Theory and Methods Flashcards

Question

What are the criticisms of Parsons' functionalism?

Answer 1

Teleological (explains things in terms of their effects) Concepts like value consensus are unfalsifiable (Popper) Ignores power/conflict (Conflict theorists) Conservative bias – justifies status quo

Answer 2

Basic needs society must meet to survive (e.g., food, socialisation) Society is like a body: each institution has a vital function Sub-systems work together for survival Value consensus ensures shared interests and cooperation

Answer 3

Two types of society: Traditional (Pattern A) vs Modern (Pattern B) Each has distinct norms: e.g., particularism vs universalism, ascription vs achievement Shows how cultural changes guide social evolution and differentiation

Answer 4

Deterministic (Wrong, 1961) – no individual agency Ignores diversity/conflict – benefits dominant groups

Answer 5

Recognises dysfunction: not all parts help society Manifest vs latent functions Critiques universal/functional unity (some parts don’t affect others) Highlights unintended consequences

Answer 6

✅ Avoids Parsons’ ideological bias and assumptions ✅ Explains dysfunctions and diverse outcomes ⚠️ Latent functions may not be measurable ⚠️ Still too focused on system over individuals

Answer 7

Religion integrates society, provides value framework (Durkheim, Parsons, Bellah) Civil religion can replace traditional religion’s function

Answer 8

Critiqued by postmodernists: society too fragmented for value consensus Institutions no longer stable or coherent Critics: ignores diversity, globalisation, instability

Answer 9

✅ Some still see value in cohesion and shared values (New Right) ⚠️ Overstates consensus and neglects fragmentation and decline of institutions (Postmodernism)

Answer 10

Right-wing political stance combining Neo-liberalism and Social Conservatism Values individual responsibility, free market, and minimal state intervention Believes in strong morality, traditional family structures, and punishment for deviance Criticised for contradictions (e.g. anti-state but pro-intervention in private life)

Answer 11

Accused of hypocrisy and contradictions (e.g. promoting state control for marriage) Misuse of statistics to justify inequality (e.g. IQ, underclass claims) Over-reliance on positivism—criticised by interpretivists Ignores structural factors (e.g. poverty, inequality)

Answer 12

Welfare creates a ‘dependency culture’ and an underclass Emphasises personal responsibility and traditional family values Poverty seen as caused by fecklessness, not structure Linked to meritocracy and loss of social order

Answer 13

Poverty is structural (Marxism), not individual Lack of full-time jobs—not fecklessness—causes welfare reliance IQ-based claims are methodologically flawed and criticised as racist (Chomsky) Bell Curve co-authorship challenged for scientific racism

Answer 14

Argues UK society is meritocratic—most able succeed Sociology is biased (left-wing), should embrace pro-capitalist, anti-state views Defends private property and inheritance Financial inequality encourages effort and is socially functional

Answer 15

Inheritance undermines meritocracy Social mobility studies flawed and biased Excludes structural inequality (Goldthorpe, Weber) Encourages elitism; overlooks systemic advantage

Answer 16

Crime is a real, growing problem caused by poor socialisation and underclass culture Advocates target hardening, deterrence (e.g. ‘three strikes’ rule) Links to biological causes of crime (e.g. young, working-class men) Criticises softer theories like Marxism for ignoring personal responsibility

Answer 17

Similarities: Value consensus and moral framework Emphasis on nuclear family and religion Meritocracy and role allocation Differences: Functionalists support the state’s role in society; New Right distrusts it Functionalists view welfare as supportive; New Right sees it as damaging Functionalists favour interdependence; New Right emphasises individual responsibility

Answer 18

Family: Breakdown blamed on over-generous welfare; promotes nuclear family Education: Favours marketisation (competition, standards) Crime: Blames underclass culture and poor socialisation Very critical of feminism and diversity; supports strong traditional norms

Answer 19

Influenced policy (e.g. tax cuts, welfare reform, school competition) Rejected by many for views on gender/family Criticised for contradiction, lack of peer review, and over-reliance on think tanks Sparks debates on inequality, morality, and the role of the state

Answer 20

Macro, structural, conflict theory Society driven by class struggle between bourgeoisie and proletariat Institutions reinforce ruling class ideology (false consciousness) Sees revolution as necessary for social change

Answer 21

Overemphasises class; ignores other inequalities (feminists, Weber) Deterministic; underestimates free will Postmodernists reject grand narratives Communism seen as a failure

Answer 22

History driven by economic production and class conflict Primitive communism → class societies → capitalism Means of production shape relations of production Class struggle leads to revolutionary change

Answer 23

Althusser: society has 3 structures, not 2 Weber: class isn’t the only source of inequality (status/party) Social Action: over-deterministic Radical Feminism: ignores gender-based stratification

Answer 24

Ownership of production concentrated in bourgeoisie Proletariat exploited for surplus value Deskill workforce through technology Results in class polarisation and alienation

Answer 25

Functionalists: society is stable, not in crisis Feminists: gender is more significant than class New Right: capitalism improves living standards Marxist revolution hasn’t occurred

Answer 26

Class ‘in itself’ → class ‘for itself’ via consciousness Revolution triggered by inequality and polarisation Communism = classless, exploitation-free society End of history and class conflict

Answer 27

Predictions haven’t come true (e.g. embourgeoisement) Failed communist states (e.g. USSR) Class no longer central (Giddens) Postmodernists: fragmentation and individualisation

Answer 28

Religion: Opiate of the masses (prevents rebellion) Family: Inherits inequality, reproduces capitalist values (Zaretsky, Engels) Media, Education, Crime: reinforce ruling ideology (Althusser, Bowles & Gintis, Pearce)

Answer 29

✅ Still relevant: Inequality growing (Oxfam, global capitalism) Wealth concentrated in elite ❌ Criticisms: Postmodernism: outdated meta-narrative Class isn’t central anymore (Giddens, lifestyle over class) Rise of middle class and embourgeoisement

Answer 30

Hegemony = ruling through consent (ideas) + coercion Proletariat has dual consciousness (not fully controlled) Need for counter-hegemonic bloc (alliances + organic intellectuals) Emphasises role of ideas, not just economics

Answer 31

Althusser: free will is an illusion—consciousness shaped by ISAs Overstates individual agency; underplays structure Ideas alone won’t bring change—need structural breakdown too

Answer 32

Rejects base-superstructure model; introduces 3 structures: Economic Political Ideological Institutions = RSAs (force) + ISAs (ideas) Structures have relative autonomy and interact Social change = overdetermination (crisis across all levels)

Answer 33

Still deterministic (no real agency or activism) Elitist—only communist party can lead revolution Suppresses political activism But praised by Craib for complex model of structure

Answer 34

Power blocs still exist: e.g. media & political alliances (e.g. Murdoch & UK gov) Lobbying and elite networks show how capital and power remain interconnected Helps explain state-corporate links and ideological influence

Answer 35

May understate economic/material drivers like recession, poverty, or unemployment Postmodernists: class no longer main source of identity or inequality—fragmented society Overfocus on ideology may ignore real barriers to revolution

Answer 36

Max Weber developed Social Action Theory to explain how individuals assign meaning to their actions. He introduced Verstehen, a method for understanding social actions through empathy. Weber distinguished between observational verstehen (external signs like facial expressions) and explanatory verstehen (exploring inner motivations). He believed sociology should explore both the structural causes (Level of Cause) and the subjective meanings (Level of Meaning) behind actions, unlike Marxists who focused mainly on material factors.

Answer 37

Weber outlined four types of social action: Affective action (driven by emotion), Traditional action (based on habit), Value-rational action (pursued for its own sake), and Instrumentally rational action (calculated for efficiency). These help explain how individuals navigate and interpret social life, especially in modern societies. Critics like Schutz (a phenomenologist) argue Weber's model is too individualistic and overlooks how shared meanings develop.

Answer 38

Weber argued that society is shaped by conflict over class, status, and party, rejecting Marx's economic determinism. Power, he claimed, is not solely rooted in class but also in status-based and political affiliations. He identified three ideal types of authority: traditional (e.g., monarchy), rational-legal (e.g., Prime Minister), and charismatic (e.g., influential leaders). These help explain how power is legitimised and maintained in different contexts.

Answer 39

Weber viewed rationalisation—the prioritising of efficiency and calculation—as a defining trait of modern societies. Bureaucracies exemplify this trend, but he warned of the iron cage: a system that dehumanises workers, reducing them to “specialists without spirit.” He linked this to disenchantment, where spiritual and emotional richness is lost, replaced by cold, bureaucratic logic. Critics like Ritzer (1996) argue this continues today in phenomena like the "McDonaldisation" of society.

Answer 40

In The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, Weber argued that Calvinist beliefs, particularly predestination, created a moral duty to work hard. Success was seen as a sign of being 'chosen' by God. This led to profit being reinvested rather than spent, laying foundations for capitalist development. Aldridge (2013) linked these ideas to the success of Mormon Utah, while Redding (1990) noted similar trends in modern Asian economies. Kautsky (1953), however, disputed the timing—arguing capitalism predated Calvinism.

Answer 41

Giddens' Structuration Theory proposes the duality of structure, arguing that structures and actions shape each other. Rather than viewing social life as determined by laws, Giddens sees people drawing on rules (norms, language, etc.) and resources (economic, social capital) to reproduce or change social structures. For example, using formal language might reinforce authority, while informal speech might challenge it. Critics argue he sidesteps the real issue—how powerful structures constrain individuals—without fully resolving the tension between agency and structure.

Answer 42

Liberal feminists like Anne Oakley and Jennifer Somerville argue inequality stems from outdated gender norms and legal barriers. Oakley distinguishes between sex and socially constructed gender. Legal reforms such as the Equal Pay Act (1970) and the Sex Discrimination Act (1975) are seen as key steps toward equality. However, critics like Walby (2011) argue liberal feminism is over-optimistic and ignores deeper systemic inequalities embedded in patriarchy.

Answer 43

Radical feminists argue that patriarchy is the primary system of oppression. Shulamith Firestone saw women's biological roles as tying them to dependency; Susan Brownmiller emphasised male violence as central to control; Greer (2000) advocated for matrifocal households and political lesbianism as paths to liberation. Critics note their theories can be too radical, overlook class and race, and assume all women are in conflict with men.

Answer 44

Marxist feminists argue that women's oppression is rooted in capitalism. Fran Ansley (1972) said women absorb male frustration caused by alienated labour—becoming “takers of shit.” Michele Barrett highlighted the role of familism ideology in keeping women in unpaid domestic roles. They argue women act as a reserve army of labour, entering the workforce in economic booms and being pushed out in recessions. Critics argue this explanation is too simplistic, overlooking patriarchy’s independent role (Hartmann, 1979).

Answer 45

Black feminists like Bell Hooks (1997) and Patricia Hill Collins argue mainstream feminism ignores the experiences of women of colour. Collins highlights how slavery fractured African-American families, resulting in matrifocal households. Difference feminists emphasise how race, class, and sexuality intersect with gender. Cheshire Calhoun focuses on lesbian identity, describing them as “family outlaws” in a heteronormative world. Critics like Walby (1992) argue that overemphasising difference can hinder collective feminist action.

Answer 46

Poststructural feminism (Judith Butler, 1992) challenges universal truths and argues that Enlightenment discourse excludes women and oppressed groups. Instead, we should deconstruct power/knowledge structures like the medicalisation of childbirth. Postmodern feminists reject grand narratives like patriarchy, arguing women have diverse experiences and identities. Stacey highlights how women construct gendered family forms to suit changing needs.

Answer 47

Sylvia Walby (1990) combines radical and Marxist feminism, identifying two forms of patriarchy: private (in the home) and public (in work and institutions). Patriarchy is shifting from private to public spheres. She argues patriarchy is embedded in social structures and institutions, not just individual relationships.

Answer 48

Fourth Wave Feminism uses digital platforms to campaign (e.g. Everyday Sexism Project). Mumsnet feminists influence policy on family issues. Femen, a protest movement from Ukraine, engages in high-profile demonstrations across countries. These new movements are more inclusive and intersectional in focus.

Answer 49

Feminists argue mainstream sociology is androcentric and marginalises women's experiences. Eichler lists biases like overgeneralisation and gender insensitivity. Oakley (1981) criticises hierarchical interviews and uses unstructured ones to empower women. Reinharz (1992) promotes feminist ethnography to capture lived experiences.

Answer 50

Sandra Harding and Maria Mies advocate for standpoint epistemology and committed sociology. Anne Oakley supports reciprocal interviews based on sisterhood. Critics like Hammersley argue this perspective is too subjective and risks losing scientific credibility.

Answer 51

George H. Mead distinguishes between stimulus-response and interpretive response, stressing the role of symbols. Charles Cooley’s ‘Looking Glass Self’ explains identity as socially constructed. Herbert Blumer sees interaction as meaning-making, with individuals actively interpreting others’ roles during encounters.

Answer 52

Thomas claims if a definition is seen as real, it has real consequences (e.g. ‘troublemaker’ label). Cooley links labelling to the self-concept. Becker introduces the concept of a deviant career and master status. Critics argue the theory is deterministic and unclear about the origins of labels.

Answer 53

Goffman likens social life to theatre, where individuals perform roles and manage impressions. There’s a front stage (public) and backstage (private self). Role distance shows separation from expected behaviour. Critics say this ignores audience agency and structural constraints.

Answer 54

Interactionists favour qualitative methods like unstructured interviews to explore meanings. Fielding stresses mutual understanding; Becker used interviews to identify the 'ideal pupil' label. Paul Willis and Jock Young used ethnography to study class, subcultures and deviance.

Answer 55

Schutz argues meanings depend on context and are shaped by shared typifications (recipe knowledge). Cicourel applied this to how police label working-class youths. Reality is a social construct shared through collective assumptions. Critics argue it lacks empirical basis and may reproduce inequality.

Answer 56

Garfinkel sees social order as an illusion created by shared assumptions. His breaching experiments exposed hidden social norms (e.g. students acting like lodgers). Reality is reflexively constructed using context (indexicality). Critics argue it underplays wider structures and is too relativist.

Answer 57

Comte and Durkheim saw sociology as a science to solve social problems and promote social order. Functionalists argue the state serves the common good and sociology should support policies promoting integration, e.g. education or family stability.

Answer 58

Marxists like Westergaard and Resler argue sociology should not support social policy because the state serves capitalism. Social policies (e.g. education) reproduce class inequality. Real change requires revolution, not reform.

Answer 59

Townsend (1979), Lea & Young, and the Black Report support sociologists’ involvement in tackling inequality. Left realists advocate for practical solutions and progressive taxation to reduce exclusion and poverty. Sure Start and local crime surveys are examples.

Answer 60

Right realists like Murray oppose sociological involvement in policy, blaming welfare for an underclass. They support minimal state intervention and favour market-led solutions like education competition. Policies focus on personal responsibility and family values.

Answer 61

Liberal feminists promote anti-discrimination policies (e.g. outlawing marital rape). Radical feminists argue policy must dismantle patriarchy to be effective. They see current policy as reinforcing male dominance.

Answer 62

Postmodernists like Bauman argue sociology cannot offer universal solutions because truth is relative. Sociologists should act as interpreters, not legislators. Policy recommendations are viewed as inappropriate due to the fragmented nature of society.