences have been recorded
  • Working memory is an age-sensitive factor that affects long-term memory processing, for example, encoding information into long-term memory
  • Working memory is the active processes and structures involved in holding information in mind and simultaneously using that information, sometimes in conjunction with incoming information, to solve a problem, make a decision, or learn new information
  • Working memory has a relatively small capacity - like a juggler who can only keep a small number of items in the air simultaneously
  • Deals with information being processed right at this moment and acts as a kind of mental scratchpad.
  • Evidence indicates that there is greater age-related decline in working memory relative to passive short-term memory
  • When the number of tasks to be performed increases, older adults’ lower storage capacity results in impaired working memory performance
  • Ability to allocate capacity in working memory to more than one task declines with age.
  • Loss of some of the ability to hold items in working memory may limit older adults’ overall cognitive functioning
  • Depends on the type of information being used and may vary across different tasks
  • Age-related decline in spatial working memory is greater than that in verbal working memory, although there is decline in both
  • Older adults have no trouble accessing multiple pieces of information at one time - difficulty is in juggling all them
  • Time of day affected the strength of age differences observed in working memory. Alertness is higher in the morning for older adults and in the evening for younger adults
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16
Q

6.3 - What is explicit memory?

A
  • Intentional and conscious remembering of information that is learned and remembered at a specific point in time
  • Aging impacts explicit and implicit memory differently
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17
Q

6.3 - What is implicit memory?

Sometimes called procedural memory

A
  • Implicit memory involves retrieval of information without conscious or intentional recollection.
  • Research shows that aging impacts these two forms of memory very differently.
  • Implicit memory shows much smaller age differences than explicit memory
  • The distinction between the explicit and the implicit memory needs to be taken into account when evaluating the degree to which performance on a particular task involves intentional (explicit) or nonintentional (implicit) memory retrieval
  • Implicit memory is a facilitation or change in task performance that is attributable to having been exposed to information at some earlier point in time, but which does not involve active, explicit memory.
  • A good example of implicit memory is a language task such as stem completion. In a stem completion task, you would be required to complete a word stem with the first word that comes to mind (for instance, con ). Previously, you may have been shown a list of words that contained a valid completion of the stem (such as contact). If you have seen valid completions of the stems, you are more likely to use them later to complete the stems than you are to make up a different one (such as contest).
  • This facilitation is called priming
  • The memory aspect of the task is that you remember the stem completion you were shown; the implicit part is remembering it without being told to do so.
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18
Q

6.3 - More of the differences between implicit and explicit memories

A
  • Explicit memory performance is affected by having people think about the meaning of the items, implicit memory is not,
  • People with amnesia show severe problems on explicit memory tests but often perform similarly to normal people on implicit memory tests
  • Implicit memory may be an exception to the general finding of age-related decline in long-term memory for new information
  • Age differences on implicit memory tests either are not there or are notably smaller than age effects on more explicit memory tasks
  • When age differences appear, they favor younger adults, though the age difference is smaller than for explicit memory tests
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19
Q

6.3 - What are some of the differences that exist among different kinds of implicit memory tests?

A
  • Important distinction between perceptually and conceptually based tests
  • Perceptually based implicit memory tasks rely on processing the physical features of a stimulus; an example would be to process whether a word appears in lowercase or uppercase letters.
  • Conceptually based implicit memory tasks rely on the semantic meaning of the items, such as whether the word is a verb.
  • Depending on what people are asked to process (i.e., physical features or semantic meaning), performance on the tests differ
  • The difference between the types of tests has important implications for age differences
  • Older adults show greater conceptual priming whereas younger adults do not
  • Overall evidence suggests equal age effects in the two types of priming
  • What accounts for the sparing of implicit memory with age?
  • There is differential age-related deterioration in the brain underlying more explicit forms of memory (e.g., frontal-striatal system) as opposed to those underlying implicit memory (e.g., cerebral neocortex)
  • Behaviorally oriented researchers also point out that when age-related decline is evident in implicit memory tasks, it is probably because the tasks are contaminated with some explicit memory demands
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20
Q

6.3 - What is long-term memory?

A
  • Remembering routines, performing on an exam, and remembering an appointment - these types of situations call for long-term memory
  • The ability to remember rather extensive amounts of information from a few seconds to a few hours to decades.
  • Represents a large-capacity store - information can be kept for long periods.
  • Consists of distinct multiple systems that are functionally different and use different brain structures
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21
Q

6.3 - What are 2 types of long-term memory?

A

1) Semantic - concerns learning and remembering the meaning of words and concepts that are not tied to specific occurrences of events in time
- Examples - knowing the definitions of words in order to complete crossword puzzles, being able to translate this paragraph from English into French,
2) Episodic memory is the general class of memory having to do with the conscious recollection of information from a specific event or point in time.
- Examples - learning the material in this course so that you will be able to reproduce it on an examination in the future, remembering what you did on your summer vacation

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22
Q

6.3 - How are episodic and semantic memory impacted by aging?

A
  • Episodic and semantic memory are impacted differently by aging
  • Episodic memory stays fairly stable until around 55-­60 and then shows a decline beginning around age 65
  • Semantic memory increases from 35-­55 years of age and then levels off - although semantic memory starts to decline at age 65, the decline is much less than for episodic memory
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23
Q
A
  • Semantic memory is relatively spared with age in the absence of a disease state.
  • Evidence suggests that there are no deficits in semantic memory processes such as language comprehension, the structure of knowledge, and the activation of general knowl- edge

(Light, 1996; Nyberg et al., 2003). Semantic memory retrieval typically does not tax working memory, and thus older adults can draw upon experience in word meanings and/or general world knowledge. In addition, whereas retrieval of epi- sodic memories is based on cues to the original experience, semantic memories are retrieved con- ceptually as part of our world knowledge. However, research also shows that although information in semantic memory is retained in older adults, some- times it is hard to access if it is not exercised on a

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24
Q

6.3 - What happens to semantic memory with age?

A

Semantic memory is relatively spared with age in the absence of a disease state.

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25
Q

6.3 - Are there deficits in some semantic memory processes?

A

There are no deficits in semantic memory processes such as language comprehension, the structure of knowledge, and the activation of general knowl- edge

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26
Q

6.3 - Does retrieval of semantic memory items tax working memory?

A
  • Semantic memory retrieval typically does not tax working memory, and thus older adults can draw upon experience in word meanings and/or general world knowledge.
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27
Q

6.3 - Are semantic memories part of our general world knowledge? What is the role of exercising semantic memory?

A
  • Semantic memories are part of our world knowledge
  • Although information in semantic memory is retained in older adults, it can be hard to access if it is not exercised on a regular basis
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28
Q

6.3 - With respect to semantic memory, in what area can age-related decline be observed?

What are TOT experiences?

A
  • Major area in which age-related decline in semantic memory can be observed is in its accessibility
  • This is illustrated in word-finding deficits
  • Older adults typically have more trouble retrieving a target word when presented with a definition of the word, and they tend to encounter more “tip-of- the-tongue” (TOT) experiences
  • TOT problems indicate that even highly familiar information can become more difficult to retrieve as we grow older.
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29
Q

6.3 - What is episodic memory?

A
  • Researchers study episodic memory by having people learn information, such as a list of words, and then asking them to recall or recognize the items.
  • In a recall test, people are asked to remember information without hints or cues. Typical example would be a closed-book exam
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30
Q

6.3 - What is recognition?

A
  • Recognition involves selecting previously learned informa- tion from among several items
  • Everyday examples of recognition include taking multiple-choice tests and picking out the names of your high school friends from a complete list of your classmates.
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31
Q

6.3 - What is the difference in performance between younger and older adults on tests of episodic memory?

A
  • Older adults perform worse than younger adults on tests of episodic memory recall in that they omit more information, include more intrusions, and repeat more previously recalled items
  • These age differences are large; for example, more than 80% of a sample of adults in their 20s will do better than adults in their 70s
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32
Q

6.3 - How well do older adults use internal study strategies?

A
  • Older adults tend to be less efficient at spontaneously using internal study strategies, such as using imagery or putting items into categories in one’s mind to organize information during study.
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33
Q

6.3 - How can differences in performance be improved upon in older adults?

A
  • Age differences between older and younger adults can be reduced in several ways
    1) Allowing older adults to practice or to perform a similar task before learning a new list improves performance - better memory performance after practice parallels similar improvements following practice on tests of skills related to fluid intelligence
    2) Using material that is more familiar to older adults also improves their performance. For example, older adults do not remember words such as byte or Walkman as well as words such as jitterbug or bobbysox
    3) Older adults may use compensatory strategies to help themselves remember
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34
Q

6.3 - Conclusions about episodic memory

A
  • Older adults are apparently disadvantaged when left on their own to face relatively rapid-paced, disorganized information
  • Memory performance appears to be somewhat flexible and can be manipulated, with improvements coming from a variety of sources
  • Episodic memory process that is relatively spared with age: autobiographical memory.
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35
Q

6.3 - Characteristics of autobiological memory

A
  • Information that needs to be kept for a very long time (from a few hours to many years) includes facts learned earlier, the meaning of words, past life experiences, etc.
  • Involves remembering information and events from our own life - such recollections provide us with a personal history and define who we are.
  • As important as autobiographical memory is, though, very few studies have looked at how well people remember things over the course of their lives.
  • Autobiographical memory is primarily a form of episodic memory, although it can also involve semantic memory
  • The episodic part of autobiographical memory is the conscious recollection of temporal and spatial events from one’s past.
  • The semantic part consists of knowledge and facts of one’s past (e.g., personal characteristics, knowledge that an event occurred) without having to remember exactly when things occurred and in what order.
  • The episodic details of autobiographical memory are more difficult for older adults, whereas the semantic aspects are much more easily remembered
  • Older adults have been shown to be worse than younger adults in reporting vivid recollections of their past
  • Older adults’ general memories of real-life events have been shown to contain more personal thoughts and feelings and have been rated more interesting than those of younger adults
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36
Q

6.3 - How can we assess the accuracy of long-term memory?

A
  • Being able to verify what individuals remember accompanied by some record of true events is extremely important in evaluating our ability to remember over long periods of time. Only in cases where records have been kept for many years is this usually possible.
  • At age 50, participants completed a lengthy questionnaire about these their health in childhood, and their responses were compared with similar reports made 10 and 20 years earlier, as well as with the official records. Coleman and colleagues found amazing accuracy for information such as whether a person had ever been a smoker or had a particular disease such as chicken pox.
  • Half of the memories elicited at age 50 were more accurate than the memories for the same information elicited 10 years earlier at age 40
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37
Q

6.3 - What distinguishes events that are memorable from those that are not?

What makes a moment that we will remember for the rest of our lives?

A
  • Many people think that highly traumatic events are ones that are indelibly etched in our memories.
  • If so, then peo- ple who survived Nazi concentration camps should have vivid memories of their experiences.
  • Wagenaar and Groeneweg (1990) examined the testimony of 78 survivors of Camp Erika, a Nazi concentration camp in The Netherlands during World War II. Dutch police initially interviewed the survivors about their experiences between 1943 and 1948. In 1984, during a war crimes trial for an accused Nazi collaborator, these witnesses gave sworn depositions about their experiences at Camp Erika. The camp survivors’ recollections were a mix of accurate and inaccurate information. In many cases memory was quite good; even 40 years later about half of the survivors remembered the exact date of their arrival at the camp and their entire identification number. They were able to recall the general conditions of the camp, overall treatment, and the like. However, they also had forgotten many important details, including in some cases their own brutal treatment.
  • Wagenaar and Groeneweg point out that these forgotten details mean that even extreme trauma is no guarantee that an event will be remembered. Perhaps forgetting the horrors of being brutalized is even a type of self-protection.
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38
Q

6.3 - Do events have to be traumatic to be highly memorable?

A
  • No, some historical events that have considerable personal relevance, very unusual or novel events, and other events that are highly emotional are also remembered very well.
  • Such memories are called flashbulb memories because they are so vivid that it seems as if we have a photograph of the event
  • The September 11, 2001, terrorist attack is an example … everyone can remember where they were and what they were doing
  • Flash bulb memories may also involve personal autobiographical events. Such events tend to impress into memory the circumstances in which the person first heard the news about the event; memories of the circumstances include information about the place, other people present at the time, what activities were occurring, the source of the information, and even associated smell
  • An interesting phenomenon arises when you examine vivid autobiographical events across indi- viduals’ life spans.
  • It is important at what age the vivid event takes place - for both younger and older adults, vivid memories experienced earlier in life (between 10 and 30 years of age) are reported more often than those occurring during middle adulthood (between 30 and 50 years of age
  • For older adults, the bump in memory was most evident for happiest memories. In contrast, very sad memories showed a decline in recall. It may be that this earlier period of life has importance in defining oneself and thus helps to organize personal memo- ries, but that emotionally negative events are not included as importance is determined
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39
Q

6.3 - Concept Check Questions:

1) Why is working memory important in understanding age differences in performance?
2) What major differences are there between older and younger adults’ working memory?
3) What are the age-related differences between implicit and explicit memory?
4) What accounts for the fact that implicit memory is spared with aging?
5) How do age differences in episodic and semantic memory compare?
6) What differences have been observed between older and younger adults in aspects of autobiographical memory?

A
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40
Q

6.4 - Factors Affecting Age Differences in Memory - Learning Objectives

1) What evidence is there for age differences in encoding?
2) What age differences have been observed in retrieval?
3) What are the relative contributions of encoding and retrieval in explaining age differences in performance?
4) How does a neuroscience perspective help us understand these contributions?
5) How does automatic retrieval affect age differences in memory?
6) What age differences have been observed in processing misinformation as true?

A
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41
Q

6.4 - What is elaborate rehearsal?

What is intentional learning?

What is incidental learning?

A
  • Results from years of research suggest an age-related decrement in encoding processes. An example of an encoding process that affects memory is elaborative rehearsal.
  • Elaborative rehearsal involves making connections between incoming information and information already known. For example, a person presented with the word emu and told that this is a bird that does not fly may try to think of other flightless birds. With some thought, ostrich may come to mind. Linking emu and ostrich would be an example of this type of rehearsal.
  • Research in support of an age-related decrement in elaborative rehearsal finds that older adults have more difficulty making such connections than younger adults do
  • Once these connections have been made, older and younger adults maintain them equivalently (which supports the conclusion that whereas encoding differences exist, storage differences do not).
  • Encoding processes involve intentional learning of information. However, what happens when information is learned and there are no expectations of testing this memory later on (e.g., when a person witnesses a crime)? This latter type of memory processing is sometimes called incidental learning.
  • For example, a study compared incidental and intentional learning of names in younger and older adults. Their instructions for encoding the names varied from stating the first letter of the name to defining the name to simply trying to remember the name for a later test. Younger adults tended to out- perform older adults for intentionally learned names, but older adults did as well as younger adults whenever they encoded the information incidentally (e.g., remembering the first letter or defining the name).
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42
Q

6.4 - Why are there age differences in performance in intentional versus incidental encoding?

A

Why do these age differences in intentional versus incidental encoding occur? Anderson and col- leagues conclude that attentional resources are consumed to a greater extent during intentional encoding.

  • If you were asked to study material that you would be tested on, while at the same time you had to tune out a conversation going on in the same room, you would place a lot of effort into using strategies to effectively focus on the information to be studied. However, while you were studying the materials, if you were told that the conversation in the room was about you, you would probably extend more effort to listening to the conversation. You would perform better on the test in the first case than in the second case. Attentional control would be necessary while you encoded the information to succeed on the test. Distracting conversation would not hurt you when you were able to focus your attention more exclusively on the test.
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43
Q

6.4 - How do we cope when faced with large amounts of material that has to be remembered?

A
  • One important aspect of attentional control and expending attentional resources is that when we are confronted with large amounts of information that we need to remember, we tend to use various techniques, called strategies that make the task easier and increase the effi ciency of storage.
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44
Q

6.4 - What are 2 effective strategies for learning new information?

A
  • Do older adults behave strategically when studying information to be remembered?
  • Two strategies for learning new information are
    1) Organizing it
    2) Establishing links to help you remember
  • Older adults do not spontaneously use such encoding strategies in comparison to younger adults
  • Older adults are less likely to take advantage of similarities in meaning among words (such as the link between river and lake) presented randomly in a list as a way to organize the items. Because the number of items remembered from such a list is highly related to the use of organization, younger adults outperform older adults on such tasks.
  • Spontaneous production of effective strategies is not a sufficient account of age differences in memory performance
  • Only 35% of older adults compared to 49% of younger adults used optimal strategies for encoding (e.g., placing related items into meaningful catego- ries)
  • There were large age differences in recall regardless of strategy methods used. Strategy production had a very modest effect on age differences in recall.
  • Large age differences in recall remained even when older adults were instructed to use effective strategies. However, producing a strategy does not necessarily imply that the strategy was used effectively.
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45
Q

6.4 - What is retrieval and how do we use it?

A
  • Age-related differences on explicit memory tasks are affected by the degree to which a task employs retrieval cues.
  • It has been long known that age differences are more pronounced on free-recall tests which provide no cues to individuals
  • For recognition tests, the original target to be learned is presented as a cue and fewer age differences are found
  • Older adults show more tip-of-the-tongue states and feeling-of-knowing (feeling you know something yet you are not sure what it is) after failure to retrieve information
  • This may be due to temporary inaccessibility.
  • Older adults are as likely as younger adults to recognize the material they cannot recall when in the TOT state.
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46
Q

6.4 - Do older adults have difficulties performing tasks that do not have a high level of environmental support?

A
  • Age differences in memory where there are limited cues (e.g., free recall) may be a function of limited self-initiated operations in older adults.
  • When you are recognizing a previous piece of information, the fact that the target is in front of you creates a high level of environmental support.
  • A free-recall task demands that you access that information with limited help and cues from the environment.
  • Memory functioning in the aging adult is influenced by deficits in both encoding and retrieval -
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47
Q

6.4 - What can cognitive neuroscience tell us about age differences in retrieving information?

A
  • Cognitive neuroscience also presents evidence suggesting age differences in encoding and retrieval
  • Using PET scans, Grady found that both younger and older age groups showed similar patterns of increased blood flow in specific areas of the brain during recognition, but differed significantly during encoding.
  • Compared with older adults, younger adults showed significantly greater increases in blood flow to the left prefrontal and temporal areas of the brain. (Recall that this is called lateralization to a specific hemisphere or asymmetry.)
  • Grady interpreted these differences as evidence that age-related memory differences may be due to older adults’ failure to encode information adequately.
  • Inadequate encoding could result in information not getting into memory at all, or not being as elaborately encoded, making retrieval more diffi cult at best.
  • fMRI studies have found that age-related reductions in frontal-lobe activation are associated with reduced ability in encoding words in memory
  • The hippocampal region has been related to current memory functioning as well as predicting the rate of further memory decline over time
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48
Q

6.4 - How do older adults try to compensate for failing memory performance?

A
  • Prefrontal activity during memory performance is less lateralized (activity found more equally in both brain hemispheres instead of localized in one hemisphere) in older adults than in younger adults. - Lateralization (found in young adults) leads to more effective processing of information
  • Perhaps those older adults who show strong bilateralization (i.e., activity in both hemispheres) when processing information also show enhanced cognitive performance relative to older adults who show less bilateralization and less lateralization.
  • Additional activity across many brain regions that occurs when older adults process information may enhance performance on the specific task investigated.
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49
Q

6.4 - Give 3 reasons why the research on encoding and retrieval processes is important

A

1) It emphasizes that age-related decrements in memory are complex; they are not due to changes in a single process.
2) Intervention or training programs must consider both encoding and retrieval. Training people to use encoding strategies without also training them how to use retrieval strategies will not work. To the extent that only partial information is encoded, retrieval strategies need to focus on helping people find whatever aspects are available.
3) Theories of how memory changes with age must take individual differences into account, especially differential rates of change in component pro- cesses and lateralization.

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50
Q

6.4 - What is the false-fame effect?

What is the process-dissociation paradigm?

A
  • Memory situations involve both automatic and deliberate retrieval processes
  • Process-dissociation paradigm is used to sepa- rate out the different contributions of each of these two types of processes in a memory task.
  • False-fame studies - older and younger adults were asked to first read a list of nonfamous names. Then they were given a new list consisting of three types of names: names from the first list, additional new nonfamous names, and moderately famous names. Participants were asked to indicate which of the names presented were famous. They were also told that the names on the original list were nonfamous. If they were to recognize any names from that list, they should exclude them from further consideration.
  • The false-fame effect results when a previously observed nonfamous name (on the original list) is mistakenly identified as a famous name at testing.
  • Studying the original nonfamous names increases their familiarity, so when people see this name again and they do not consciously recollect that it was on the original list, they will produce the false-fame effect found that older adults produced a larger false-fame effect than young adults did.
  • In a subsequent study, adults were told that the names from the original list were actually obscure famous names, so if one looked familiar at testing, it would be appropriate to label it as famous whether or not they consciously recollected it. The first experiment assessed how con- scious recollection affects memory, and the second study assessed how familiarity affects memory. Overall, the assessment of conscious recollection was lower for older adults than for younger adults, but the assessment for automatic retrieval (in this case familiarity testing) in the second study did not differ across age groups. Thus, although conscious recollection is impaired as suggested earlier in this chapter; automatic retrieval of familiar information is spared. Jacoby and colleagues suggest that dif- ficulties in recollection on the part of older adults are largely a function of an inability during retrieval to access the details of an episode and may account for situations where older adults display memory problems. This idea relates back to our distinction between implicit and explicit memory as well as episodic and semantic memory. Both implicit and semantic memory tasks do not require such detailed conscious recollection of information; therefore, researchers have not seen poor performance on the part of older adults in these areas.
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51
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A

The fact that older adults exhibit the false-fame effect to a greater degree than younger adults suggests that although familiarity is intact, conscious recollection is not, thus allowing familiarity to misinform the older adult’s performance.

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52
Q

6.4 - What are 2 areas of research that have further explored older adults’ susceptibility to misinformation due to memory deficits?

A

Source memory - the ability to remember the source of a familiar event as well as the ability to determine if an event was imagined or actually experienced for an older adult to be able to discriminate whether she actually remembered to take her medication or only thought to do it.

  • The ability to discriminate between these two events necessitates that one is able to retrieve information about the context in which the event in question originally occurred. By reconstructing the original event accurately, the older adult will remember whether she actually took the medication or not.

Research on age differences in source memory reveals that older adults are less accurate at a number of source-memory tasks

53
Q

6.4 - What is false memory?

A
  • False memory is when one remembers items or events that did not occur
  • Typically studied by presenting participants with a list of words that are all associated with a specific word that was not presented. So, for example, the experimenter presents the words nurse, hospital, patient, and surgery for the participant to study. At recall, she adds words such as doctor that did not appear on the original list, yet are semantically related to the list of words.
  • Older adults have more difficulty in correctly identifying information as false because they have trouble linking content information to its context
  • Older adults with lower frontal lobe functioning are particularly susceptible to false memories
  • Falsely identifying a familiar but innocent bystander in a criminal lineup. For example, in a typical study, older and younger adults are shown photographs of perpetrators and then a series of mug shots of innocent bystanders. A week later, in a lineup containing both the bystanders and perpetrators, older adults were worse at picking out the perpetrator. This deficit was related to older adults’ difficulties in remembering the context in which they observed the photographs
  • False-fame effect, source-memory deficits, and false memories, could render older adults more susceptible to deception, as in con- sumer scams.
54
Q

6.4 - What are the relative age differences in encoding and retrieval?

A
55
Q

6.4 - What age differences have been found in the use of memory strategies?

A
56
Q

6.4 - How has recent evidence from brain scans affected our understanding of the relative importance of encoding and retrieval?

A
57
Q

6.4 - How do age differences compare in automatic versus deliberate retrieval?

A
58
Q

6.4 - How does processing of misinformation differ in older and younger adults?

A
59
Q

6.5 - What age differences are observed in text-based levels of memory for discourse?

A
60
Q

6.5 - What age differences are observed for situation models of discourse memory?

A
61
Q

6.5 - What social factors and characteristics of individuals influence memory for discourse?

A
62
Q

6.5 - When are older adults at a disadvantage for remembering text and when are they at an advantage for remembering text?

A
  • Text is written with information at different levels of importance
  • What we read is composed of 3 elements:
    1) Text has central propositions that are the main ideas of the text. They are the core facts that provide the story’s framework
    2) Text has incidental propositions (or ideas) that add colour to the story, but are not crucial facts
    3) What we read is mixed with what we know about the world called situation models. If the story is about a robbery, for example, we don’t have to have been involved in a robbery to understand what happened. Our basic knowledge of the world allows us to piece together the text’s information to get a picture the incident.
  • The work on discourse (text) looks at memory at text-based levels
  • There are kinds of text that older adults remember well and there are kinds of text that older adults do not remember well
63
Q

6.5 - What are text-based levels?

A
  • Most of the work conducted in aging and discourse processing has examined memory at text-based levels.
  • Because texts are constructed with information at these different hierarchical levels of importance, a key question is whether there are age differences in memory for these different levels.
  • Are there age differences in memory between memory for main ideas and memory for details?
  • When text is clearly organized, with emphasis on structure and the main ideas, older adults are similar to younger adults in recalling more main ideas than less important details.
64
Q

6.5 - Under what conditions do older adults show deficits in text processing?

A
  • Older adults are adversely affected by rapid presentation, highly unpredictable or unorganized material, and material that is dense in propositions
  • Older adults may be at a disadvantage when presented with text at speeds geared to younger adults.
  • When participants can pace themselves, age differences are eliminated
  • The more predictable and meaningful the text, the better the older adults perform
  • Finally, high verbal ability reduces age differences in overall recall during rapid presentation
65
Q

6.5 - What happens to older adults when text becomes very dense?

A
  • Older adults struggle when the text becomes propositionally dense (an increase in the number of propositions) and less familiar
  • Older adults have more difficulty than younger adults do in identifying or inhibiting less important details
  • An important aspect of text variables is that they may interact with personal characteristics of the reader to create differences in memory for discourse.
  • An example of this interaction involves situations in which people hold opinions or have knowledge about a topic and are then presented additional written information.
  • In terms of people’s ability to remember this new information, does it matter whether the new information agrees or disagrees with what people already know?
66
Q

6.5 - What are situation models?

A
  • How is it that several people can read the same book and each has different recollections of the story?
  • Dfferences due to how individuals construct their situation model of the text.
  • Situation models of text include characters’ emotional states, personalities, and relationships among people, objects, events
  • Reader influences the situation model, such as personal biases, the social context in which you are recalling a text, personal motivations for remembering certain bits of information while forgetting others.
67
Q

6.5 - Do younger and older adults make and update situation models in the same way?

A
  • Yes … Morrow and colleagues had older and younger adults memorize a map of a building in which there were several rooms with different objects in each of the rooms. They then read a narrative about a character who was moving from one room to another.
  • The situation model consisted of a spatial organization centered on the main character and her location. When they interrupted the participants’ reading of the narratives and asked them whether certain objects were near or far from the main character’s current location, both younger and older adults gave answers that were more accurate and faster when the object was close to the main character. However, older adults took longer to memorize the maps and were slower overall in their reading times. Morrow and col- leagues (1997) concluded that although older and younger adults use qualitatively similar strategies to update their situation models, the updating process is more effortful for older adults.
68
Q

6.5 - Why is the way in which older adults retell stories important?

A
  • Presented fables and nonfables to younger and older adults and examined their story recall styles.
  • Older adults used a more integrative or interpretive style for nonfable passages, whereas younger adults used a more literal or text-based style.
  • Age differences were not found for the fable passages.
  • These findings mean that younger adults may spontaneously shift their recall style depending on the type of passage, whereas older adults may use a more consistently integrative style regardless of passage type.
  • Another variable that affects performance is amount of prior knowledge or expertise
  • Compared time allocated to texts related to cooking versus general information in younger and older adults who either had high or low knowledge about cooking. High-knowledge individuals, whether they were younger or older, showed greater recall for the cooking texts - benefits of knowledge were equal for both younger and older adults.
69
Q

6.5 - What is meant by the “social context” of remembering?

A
  • Retelling information more typically occurs in a social context in everyday life. After we see a movie we retell its contents to our friends
  • Are some contexts are more optimal for remembering for older adults than are others?
  • Older adults’ retelling of stories varies depending upon who the listener is.
70
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6.5 - How do age differences vary as a function of text-based and situation model levels of discourse processing?

A
71
Q

6.5 - 2. How does the organization of text influence memory?

A
72
Q

6.5 - How do social factors influence memory for discourse?

A
73
Q

6.6 - What age differences are there in prospective memory?

A
74
Q

6.6 - What are some factors that help preserve memory as we grow older?

A
75
Q

6.6 - There’s a difference between recalling previously studied knowledge and recalling recently learned material … why?

A
  • Why would it be important to research this phenomena?
    1) Studying this phenomena may shed some light on the generalizability of findings based on laboratory tasks such as word-list recall
    2) New or alternative variables that affect performance could be uncovered, for example, factors that enhance memory functioning in older adults could be identified
    3) Research on everyday memory may force us to reconceptualize memory itself
76
Q

6.6 - What is prospective memory?

A
  • Remembering to perform a planned action in the future, such as remembering to take medication
  • Studying prospective memory is a good illustration of how performance on everyday memory tests stacks up to performance on traditional laboratory tests.
  • Prospective memory has been examined in a natural context such as remembering to take medication
  • Findings were unexpected - older adults with rheumatoid arthritis were better at remembering to take their medications than middle-aged patients
  • Despite strong evidence for age-related cognitive decline in the older adults on traditional psychometric measures, older adults had the cognitive ability to manage medications.
  • What about the middle-aged adults? It turned out that a busy lifestyle in middle age was the major determinant of who was at risk for forgetting to take medications.
  • Researchers found that time-based tasks showed more age differences as long as people used self-generated strategies to remember, as these tend to decline with age; the cues in event-based tasks helped reduce age differences
77
Q

6.6 - When can older adults be successful in using prospective memory?

A
  • Older adults compensate for complexity in remembering by using and generating external cues like notes to themselves
  • Age differences in prospective memory is a complex issue and depends on the type of task, the cues used, and what is being measured.
78
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6.6 - What is meant by “exercising memory”?

A

Viewing memory as a mental muscle

  • By applying this approach, older adults should benefit from repetitive practice, which involves using specific memory exercises
  • Exercising memory on one type of task strengthens it, setting the stage for better memory in a variety of other tasks
  • Physical and mental activity may serve as a protective factor against memory decline in later life.
  • Reduction in activity has been correlated with decline in cognitive performance
  • Fitness training also has increased cognitive performance in older adults regardless of the train- ing method or the older adults’ personal character- istics
79
Q

6.6 - What effect does speaking multiple languages have on cognitive health in older adults?

A

Multilingualism and Cognitive Functioning

  • Does the number of languages a person speaks positively influence the cognitive state of older adults?
  • Older adults from 75 to 95 years of age who spoke four languages or more showed the best cognitive state
  • Multilingualism might be a protective factor for maintaining cognitive state as we age.
  • It does not matter whether the individuals have high or low education–speaking many languages had the same protective effect
80
Q

6.6 - Semantic memory enhancing episodic memory

A
  • Given that semantic memory is relatively unimpaired as we grow older, it may have an enhancement effect on episodic memory for older adults
  • Ability to group to-be-remembered episodic information into previously learned semantic cat- egories reduces age differences on such memory tasks.
  • Studies have shown that older adults perform better when they can use previously learned semantic information to support episodic knowledge
  • For example, older adults are better at memory for related as opposed to unrelated word pairs
81
Q

6.6 - What is the effect of negative stereotypes on memory performance?

A
  • Certain factors can negatively influence memory performance in older adults
  • Elimination of such factors could enhance memory functioning in older adults.
  • Primary example under investigation is negative stereotypes of aging
  • Older adults may not perform at optimal levels because they are aware of and threatened by the typical belief that aging hampers memory ability
82
Q

6.6 - Why is task complexity important in prospective memory?

A
83
Q

6.6 - What factors help preserve memory?

A
84
Q

6.6 - What factors hamper memory?

A
85
Q

6.7 - What are the major types of memory self- evaluations?

A
86
Q

6.7 - What age differences have been found in metamemory?

A
87
Q

· How do younger and older adults compare on memory monitoring tasks? How is task experience important?

A
88
Q

6.7 - How do younger and older adults compare on memory monitoring tasks?

A
89
Q

6.7 - How is task experience important?

A
90
Q

6.7 - What are the 2 kinds of memory self-evaluation?

A

Metamomory

  • What we believe to be true about how our memories work - this type of self-evaluation is referred to as metamemory
  • We know that recall is typically harder than recognition, that memory strategies are often helpful, and that working memory is not limitless.
  • We may also believe that memory declines with age, that appointments are easier to remember than names, and that anxiety impairs performance.
  • Metamemory is most often assessed with questionnaires that ask about these various facts and beliefs.

Memory Monitoring

  • The awareness of what we are doing with our memory right now
  • We can be aware of the process of remembering in many ways
  • At times we know how we are studying, how we are searching for some particular fact, or how we are keeping track of time for an appointment.
  • At other times we ask ourselves questions while doing a memory task. For example, when faced with having to remember an important appointment later in the day, we may consciously ask ourselves whether the steps we have taken (e.g., writing a note) are sufficient.
91
Q

6.7 - What are the age differences seen in metamemory?

A
  • Researchers have explored age differences in metamemory by using questionnaires such as the Metamemory in Adulthood Questionnaire and the __Cognitive Failures Questionnaire
  • These tap several different areas of knowledge about memory, including knowledge about strategies, tasks, change with age, and capacity.
  • Other questionnaires, such as the Memory Self-Effi cacy Questionnaire and the Memory Controllability Inventory assess specific aspects of memory beliefs.
  • The pattern of age differences in metamemory is interesting - older adults seem to know less than younger adults about the internal workings of memory and its capacity, view memory as less stable, expect that memory will deteriorate with age, and perceive that they have less control over memory
92
Q

6.7 - Why is believing that a decline in memory inevitable, dangerous?

A
  • The belief in inevitable decline with age is potentially damaging.
  • The belief that memory inevitably declines may negatively influence the performance of older adults, as indicated in the studies of negative stereotypes, and may also discourage people from strategy training because they may think that it is useless and that there is little point in exerting effort to try and remember something that does not come to mind immediately
  • Belief in inevitable decline does not apply equally to all aspects of memory. Older adults view memory for names as declining more rapidly than memory for things that happened long ago. Similarly, adults report that different kinds of information pose different likelihoods of being troublesome.
  • Remembering names is universally problematic, but especially for older adults - in contrast, remembering to pay bills, meet appointments, and take medications appears to remain unchanged with age
93
Q

6.7 - What is the role of memory self-efficacy?

A
  • Belief in one’s ability to accomplish things is a pervasive theme in literature, religion, psychotherapy, and many other diverse arenas
  • Belief in oneself is referred to as memory self-effi cacy; it is the belief that one will be able to perform a specific task.
  • This is an important construct in understanding how memory changes with age
  • Memory self-efficacy is an important type of memory belief that is distinct from general knowledge about memory because
  • One may know a great deal about how memory works but still believe that one’s ability to perform in a specific situation is poor.
94
Q

6.7 - How do older adults use memory self-efficacy to cope in their environments?

A
  • Memory self-efficacy is a key to understanding a broader array of phenomena, such as mastering the environment
  • Some older adults hold the assumption that memory inevitably declines with age and have experienced some age-related decreases in performance themselves.
  • As people experience tasks or situations across adulthood that they complete successfully, their memory self-efficacy should remain strong; those who experience failure should show decrements in memory self-effi cacy. These experiences should influence subsequent behavior; people who experience success may be more likely to seek out more challenging cognitive environments, whereas people experiencing failure may seek less cognitively demanding environments
  • Studies show that older adults with lower memory self-efficacy perform worse on memory tasks
  • Older adults with low memory self-efficacy compensate for poor memory performance by using people for assistance and using compensatory strategies to aid in their memory performance
95
Q

6.7 - What are differences in memory-monitoring memory?

A
  • Memory Monitoring Memory involves knowing what you are doing mentally right now.
  • The most popular way researchers study memory monitoring is by having people predict how well they will do on a memory task. One variation of this technique requires that people predict how well they will do before they get a chance to see the task.
  • For example, participants are asked to predict how many words they think they can remember from a 20-item list before they see the list.
  • The second variation requires people to make performance predictions after they have seen the task. This time, they see the list first, and are then asked to predict how many words they will remember.
96
Q

6.7 - Making predictions about our performance without having experience with the task

A

Predictions without Experience

  • Estimating our performance without having a chance to see what we are up against is hard.
  • For example, guessing how well we will do on the first exam in a course is tough if we do not know anything about the exam style of the instructor. How well we think we will do depends on lots of test-related variables: item difficulty, fact versus concept questions, etc.
  • When older adults are put in the position of having to estimate performance without seeing the task, past research suggests that they tend to over- estimate how well they will do
97
Q

6.7 - Making predictions after experience

A

Predictions after Experience

  • A much different picture of age differences emerges when participants have a chance to see the task before making a performance prediction
  • One way this is done is by asking people to rate their confidence that they will be able to remember each item on a list of words that will be learned.
  • Results indicate that older adults are just as accurate in predicting their recall and recognition performances as younger adults
  • Regardless of age, adults overestimate performance on recall tasks but underestimate performance on recognition tasks.
98
Q

6.7 - Comparing prediction types

A

Comparing Prediction Types

  • Older adults are at a disadvantage when asked to predict performance if they are given no information about the task. But when this information is forthcoming–either from direct experience, from instructions pertaining to important things to think about, or from a request for predictions on familiar everyday tasks–older adults do as well as younger adults.
  • What happens if people are given multiple trials with a task and are asked to predict performance on each trial?
  • Older and younger adults adjust their predictions across trials on a list-learning task. On the first trial, performance predictions tend to be inaccurate, and predictions are influenced by scores on memory questionnaires. On subsequent trials, though, pre- dictions are more heavily influenced by actual per- formance on the preceding trial.
99
Q

6.7 - What is metamemory?

A
100
Q

6.7 - What is the difference between memory knowledge and memory self-efficacy?

A
101
Q

6.7 - What age differences are found in memory monitoring when predictions are made without any experience with the task?

A
102
Q

6.8 - What are the major ways that memory skills are trained? How effective are these methods?

A
103
Q

6.8 - What are the key individual difference variables in memory training?

A
104
Q

6.8 - Can older adults be trained to remember information more effectively?

A
  • Training people how to remember information more effectively can be aimed not only at people with identifiable disorders, but also at people whose memory performance has declined as a result of normal, age-related changes
  • To remember things we must pay attention to the incoming information, rely on already stored information to facilitate making new connections with the new material, and using the best process of encoding to provide future retrieval cues.
  • The best memory strategies practically guarantee that the appropriate cue will be available to access the stored information when it must be retrieved
  • Memory aids or strategies can be organized into meaningful groups. Among the most useful of these classifications is the E-I- E-I-O framework.
  • The E-I-E-I-O framework combines explicit memory and implicit memory, with two types of memory aids, external and internal aids.
  • Explicit memory involves the conscious and intentional recollection of information; remembering this definition on an exam is one example.
  • Implicit memory involves effortless and unconscious recollection of information; knowing that stop signs are red octagons is usually not something that people need to exert effort to remember when they see one on the road.
  • External aids are memory aids that rely on envi- ronmental resources, such as notebooks or calen- dars.
  • Internal aids are memory aids that rely on mental processes, such as imagery.
105
Q

6.8 - What is the E-I-E-I-O framework?

A
  • The Aha! or O! experience in the framework is the one that comes with suddenly remembering something

. As you can see in Table 6.1, the E-I-E-I-O framework helps organize how different types of memory can be combined with different types of memory aids to provide a broad range of intervention options to help people remember. We can use Camp and colleagues’ approach to examine research on external and internal memory aids. In addition, we will briefly review two alterna- tives, memory exercises and medications.

106
Q

6.8 - What are external memory aids?

A
  • Diaries, address books, calendars, notepads, microcomputers, and other devices commonly used to support memory
  • Some external aids involve actually using some external device to store information (e.g., computers and date books), whereas others involve the use of external aids to cue action (e.g., setting a book out so you won’t forget it).
  • Explicit-external interventions are the most frequently used, probably because they are easy to use and widely available
  • Explicit-external interventions have potential value for improving older adults’ cognitive performance in real-world settings
107
Q

6.8 - What is one of the best ways to help older adults remember their medication?

A
  • Best solved with an explicit-external intervention: a pillbox that is divided into compartments cor- responding to days of the week and different times of the day.
  • Nursing homes also use explicit-external interven- tions, such as bulletin boards with the date and weather conditions, to help residents keep in touch with current events.
108
Q

6.8 - What is required to make external cues the most effective?

A

1) Be given close to the time that action is required
2) Be active rather than passive
3) Be specific to the particular action
4) Be portable
5) Fit a wide range of situations
6) Store many cues for long periods
7) Be easy to use
8) Not require a pen or pencil

109
Q

6.8 - What is a criticism of memory aids?

A
  • Memory is much like a muscle, which needs to be exercised in order to stay in shape
  • External-implicit combinations, more widely used with children, nevertheless have applicability with older adults in some situations
  • Nursing homes use different color schemes to designate different wings or sections of the build- ing. Because people process the color-coded aspects of the building automatically, the implicit nature of this external cue makes it ideal for people who may otherwise have difficulty learning and remembering new information.
110
Q

6.8 - What are internal memory aids?

A
  • People use rote rehearsal in preparing for an examination, suchs as HOMES, or use mental imagery in remembering the location of their car in a parking lot
  • Most memory training concerns improving people’s use of these and other internal strategies that supply meaning and help organize incoming information
  • Method of Loci (remembering items by mentally placing them in locations in a familiar environ- ment), mental retracing (thinking about all the places you may have left your keys), turning letters into numbers, and forming acronyms out of initial letters (such as NASA from National Aeronautic and Space Administration).
  • People who scored high on openness to experience (a dimension of personality) performed better with imagery than other people
  • The fantasy subfactor of the openness dimension (i.e., the tendency to engage in internal fantasizing) was related to greater improvement as a result of imagery training. It may be that people who find it easy to fantasize may be better at coming up with the imagery that help them remember people’s names.
111
Q

6.8 - What are explicit memory strategies and do they require more effort to process?

A
  • Explicit strategies require effortful processing and are more taxing on the elderly and would likely boost memory performance for those elderly who are least likely to suffer failures or for young adults
  • Healthy older adults are less willing to use effortful internal strategies
112
Q

6.8 - What is spaced retrieval?

A
  • Implicit-internal memory aid

-

113
Q

6.8 - Can we enhance memory through drugs?

A
  • Research has focused on the underlying neurological mechanisms in memory, but we still are not sure which neurotransmitters are primarily involved with memory.
  • Attempts at enhancing memory through the use of drugs that affect neurotransmitters (e.g., acetylcholine) have been made, but so far have produced only modest, short-term improvements
114
Q

6.8 - Is there any value in combining recall strategies?

A
  • Which memory strategy is best clearly depends on the situation
  • Remembering names probably demands an internal strategy

Remembering appointments can most easily be helped by external strategies

  • Best approach is to tailor specific strategies to specific situations
  • To remember names, older adults were taught an internal strategy emphasizing the need to associate new names with already known information
  • In contrast, use of external aids with information on how to review them was used for remembering
115
Q

6.8 - What is the E-I-E-I-O framework, and how does it help organize memory training?

A
116
Q

6.8 - What effect does combining approaches, such as memory training with relaxation, have on performance in memory training?

A
117
Q

6.9 - Clinical Issues and Memory Testing

What is the difference between normal and abnormal memory aging?

A
118
Q

6.9 - What is the connection between memory and mental health?

A
119
Q

6.9 - How is memory affected by nutrition and drugs?

A
120
Q

6.9 - Where is the line dividing normative memory changes from abnormal ones?

A
  • One way to distinguish normal and abnormal changes is to ask whether the changes disrupt a person’s ability to perform daily living tasks.
  • Normative changes usually do not interfere with a person’s ability to function in everyday life
  • When problems appear, however, it would be appropriate to find out what is the matter.
121
Q

6.9 - What techniques can researchers use to discover brain disorders that may affect memory?

A
  • Researchers can test for specific problems in visual and verbal memory through neuroimaging by examining glucose metabolism with PET scans and fMRIs
  • Brain-imaging techniques also allow researchers to find tumors, strokes, and other types of damage or disease that could account for poorer-than-expected memory performance.
  • Certain changes in brain wave patterns in the medial-temporal lobe of the brain are indicative of decrements during encoding and retrieval of verbal information
122
Q

6.9 - What marks the beginning of the dementias?

A
  • Diseases such as the dementias, are marked by massive changes in memory
  • Alzheimer’s involves the progressive destruction of memory beginning with recent memory and eventually self-identity
  • Wernicke-Korsakoff syndrome involves major loss of recent memory and sometimes a total inability to form new memories after a certain point in time
123
Q

6.9 - Several psychological disorders involve distorted thought processes, which sometimes result in serious memory problems … what are the 3 disorders?

A

1) Depression
2) Dementias
3) Amnesia following a head injuury or brain disease
- Depression is characterized by feelings of helplessness and hopelessness
- Dementia, such as Alzheimer’s disease, involves substantial declines in cognitive performance that may be irreversible and untreatable
- Much of the research on clinical memory testing is on differentiating the changes in memory due to depression from those involved in Alzheimer’s disease.

124
Q

6.9 - How does depression affect memory?

A
  • Serious depression impairs memory - severely depressed people show:
    1) A decreased ability to learn and recall new information
    2) A tendency to leave out important information
    3) A decreased ability to organize
    4) Less effective memory strategies
    5) Increased sensitivity to sad memories
    6) Decreased psychomotor speed
  • When age-related differences in the effects of depression - 2 studies have found that the negative effects of depression on memory are greater in young and middle-aged adults than in older adults
  • The effect of depression on memory may decrease gradually as we grow older, and even more so in very old age
  • It may be that once normative age differences in episodic memory are eliminated statistically, few differences between depressed and nondepressed elderly remain. Thus, at this point the memory impairments that accompany severe depression appear to be equivalent across adulthood.
125
Q

6.9 - What are some of the characteristics of Alzheimer’s and how is it similar to depression?

A
  • Alzheimer’s is characterized by severe and pervasive memory impairment that is progressive and irreversible
  • Memory decrements in Alzheimer’s involve the entire memory system, from sensory to long-term to remote memory.
  • Early changes in Alzheimer’s are similar to depression.
126
Q

6.9 - What factor do researchers and clinicians overlood when treating memory failure?

A
  • We know very little about how particular nutrient deficiencies relate to specific aspects of memory.
  • In a recent study of widely marketed and purported memory enhancers, more solid findings were limited to stud- ies with animals. For example, phosphatidylserine (PS) attenuated neuronal deterioration effects of aging and restored normal memory on a variety of tasks in rodents
  • Findings with humans are limited. In fact, studies have failed to show this relationship for older adults with probable Alzheimer’s
  • For older adults with moderate cognitive impairment, PS did show modest increases in memory
  • Drugs have been associated with memory problems.
  • The most widely known of these are alcohol and caffeine, which if abused over a long period are associated with severe memory loss
  • Less well known are the effects of prescription and over-the-counter medications
  • Sedatives and tranquilizers have been found to impair memory performance
127
Q

6.9 - From a functional perspective, how does one tell the difference between normal and abnormal memory aging?

A
128
Q

6.9 - How does severe depression affect memory?

A
129
Q

6.9 - How do alcohol and nutrients affect memory?

A